more important. Among these was Alí Páshá formerly mentioned, whose
services in the late war with Austria, and his wise administration at
Baghdád, had become known to the emperor. Mahmúd Páshá, the son of
Jeghala Zádeh, was another who was confirmed in his dignity of vezír.
On the 21st of Ramazán, Hasan Páshá, who had been at one time beglerbeg
of Diárbeker, was again appointed to that government; and, at the same
time, protector of the frontiers. Some other appointments took place on
this occasion.

_Concerning Betlan Gabor._

Betlan, or Bethlem, Gabor was a descendant of the Baturi line of
Transylvanian princes. Baturi Gabor, better known by the appellation of
Delí Karal (the foolish king), was a madman and a tyrant. He seized on
the property of the other chiefs and nobles of Transylvania, and slew
such of them as had the courage to oppose his tyranny and oppression:
some were proscribed by him, and others, to escape his fury, fled the
country. Betlan Gabor was one of the latter, and came to Belgrade at
the time when Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was commander-in-chief, who allowed
Betlan Gabor a salary of one hundred and twenty pieces of money. Betlan
remained the whole of that winter at Semendria, and afterwards returned
to Transylvania: but in 1021, he was again, for fear of Baturi Gabor,
obliged to take refuge in Turkey. Having been successively deputy to
Iskander Páshá and to Hasan Páshá, and being well acquainted with both
the Arabic and Persian languages, he accompanied Nikrúm, the Austrian
ambassador, to the court of Constantinople. Nesúh Páshá, the grand
vezír, conferred on Betlan Gabor the government of Kaniza. By the
intervention of Iskander Páshá it was that he was first introduced to
the premier, who made himself acquainted with the circumstances of his
case. Betlan informed him of the conduct of his relative, Delí Karal;
and this led to the measures which the government afterwards adopted
for crushing Baturi Gabor.

Under the pretence of repairing the fortress of Buda, it was considered
necessary to augment the troops in that quarter; but these, in fact,
were to be employed against Baturi Gabor, Delí Karal. Orders for
augmenting the troops were accordingly issued. Iskander Páshá assembled
his troops in the plains of Serim, marched to Temisvar, passed through
Timúr kapú, and entered Transylvania. Nesúh Páshá appointed Kelánjí
Omar Páshá to take the command of the army, and ordered Sháhín Gheráí
and the begs of Valachia and Moldavia to join the main body.

When Delí Karal heard of the formidable array which was gathering
against him, he shut himself up in Waradin and fortified the place. In
the meantime Iskander Páshá proceeded to Belgrade, in Transylvania, and
there installed Betlan Gabor as king of that country. It was not to be
imagined, however, that so long as the mad king was allowed to continue
in existence, Betlan Gabor would find it an easy matter to reign
undisturbed in the possession of Transylvania. By the advice of Betlan,
Iskander Páshá showed various acts of kindness to such of the voivodas
as could be depended upon, and thus secured their good-will and that
of their subjects in behalf of the new-made king. Iskander Páshá,
after having settled all these matters, thought proper to evacuate the
country; but he had scarcely done so when Delí Karal ventured out of
his strong-hold, and, with the view of attacking Betlan, began to muster
what forces he could. One of the voivodas, however, placed himself in
a certain pass through which the old king was to pass, and actually
shot him on his first appearance. Betlan Gabor was no sooner rid of his
antagonist than he began to reign without fear, and, of course, without
a rival; sent a letter to his friend, Iskander Páshá, who was still at
Timúr kapú, informing him of his good fortune, and thanking him for
the services he had rendered to him. When Iskander Páshá received this
letter he began to make arrangements with regard to the cities and
provinces of Transylvania, and settled things on the same footing as
they had been in former times.

_The treaty of Transylvania._

Betlan Gabor having given the strongest assurances and the most
faithful pledges of his attachment and subserviency to the Ottoman
government, the latter entered into a perpetual league with him, both
offensive and defensive, constructed in conformity to the league
entered into in the days of Soleimán, which was signed on the 23d of
Jemadi I. of this current year. The league or treaty was as follows:—

“In consequence of the demise of the ruler of Transylvania, and the
entirely new state of things in that country, the Ottoman government,
in compliance with the wish of the princes and three estates of the
nobles of Transylvania, has appointed from amongst them a descendant
of the kings of Transylvania, and one brought up amongst them, to be
ruler of that country. It therefore decrees, that none of the nobles
or plebeians shall, without their own consent, be obliged to leave the
country; nor shall any who has been obliged to submit to the new order
of things, suffer any molestation whatever. 2. So long as the ruler,
nobles, and commons of Transylvania remain firm in their submission to
the Sublime Porte, no neighbouring power shall be permitted to invade
that country. 3. None of the captives which the Transylvanians may have
taken shall be employed against the common enemy. 4. All the cities
and villages in the confines of Solnak, Gullah, Lipah, and Temisvar
shall continue to pay such taxes and imposts as they were accustomed
to pay to the Ottoman government before the rebellion occasioned by
Baturi Zigmund; the government of Transylvania shall not hinder or
forbid the payment of these taxes and imposts on any account whatever.
5. The Transylvanian government shall on no pretence whatever molest
the districts of Salmish, or those places belonging to Turkey in the
districts of Shemadeyma and Yarfatnah. 6. Such of the Turkish peasantry
as may have removed to Transylvania, and are still there, shall be sent
back to the places whence they came. 7. The Transylvanian government
shall in like manner, and in conformity to former agreement, from
time to time send its accustomed tribute to the Ottoman government.
8. The Transylvanian government shall form a friendly union with the
voivodas of Valachia and Moldavia, and shall render to them friendly
aid when necessary. 9. In like manner, it shall afford to Turkey, on
due notice being given, its aid and assistance with that fidelity
which its relation to that country demands. 10. The boundaries of the
country of Transylvania are to remain as they were fixed at the making
of the treaty of Vienna, and are not to be altered. 11. None of the
Transylvanian princes who may have attached themselves to the ruling
prince shall be molested.”

_Another treaty._

The princes of Upper-Hungary, during the reign of Soleimán, were all
subject to the Ottoman government, but were afterwards obliged to
submit to the emperor of Germany. Within these few years, however,
king Botchkai and the princes of Upper-Hungary broke their allegiance
to that power, and became again subjects of the Ottoman government. It
was on this account that the Ottoman government conferred on Botchkai,
by treaty, the sovereignty and other emblems of royal authority over
those cities which had either revolted from the dominion of Austria, or
had been rescued from it: these however, after the death of Botchkai,
again fell under the dominion of Austria. The Germans, forgetting
integrity and honour with the Transylvanian princes, sought to wrest
from their hands every place of strength which had still remained to
them; and, moreover, employed violent measures in endeavouring to bring
the inhabitants to embrace their system of faith. In consequence of
these outrages on the part of the Germans, the inhabitants began again
to manifest their old hostility against their oppressors; and wishing
to secure the favour and protection of the Turkish government, sent
one of their most experienced leaders, Belzai Zigmund Betlan Gabor,
the present ruler of Transylvania, to request from that government
a renewal of former treaties. The following were therefore agreed
to. 1. That so long as the Hungarian princes, kapúdáns, and other
chiefs of that nation should maintain a faithful subjection to the
Turkish government, the latter power agreed to enter into a treaty,
both offensive and defensive; promising, also, to maintain a friendly
compact with Betlan Gabor, and to assist him in the event of any
hostile invasion. 2. As a proof of their sincerity and integrity,
they were this year, according to their ability, to transmit to the
court of Constantinople certain presents. 3. In the event of their
being called upon to render aid or assistance, none of their castles
or cities were to be invaded, but should remain undisturbed. 4. No
greater taxes were to be demanded than what they had been accustomed
to pay in former times. 5. In the event of the king of Poland, or
the rulers of Valachia and Moldavia, wishing to purchase any of the
fortresses of Transylvania, they were not to give their consent to such
a transaction. 6. Should either of the voivodas of Valachia or Moldavia
become disaffected to the Ottoman government, and take refuge in
Transylvania, he was not to be allowed to remain there, but be sent to
Constantinople, and all his slaves were to be set free without ransom.

This treaty, which was made with Betlan Gabor, who had been deputed
by the Hungarian princes to negotiate in their behalf, concludes by
assuring him that the Ottoman government would continue its ancient
custom of sending to every new ruling prince its accustomed gifts
of standards, ensigns, ermines, and robes of honour. Copies of this
contract were secretly sent to the parties concerned.

This year Tahmuras Khán withdrew from Sháh Abbás, and entered into a
special relation with the Turkish government.

_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief marches against Persia._

In the treaty entered into by Kází Ján, the Persian ambassador who had
accompanied Nesúh Páshá to Constantinople, as the reader may remember,
it was stipulated on the part of the Persian sháh, to furnish the
head of the Ottoman government with one hundred loads of silk and one
hundred loads of precious wares. For the last two years, however, this
tribute had been withheld, and the sháh, thus endeavouring to rid
himself of his engagements, violated the treaty. The emperors patience
forsook him; his rage kindled into a flame. He sent a royal letter to
the grand vezír, Mohammed Páshá, to assemble the whole of the household
troops, those of Romeili and Anatolia, and march immediately against
Persia. The grand vezír appointed Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá to be his deputy
in Constantinople; Lunka Zádeh was made treasurer; and the government
of Bosnia was conferred on Sulfi Bákí Páshá.

On the 23d of Rabia II. the grand vezír passed over with his splendid
army to Scutari, remained there about three weeks, and reached Aleppo
in the month of Shabán. Dervísh Tálib Effendí, the ordinary of the
ancient mosque of Selím, and chief of the astrologers, accompanied
Mohammed Páshá in the capacity of astrologer, and was never absent from
him.

In consequence of the lateness of the season, however, the
commander-in-chief was obliged to distribute his troops into
winter-quarters, intending to commence hostilities as soon as the
proper time arrived. He himself took up his quarters in the palace
of Aleppo, the válí of which, Etmekjí Zádeh, having been recalled to
court, he appointed his deputy in room of Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and
sent him off.

_A messenger arrives from the sháh._

After the departure of the great army mentioned in the preceding
section, information reached the court of Constantinople from one
Enjelí, who had been deputed to the court of Persia, that Kásim Beg,
ambassador from the sháh of Persia, had arrived on the confines of
Reván with the stipulated silk; but such was the displeasure which his
majesty felt at the conduct of the sháh that he absolutely refused
to recall his army; and when the ambassador actually arrived at
Constantinople, which happened to be at the very time that the Osmánlí
army entered Aleppo, he was refused the honour and respect usually
shown to one of his character, though he was supplied with whatever he
required. A whole year passed away, however, before his majesty deigned
to read the sháh’s communication, or even to look at the presents sent
to him.

_The peace with Austria renewed.—New articles added._

The peace with Austria having been renewed this year, twelve new
articles were added. The commissioners on both sides met at Vienna. The
Ottoman commissioners were Ahmed Aghá, of the horse-guards, the deputy
of Alí Páshá, the governor of Buda, and Gashir Ghurajeiyan. Those of
the emperor Mathias were his first and second ministers, the treasurer
or chancellor of the kingdom of Hungary, besides some other persons
of note. The treaty of peace between Austria and Turkey was entered
into, as will be remembered, at Sidova, with Murád Páshá, and was to
be maintained for the space of twenty years. The revised or renewed
treaty was dated, according to the Christian era, in the year 1615;
but according to the Moslem era, the 1st of Jemadi II. 1024.

The _First_ of the twelve new articles annexed to the treaty of Sidova,
bound both parties to maintain the peace for the period stipulated upon
in that treaty. _Second._ The various articles mentioned in the treaty
of Sidova were to remain in full force. _Third._ The frontier lines, as
well as the grounds of complaint between the villages situate on these
frontiers, were to be examined and settled. Further: The discontent
manifested by one hundred and fifty villages attached to Osterghún were
also, according to this article, to be examined. It was agreed to by
both sides, that sixty villages in the district of Osterghún should be
subjected to the Ottoman government, and four months were allowed for
the settling of this point. _Fourth._ The prisoners taken by either
party during the negotiations which were carried on at Sidova were to
be set at liberty. A list of all the fortresses which Ahmed Ketkhodá
had erected since the commencement of the peace was ordered to be
given in; and all the palankas erected by both parties, contrary to
the articles of the peace, were to be examined within the first four
months, and erased. _Sixth._ Neither of the contracting parties was
to harbour or encourage false or hypocritical persons, but to inform
against them. _Seventh._ The churches belonging to the Christians
within the Turkish dominions were to be repaired; and the gospels were
to be read according to custom. _Eighth._ The uninhabited portions
of land on the frontiers were declared to be free for the use of the
peasantry of the province to which such portions belonged, and by this
article they were allowed to settle on them without hindrance. _Ninth._
Traders belonging to either country were to be allowed to pass and
repass from the one to the other, provided such traders were furnished
with proper passports from their respective authorities. Into whatever
district or province they should enter or pass through, they were, by
this article, obliged to show their passes; and the commander of that
place or district, and the head of the excise, were either to affix
their seals to them, or endorse them, but without any fee or reward.
It was further provided by this article, that if the roads by which
such traders travelled were unsafe, they were to be furnished with a
proper escort; but they were to pay all dues and imposts punctually.
_Tenth._ Merchant-vessels coming to Turkey from any of the dominions
of the Roman emperor (_i. e._ the emperor of Austria) or from Austria
with merchandize, were not to be allowed to do so unless they came
under the imperial flag, and were furnished with sufficient documents
besides. If, in opposition to the spirit of this article, any should
venture to do so, the agents and consuls of its respective governments
were to be authorized to seize him. Traders coming in ships to Turkey
from any of the above-mentioned dominions, or from Spain, or from any
other nation carrying the imperial flag, were in like manner to be
allowed to do so on paying the Ottoman government three per cent.,
and two per cent. to their respective consuls, on all such wares and
merchandize as they might buy or sell. The consuls or agents were not
only to settle all matters for such traders, but were also to be at
full liberty to arrest any one of them who might have neglected paying
into the government treasury his lawful dues. If any dispute should
happen to arise between merchants about money, it was provided by this
article, that the cazí of the place or city where such dispute had
taken place should have power to decide the question; but with this
proviso, that the sum about which the dispute arose was not more than
four thousand pieces of money: if above this sum, the litigants were
to be obliged to refer the matter in dispute to the military judge of
Constantinople. _Eleventh._ After this treaty was again settled and
signed, all letters, messengers, or other persons coming or going from
or to either country belonging to the contracting powers, were to be
respected by the authorities on the frontiers; and if the roads were
unsafe or dangerous, a sufficient escort was to be provided. _Twelfth._
It was decreed by this article, that from this time no voivodas or
servants of governors were to enter any of the frontier villages; but
the inhabitants themselves were, nevertheless, to pay or deliver,
according to law, whatever amount of dues they might owe.

_Death of the reverend Muftí.—His brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeds him._

The venerable and amiable Muftí Effendí, who was tutor to Sultán Murád
Khán, was born on the 28th of Shabán 975, when his father was rector of
the academy of Yelderím Khán, in Brúsa; and who, along with a private
tutor, exercised the greatest assiduity in training and enriching the
young mind of his son, who by their instructions acquired the most
perfect education. In 994, he was honoured with the rectorship of the
academy of Esmíkhán. In three years afterwards he was introduced at
court, and in two years more he made a transition from the Selímiya
to the Soleimáníyeh. In 1000, he was dignified with the cazíship
of Mecca. Not being satisfied with this situation he returned to
Constantinople, and was made cazí of that city in 1004. In the same
year he was transferred to the jurisdiction of Anatolia. He was present
at the taking of Agria, but was afterwards suspended from office for
the space of two years. In 1007 he was raised to the jurisdiction of
Romeili. In 1010 he succeeded to the muftiship in room of Siná Effendí.
In the following year he was deposed, but in 1017 he again succeeded
Siná Effendí in the same high office which he had held four times.
Seven years afterwards he received a gratuity of six thousand pieces of
silver, and was incorporated with the Historiographers. On the 5th of
Jemadi II. of this year, he departed into the world of spirits, having
died of the plague. He was buried in the tomb of his fathers. His
brother, Isaád Effendí, succeeded him in the high priesthood.

EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1024, H.

_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief march to Reván_

We lately left the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Mohammed
Páshá, at Aleppo; we now return to record his operations against the
Persians. On the arrival of spring the various troops began to move
from their respective cantonments, and in the beginning of Rabia II.
the general’s pavilion was erected in the Kokmaidan. On the 7th of
the month such of the army as could be collected in so short a time
marched off for Reván. After crossing the meadows of Koksú and arriving
at the plains of Aksheher, the commanding-general was joined by Dávud
Páshá beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincial troops, having also
been entrusted with funds for the grand army. About the beginning of
Jemadi II. the army reached Erzerúm; from the fortress of which the
commanding-general took seven pieces of ordnance. After distributing
provisions, &c. among the household troops, the royal camp was joined
by the troops of Anatolia, Caramania, and Sivás. Firmáns were also
sent to the beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Diláver Páshá, and Tekelí Mohammed
Páshá, beglerbeg of Wán, to march with their respective troops towards
Reván. The válí of Baghdád, Mustafa Páshá, also collected a number of
Mosul and Seyed Khán troops, and sent forward two divisions of these
foreigners under the command of proper officers. Towards the end of the
month the grand army reached Kars, which had formerly been destroyed by
the Persians, but was now rebuilt, and was furnished with a garrison
and cannon. About the middle of Jemadi II. the grand army reached the
plains of Reván. During the season preparations for opening trenches
were attended to, and thus the siege of Reván was commenced. Amir
Gunah Khán had taken good care to have the fortress not only strongly
fortified, but also well filled with troops and ammunition. The sháh
himself, with the army under his own command, was at Nakhcheván. The
Moslem army in the meantime surrounded Reván with field-pieces, and for
the space of twenty days continued battering its walls; but without
visible advantage. Finding their efforts in this way to be vain, they
began to collect earth, which during the night-season they formed into
mounds for their artillery, in order to employ this apparatus more
effectively. After accomplishing this vast labour, they succeeded in
effecting some breaches, and then commenced a general assault; but
were repulsed with immense loss. The ághá of the janissaries, Mesli
Aghá, perished; and Turkijeh Bilmaz was wounded: the troops who had
been engaged in the assault were withdrawn. It is said, however, that
one night, when Tekelí Mohammed Páshá, governor of Wán, was on guard,
some thousands of red-heads, under the guidance of four kháns, issued
forth and entered into a narrow pass, with the view of lying in ambush.
Tekelí, however, observed them, immediately marched against them, and
defeated them most completely. One thousand heads and five hundred
living infidels were conveyed to the Moslem camp, as trophies of
Tekelí’s victory. The fame of his bravery was spread abroad.

The sháh, in order to make a display of his own might, was in the habit
of causing fires to be kindled on the tops of the surrounding hills,
but the Moslems continued to carry on the siege with all the vigour
they were able, but were opposed, inch by inch, by the red-heads, who
frequently rushed out even as far as the trenches, and fought most
furiously. At length, however, the Moslems succeeded in beating down a
considerable portion of their walls and battlements. This so alarmed
the besieged, that they, in order to prevent another general assault,
which they saw would be fatal to them, proposed an armistice for four
days. “We will consult our sháh,” said they, “and afterwards deliver
up the place to you.” Their request was agreed to, and for four days
not a gun was fired on either side. But the execrable race completely
deceived the commanding-general.

Hasan Beg Zádeh says in his history that the chief-cannoneer had
directed the mouth of a cannon against the palace of Amir Gunah Khán,
but instead of hitting it, it struck the house of the avaricious sháh’s
ignorant chancellor, and shattered it to pieces. He tried a second
time, but failed.

It is certain that after the Moslems had succeeded in beating down the
wall they ought to have pursued their advantages, and have pushed into
the city; but it would appear they altogether neglected this. During
the armistice they repaired the breaches which had been made, and again
commenced hostilities. Forty days were spent in the siege of Reván,
and nothing more was effected than what we have related. The Moslems,
indeed, tried the springing of mines, but to no purpose; and at last
the whole of their ammunition was expended: winter was drawing on; and,
in short, they were obliged to withdraw their artillery from Reván. The
loss sustained by the Moslems on this occasion obliged them to make a
disadvantageous peace, in which it was agreed to take one-half of the
silk and presents which had been stipulated in the treaty that was made
when Nesúh Páshá was grand vezír. The whole of the provisions, &c.
which had been sent forward for the use of the troops at Reván would
have proved insufficient, and at any rate have been lost.

After the last treaty above alluded to was settled and signed, the
Kizilbáshes came into the camp of the Moslems, when a mutual exchange
of articles took place. The Moslem army, having first sent their
artillery away to Kars, retired from Reván in the month of Ramazán.
Whilst passing through the plains of Loghan, immense numbers of them
perished from the cold. Having supplied Kars with military stores, the
army advanced to Erzerúm, where the household troops were paid off and
sent away into Romeili for the winter. The commander-in-chief and his
suite remained at Erzerúm.

_The grand vezír and commanding-general, Mohammed Páshá, is
deposed.—Khalíl Páshá is advanced to the premiership._

All the efforts employed this year against the Persians, as we have
seen, ended in disappointment, disgrace, and loss. The failure of the
vast army conducted by Mohammed Páshá against a place of such little
importance as Reván, being only a fortress of clay, and the great
expense which this expedition had occasioned, created a tremendous stir
at Constantinople. The emperor was no sooner informed of the disasters
which his army had experienced, and of the utter failure of the
expedition, which were wholly to be attributed to the want of proper
skill in the commander-in-chief, his own son-in-law, Mohammed Páshá,
than his mind was much hurt, and he immediately determined on deposing
him. With this view, and in this state of mind, he assembled the mufti
and all his ministers in the imperial gardens, in order to consult
them on the state of public affairs. Etmekjí Zádeh, who, it will be
remembered, had succeeded Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá in the deputyship of
Constantinople, became exalted in his own imagination at the chance,
as he thought, of his succeeding Mohammed Páshá in all his offices.
In the pride and vanity of his heart he proceeded to the place of
deliberation. Before he reached it, however, the reverend mufti had
an interview with his majesty, who informed him of the purpose he had
formed of conferring the high and important offices of grand vezír
and commander-in-chief of the army on one of his vezírs, and asked
him to tell him who he thought was worthy of being raised to these
high dignities. The mufti replied, “That as Etmekjí Zádeh filled the
office of deputy of Constantinople, the honour might, perhaps, belong
to him.” “That may be true,” said his majesty in return; “but he has
been sometimes guilty of falsehood, and such a person is not fit to
hold the premiership.” The reverend prelate approved of the sentiments
expressed by his majesty, and then added, “that Etmekjí Zádeh was not
only a liar, but also a wicked tyrant.” “Mention, then,” said his
majesty, “some other one.” The reverend prelate without any hesitation
recommended Khalíl Páshá, “an officer,” he said, “who, as he knew,
had gained to himself, by his bravery and skill in the navy, signal
honours, and was every way worthy as well as competent for holding the
high offices now vacant.” “That,” said his majesty, “is the very man I
have been thinking of.” The reverend prelate now took his leave of his
royal master, and had scarcely gone out when Etmekjí Zádeh came in, to
whom the emperor put the same question he had put to the mufti. “Please
your majesty,” replied Etmekjí, “I am at your service, and am willing
to sacrifice my life in the service of the crown.” The emperor was
silent, and the other thinking this silence on the part of the emperor
betokened his majesty’s selection of himself, he went out. Khalíl Páshá
now entered, when his majesty saluted him by informing him that he was
appointed grand vezír and commander-in-chief: “The seals shall be sent
after you,” added the emperor. Khalíl kissed his majesty’s hand for
the honours he had conferred on him, and returned to his own mansion:
so did also the other vezírs, but none of them knew any thing of the
appointment of Khalíl Páshá.

Etmekjí Zádeh, full of the idea of being raised to the premiership,
as he vainly thought, got his table spread out and covered with all
sorts of viands for his friends, and impatiently waited for the arrival
of the seals, which he believed would be sent him. But he waited in
vain: they were sent to Khalíl Páshá. This fact was soon announced
to Etmekjí, even at the very time he was regaling himself with his
friends, as before hinted, and which had such a paralyzing effect on
the constitution of Etmekjí, that his hands refused to touch the food
which stood before him. His friends were all struck with surprise: they
wondered at the sudden change which had appeared in their host: they
were silent and retired. This unexpected piece of information was first
communicated by a messenger who came to call the Reïs effendí, one of
Etmekjí Zádeh’s guests, desiring him to wait on the new minister.

Hasan Aghá, son-in-law to Mesli Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, who fell
before Reván, was, though only a kúl ketkhodá, appointed to succeed
his father-in-law; but this appointment not meeting with his majesty’s
approbation, Hasan Aghá, bostánjí báshí, was appointed to the command
of the janissaries, and was sent off to Erzerúm, where the janissaries
then were.

_The Persian ambassador is imprisoned._

As soon as the sháh of Persia had learned that a mighty army was
marching against his dominions, he sent off an ambassador, as before
related, not with two years’ tribute of silk and presents, which he
owed, but with one year’s only. On the arrival of the ambassador in the
city of felicity (Constantinople), accommodations were afforded him,
but the usual honours were denied. In fact, the monarch was so much
enraged, that he afterwards sent him to the Seven Towers.

In the meantime the new grand vezír was busily employed in making
preparations for renewing the war against Persia, and an imperial
letter, with money for the journey, was sent to the khán of the Crimea,
Ján Beg, calling upon him to join the royal camp with a Tátár army.

The disappointed Etmekjí Zádeh entered into wicked and treacherous
designs against the new grand vezír. One of his creatures was brought
before the diván for having murdered a servant who had belonged to the
prime minister, for which he was instantly dispatched by order of the
emperor. Etmekjí himself was notorious for his acts of corruption, and
was therefore banished the seat of government.

The preparations for renewing the war being fully completed, the grand
vezír and commander-in-chief, with his newly organized army, passed
over to Scutari. Etmekjí Zádeh’s ambition was again awakened; he
thought he should now be made káímakám of Constantinople, which office
he lately held; but he was again disappointed, for the emperor had
conferred that responsible situation on Súfí Mohammed Páshá, governor
of Buda, who was instantly recalled and installed. Etmekjí Zádeh could
bear his disappointments no longer, and overcome with grief he was
taken ill. But we must, for a little, advert to some other events which
claim our attention.

The governor of Kaniza, Ahmed Páshá, Ghraj-ban Gasper, who had been
raised to the principality of the island of Naxia, and the hákim of
Prague arrived in Constantinople with credentials from the emperor
Mathias, requesting a conference with respect to the late treaty of
peace. It would appear that before the treaty was finally settled the
commandant of Buda, Alí Páshá, was removed from the frontiers, and
Hasan Páshá was appointed in his stead; the latter, not knowing the
advance which had been made towards laying a foundation for a solid
peace, disturbed the tranquillity of the country in several instances,
and committed some serious evils besides. However, he died, and Alí
Páshá, at the establishment of the peace, being again re-appointed
to the government of Buda, not only restored peace and good order,
but also settled the boundaries of the villages belonging to both
countries, and the payment of all dues, as they had been in the days
of Soleimán. It was in reference to these and similar matters that
the personages before-mentioned came to Constantinople, in order that
they, along with Charizghal, the Austrian ambassador at the court of
Constantinople, might be able to arrange matters in conformity to the
articles of the peace.

_Iskander Páshá marches against the Cossacks._

The emperor having determined on rooting out the troublesome and
factious Cossacks on the Black Sea, ordered his fleet to be in
readiness, and commanded Iskander Páshá, governor of Bosnia, to conduct
the Romeilian troops by land against them; but both the expeditions
against the Cossacks did not proceed till after the new year. About
this time the Transylvanian ambassador arrived, and informed the
government of Turkey, that certain German princes who had committed
violence and robbery on the borders of Transylvania, but who had been
severely chastised, and obliged to retire in disgrace, were again
threatening to invade that country with their collective force. The
Osmánlí government, in order to maintain its guardianship over that
country, and to awe the invaders, sent a number of troops towards its
frontiers, and wrote for an explanation to the Austrian ambassador
at the court of Constantinople. The ambassador replied, that his
master was wholly ignorant of the fact. The Ottoman emperor was
unwilling to enter into any hostile attitude, but found it requisite
to support his allies; especially as one of the engagements entered
into with the emperor of Austria was in favour of Transylvania. The
emperor, therefore, in accordance with his own peculiar engagements
with Transylvania, wrote to Iskander Páshá, who had been appointed
to conduct the land expedition against the Cossacks, to take fifteen
thousand of the troops, foot and horse, under his own command, conduct
them in person, or give the command to some other fit officer, and
oppose the threatened invasion of Transylvania. “You are by all means,”
said the emperor in his letter, “to deliver out of their hands the
fortress of Yanovah.”

In Petcheví’s narrative it is said that Dúmnah, the widow of Eremia
(Jeremiah), the former voivoda of Moldavia, had great possessions in
Poland, and that an infidel of the name of Korsákí, of the race of
Russian and Polish nobles, was her son-in-law. This Korsákí, wishing
to recover Moldavia for her youngest son, raised an army of twenty
thousand native Russian vagabonds, and another of as many Poles,
entered Moldavia, took possession of that province, and thrust out
Stephan, whom the Osmánlí government had fixed there as voivoda of the
country. To reinstate the ex-voivoda, Serkosh Ibrahím Páshá, governor
of Silistria, the begs of Bender and Akkerman, and a Tátár army were
instantly dispatched; but were completely defeated and routed in the
very first engagement. At this time, Iskander Páshá, who had been
removed from Agria, was employed in some service in Constantinople. The
káímakám, Gúrjí Mohammed Páshá, appointed him governor of Bosnia; and
afterwards sent him into Moldavia with the Bosnian, Serm, Semendrian,
Alájahisár and Walehet troops. Ibrahím Páshá, with the Silistrian
troops, was ordered to join Iskander’s camp. Iskander Páshá, having
penetrated into Moldavia with his mighty force, met with the army
of Dúmnah, headed by Korsákí, her son-in-law, near a village called
Istaphanish, where a most sanguinary battle took place, but in which
the Moslems were triumphant. The two sons of Dúmnah, and her son-in-law
Korsákí, were made prisoners; and all the three, along with five
hundred Cossacks who carried muskets, were sent bound in chains to
Constantinople. So many living prisoners had not, in modern times, been
presented before the royal diván.

Iskander Páshá, the conquering Iskander, was every where hailed as the
deliverer of the country: he again placed the ex-voivoda Istaphan in
his former government, and succeeded in restoring peace and good order.
It is worthy of remark, before closing the events of this year, that
the daughter of Dúmnah, the wife of Korsákí, a woman of extraordinary
excellence, fell into the hands of a Tátár, and could no where be
found. She was, however, afterwards ransomed for thirty thousand
dollars, and was found pregnant by the Tátár, to whom she had borne two
daughters; a circumstance which, for a time, was much talked of both in
Poland and amongst the Moslems.

_The grand vezír and commander-in-chief goes to Diárbeker, where he
winters.—Ján Beg Gheráí, the khán of Crimea, joins the royal camp._

On the 8th of Jemadi II. the grand vezír and commander-in-chief passed
over with a splendid army to Scutari; but because of the great distance
of the Persian frontiers he was ordered to winter at Diárbeker. On
arriving in this city he was informed that his highness the khán of
the Crimea, Ján Beg Gheráí, had left Kaffa with an army forty thousand
strong, and that he was on his march to join the grand army. The
commanding general, however, sent him word, that before joining the
royal camp at Diárbeker he should ravage the frontier territories of
Persia, _viz._ Gunjah, Nakhcheván, and Jelha; which he did, carrying
off about a thousand captives, and as many cattle. On approaching the
royal camp, the grand vezír and commander-in-chief went out to meet his
highness the khán of the Crimea, and conducted him to his tent. After
the table was removed, the grand vezír presented his highness the khán,
in the name of the emperor, with a splendidly ornamented sword, a steed
richly caparisoned, and five thousand pieces of gold, for the purpose
of covering his expences in the war. His mirzás were also presented
with robes of honour: the Osmánlí beglerbegs bowed and did obeisance in
his presence, and then conducted him to his own camp. After a day or
two the island of Ebn Omar, in the jurisdiction of Mír Sheríf Páshá,
was assigned to him and his Tátár army for winter-quarters.

_A division is sent to protect Gúrjistán (Georgia) from the grasp of
the heretics._

In the meantime the governor of Gúrili sent letters to the commanding
general, informing him of the intention of the kizilbáshes of subduing
the province of Gúrjistán (Georgia). The general, in order to afford
protection to Gúrjistán, sent the beglerbeg of Batum, Omar Páshá, and
his provincial troops; also Murteza Beg, beg of Childer, Sefer Páshá,
and other chiefs of that nation; and the emírs of Gúrilí, of Dadyou,
and of Askukbásh, with their respective provincial troops, to the aid
of the Georgians. Moreover, the whole of the janissaries in Erzerúm
and in Trebizond, with their respective officers, and the governors of
Dághistán, were ordered to join the camp of Omar Páshá, to whom the
chief command was committed.

_Iskander Páshá concludes a peace with the Cossacks._

Iskander Páshá, who had been appointed to chastise the Cossacks on the
borders of the Black Sea, but who had been called away to support the
Transylvanian kingdom against the aggressions of some German princes,
now, accompanied by Betlan Gabor, and the voivadas of Valachia and
Moldavia, with their respective armies, besides a division which he
himself conducted from Buda, advanced so far as a palanka, called
Búdila, on the banks of the Túrla (Tyras), which runs through Moldavia.
The hettman of the Poles, and Istanislar Zulghosh, commander-in-chief
and minister of Sigismund, king of Poland, with a Polish army, were
posted at a place called Bazuja. As both armies were on the eve of
commencing the work of death, ambassadors from both sides entered
opportunely into a reciprocal conference with regard to the conduct of
the Cossacks, and the result was: 1st, That the hettman became security
for the Cossacks, that they should no more enter the Black Sea by
the river Ouzi, and vex or molest the Moslem population residing on
its shores. 2d, That they should never again invade the kingdoms of
Transylvania, Moldavia, and Valachia. 3d, That they should never permit
Hootaba Oghlí Shirnán, nor any other to pass through their territories
with the view of disturbing the peace and tranquillity of any or all
of these kingdoms or countries. He agreed, moreover, in the fourth
place, that the gifts and presents usually sent to the khán should be
punctually remitted as in former times. All these stipulations, which
the hettman agreed to guarantee, were signed by himself and other
responsible persons in his camp; were also written out in the Turkish
and Polish languages, and a copy of them sent with his ambassador to
the court of Constantinople. It was agreed by Iskander Páshá, on
the part of the Tátárs, that they should not invade or molest the
territories of Poland. These stipulations, on both sides, were ratified
and signed on the 6th of Ramazán of this present year, when commercial
intercourse was again opened between the countries included in this
treaty.

This year the emperor of Austria sent his most favoured minister, the
governor or kapúdán of the city of Prague, to Constantinople with his
tribute of gifts and presents to the emperor of the Ottomans. The
Austrian ambassador having been required to remain at Constantinople
till the commissioners formerly mentioned had come to an amicable
conclusion with respect to the affairs which had called them together,
did so, until he was required by letters to repair to the borders, as
affairs were on the eve of being settled. He accordingly set out for
Buda, where the commissioners then were, and, after every thing was
finally settled, he was permitted to return to his own country.

_Concerning the naval affairs of this year._

The lord high-admiral, Alí Páshá, with the view of distressing the
infidel coasts, sailed for the Mediterranean with the Turkish fleet.
He foolishly neglected, before going to sea, to condemn such of his
ships as were not sea-worthy; and, as if he had been educated for
the naval service, he set sail of his own accord. On the evening of
the 20th of Shabán, as he reached the wide and extended ocean, a
tremendous hurricane arose which soon forced the vessels of the fleet
to separate from each other. On the following morning, the hurricane
still continuing, he perceived this to have been the case: four ships,
containing ammunition and arms, two galleys having janissaries on
board, besides five other vessels, were wrecked, and every soul on
board of them perished. Two large vessels and one galley were driven
by the winds to the coasts of Tripoli West, but were not injured. The
galley which had a company of troops on board, for seven days and as
many nights was driven at the mercy of the tempest. Soídán Oghlí,
who at this time was beg of Tripoli, supplied these vessels with
every thing that they required, and sent them back. After a period of
twenty-days the remaining part of the scattered fleet collected round
the kapúdán, at Corone, when it was discovered that eleven vessels had
perished. The time for sailing being now over, the fleet returned to
the port of Constantinople in the month of Dhu’l Kaddah.

_Death of Sultán Ahmed Khán.—Sultán Mustafa Khán is inaugurated._

The disease of the stomach, by which his majesty had been afflicted,
became, during the first ten days of the month of Dhu’l Kaddah, so much
increased as entirely to resist the skill of the physicians; and on
Thursday night (_i.e._ the night preceding Thursday), the 23d of Dhu’l
Kaddah (November 17th, 1617), he passed into the eternal world.

In consequence of the tender age of the heir-apparent, his uncle,
Sultán Mustafa, in conformity to his deceased brother’s own choice
and agreement, succeeded to the throne of the Ottoman empire. Before
the hour of morning prayers, therefore, the káímakám or deputy of
Constantinople, Mohammed Páshá, the reverend mufti, Isaád Effendí, and
the other nobles and grandees of the state, assembling together in
the royal diván, prepared a chair of state; and on Thursday the 12th
of Teshrín Sání (November), Sultán Mustafa ascended the throne of the
khalifat, and was solemnly inaugurated by the assembled nobles and
grandees; heralds being sent to proclaim the same in the royal mosques.
On the same day, the remains of Sultán Ahmed Khán were carried out
into the court of the palace, whence, after the metropolitan priest
had performed the funeral obsequies, they were borne to the place of
interment, accompanied by all the vezírs and grandees, walking on foot
and dressed in mourning.

_Character of Sultán Ahmed Khán._

The pious royal defunct was a prince who, discarding envy, was the
protector and encourager of the learned and the lovers of concord. He
was the friend and support of the neglected, infirm, and poor, who
were obedient to the laws, and of those who rooted out wickedness
and heresy. He ascended the throne of his illustrious progenitors
when he was only fourteen, and reigned fourteen years. His gracious
but powerful firmáns were some of the benefits he conferred, and his
reign is embalmed in the pages of poetry as the most prosperous. He
was a zealous and active emperor, who incessantly manifested his good
disposition.

It is related by Shábán Deddán, who had performed the office of washing
the emperor, that he had perceived in the emperor’s beard two white
hairs, which he (the emperor) during his life time would not allow to
be extracted. “When with astonishment, and desirous of information,
I showed them to his nearest relatives,” says Deddán, “they informed
me, that these two hairs began to appear after the commander-in-chief
had been sent against the Persians.” He was a prince who was kind to
persons of every class, whose conduct deserved to be esteemed. In
short, religion prospered during his reign. The benefits he conferred
on Medina and Mecca exceeded those of all his predecessors. He
purchased the two palaces in the At Meidán, belonging to Ahmed Páshá
and Mohammed Páshá, on the area of which he caused a splendid temple
to be built, which has not its equal on the face of the earth. In the
galleries, on the tops of its six minarets, are shown the number of
the Osmánlí Sultáns who have reigned; and from which also the Moslem
muezzíns (public criers) proclaim the joys of paradise. Its lamps are
all suspended: some of them are covered over with gold, and others are
ornamented with gems. Both within and without, the utmost skill of the
artist has been expended. This unequalled temple is very lofty. Some
of the beautiful buildings which surround it are also memorials of the
royal founder.

_Concerning Sultán Ahmed Khán’s sons._

Sultán Mustafa Khán, the paternal uncle of the heir-apparent, Sultán
Osmán Khán, who afterwards fell a martyr in a tumult of the people,
mounted the Ottoman throne. The mother of Osmán was a noble and august
lady, and the principal concubine of his father. The royal offspring,
Sultán Mohammed, when preparing for the northern wars, was, through
the perfidy of Osmán, murdered. Sultán Murád Khán, the conqueror of
Baghdád, another of the royal princes, became sáhibkirán (emperor).
His august mother, called the Moon-faced, was a favourite of Ahmed his
father. Sultán Báyazíd was born three months later than Murád, and
died a martyr. Sultán Soleimán shared the same fate with Báyazíd, and
in the same year. Sultán Kásim was as successful in arms as Murád had
been. His mother was also a favourite of the deceased emperor. Ibrahím
became emperor, as we shall afterwards see. His mother, like those
already mentioned, was a favourite of Ahmed.

_Vezírs who were contemporary with Sultán Ahmed Khán._

Kásim Páshá was káímakám when Sultán Ahmed Khán ascended the throne,
but was afterwards murdered, as has been already observed. Alí Páshá
Yávuz died at Belgrade at the time he was commander-in-chief. Ghází
Lálá Mohammed Páshá, the conqueror of Osterghún, died of the palsy.
Dervísh Páshá, who was raised from among the bostánjí báshís to the
premiership, was deposed by the people, and deservedly murdered for
his wickedness. The next in order was the celebrated Murád Páshá, who
was succeeded by the infamous Nesúh, son-in-law to the grand sultán;
but who, on account of his maladministration and bad conduct, fell
under his father-in-law’s displeasure, and was executed as an example
to others. Mohammed Páshá, called Oghuz, another son-in-law of the
emperor, was deposed, and died at Aleppo. Khalíl Páshá, the last grand
vezír, was at the time of Ahmed’s death engaged in an expedition
against the Persians. Háfiz Ahmed Páshá, the eunuch, has been already
mentioned, and his virtues and good deeds have been recorded. Súfí
Sinán Páshá was twice káímakám, and as often deposed. Sárukjí Mustafa
Páshá fell into disgrace when he was káímakám, and was killed. Khezer
Páshá, governor of Cairo, was afterwards made káímakám. Gúrjí Mohammed
Páshá, the eunuch, was celebrated for his prudence, and his modesty
commanded respect. Ahmed Páshá, usually called Etmekjí Zádeh, the
celebrated lord high treasurer, became obnoxious to every successive
vezír; and each, in his turn, persecuted and sought to kill him.
Through his fawning disposition, and the distribution of gifts, he
contrived, as we shall afterwards see, to die a natural death. Kúrd
Páshá was a vezír at the time that Ahmed ascended the throne, but
was afterwards degraded. Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá was made a vezír,
but was degraded. Jeghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá died of grief because of
the defeats he had sustained when fighting against the kizilbáshes.
Mohammed Páshá Ebn Khoaja Sinán Páshá was a very celebrated vezír, but
was barbarously murdered. Súfí Mohammed Páshá was káímakám at the time
of Sultán Ahmed Khán’s death.

_Some of the events which took place during the reign of Mustafa Khán._

When it pleased God to remove by death Sultán Ahmed Khán, his brother,
Sultán Mustafa Khán, was, on the 23d of Dhu’l Kadah, 1026 of the
Hijrah, raised to the vacant throne. Mustafa discovered, however, a
deficiency of judgment; but it was attributed to his long confinement,
and it was hoped he would by experience acquire a right knowledge of
the duties which belonged to his exalted station. In the meantime,
matters were conducted by the metropolitan priest, Isaád Effendí.

The new emperor, according to custom, went to the tomb of his
predecessor, at which he girded himself with a sword, when all the
nobles and grandees instantly made their obeisance before him. After
having visited the tombs of his other noble ancestors, he caused
alms and donations to be distributed. He was then placed on a chair
of state, and heralds, by supreme authority, were sent every where
announcing Mustafa’s exaltation.

Mustafa Aghá Salihdár Sheheriárí was raised to the government of Cairo.
The royal foster-mother was given to him in marriage. The government of
Syria was conferred on Tchokadár Aghá: that of Caramania was given to
the ághá of the falconers. Some other friends of the emperor met with
tokens of the royal favour about the same time.

_Sultán Mustafa Khán is deposed._

According to Hasan Beg Zádeh, the ághá of the royal house, Mustafa
Aghá, who during the preceding reign had exercised absolute authority,
began again, under the new emperor, to manifest a desire to exercise
the same unlimited power. He wished to have all the nobles and grandees
of the state obedient to his nod. The emperor, who was himself without
any restraint, did not interfere; and, in short, seemed to give himself
no concern about it whatever. This conduct excited much discussion.
The ághá’s incapacity to govern became quite notorious, and therefore
the necessity for deposing him became equally clear. It began to be
openly spoken, that if he remained much longer at the head of the
administration, he would, without doubt, waste and destroy the whole of
the imperial treasures. Some of the great doctors and learned men who
had been well acquainted with the affairs of the state, wrote to the
queen-mother, pointing out to her the necessity there was for removing
the above-mentioned ághá from the royal house. Overcome by the tears
of the ághá, and the sweetness of his tongue, she, however, paid no
regard to the communication sent her. In short, fraud and mismanagement
arrived at such a pitch of notoriety, that the people began not only to
look on the emperor with aversion, but to assemble for the purpose of
actually deposing him. The aforesaid ághá wrote to the reverend mufti,
to the rest of the learned men, and to the nobles, that all the princes
of the blood were on the very eve of being murdered; and called on
them to come forward and prevent the extinction of the Ottoman race.
On their receiving this intelligence, they were roused to fury, and
immediately agreed to the deposition of the emperor. In the beginning
of Rabia I., under the pretence of distributing to the household troops
their wages, they succeeded in getting them properly equipped, and
arranged into proper order to answer their own purposes. They then
barricaded the emperor’s apartment; and, by a postern door, brought
forth the young Osmán, and placed him on the throne of Mustafa his
uncle. The emperor’s friends about him no sooner perceived the soldiers
than they immediately anticipated the deposition of their master, and
began to regret, when too late, that the advice which had been given to
the queen-mother had not been followed.

Hájí Khalífeh says, in his Fezlikeh, that this infamous emperor was,
for some time, deprived of the use of his reason, and became quite
remarkable for his strange gestures before people. He used to wander
among the tombs, throw money into the sea to the fish, and scatter
it on the roads; proofs sufficient of the derangement of his mind.
This ághá too, he states further, in order to preserve the civil and
religious institutions of the country free from confusion and outrage,
wrote to the mufti, Isaád Effendí, and to the káímakám, Súfí Mohammed
Páshá, with regard to the state of the emperor’s mind, assuring them
that there remained no possible chance of ever bringing him again
to his right senses. If prompt measures were not instantly taken, he
maintained, the funds of the state would soon be totally annihilated.
Accordingly, the household troops, under the pretence of paying
them their wages, were collected and arranged in the manner before
described; when Sultán Mustafa Khán, on the first of Rabia I., was
deposed, as before observed, after a reign of only three months and ten
days, and he retired into his former privacy.

_Sultán Osmán Khán inaugurated._

On the first of Rabia I., after all the vezírs and other magnates of
the state had assembled in royal diván, and after the household troops
had been properly arranged, the ághá of the palace, Mustafa Aghá
himself, shut the door of the emperor Mustafa’s apartment, and brought
forth Sultán Osmán Khán, when he was instantly placed on the chair of
state, and was solemnly inaugurated by the vezírs and nobles assembled.
After this ceremony was once over, and the fact announced to the
assembled multitude, they were allowed to retire.

The new emperor, in conformity to ancient custom, proceeded with
great pomp to the Abí-eyúb, where he girded on his sword, visited the
tombs of his ancestors, distributed alms among the poor and indigent,
gave donations to his friends, such as royal bounty confers on such
occasions, but which, in this instance, was rather too much for the
imperial coffers to afford; for every inauguration cost, generally,
three thousand yúks of money (3,000,000 dollars). Besides, on this as
well as on the late former inauguration, the usual presents made to the
army were sent to it. The son-in-law of the reverend mufti, Mohammed
Effendí, _viz._ the kapújí báshí, Mustafa Aghá, was, on this occasion,
the bearer of the royal gifts to the army, which he conveyed to the
commander-in-chief. On his arriving at Diárbeker, the head-quarters of
the grand army, he was honoured with the ágháship of the janissaries,
and was afterwards raised to the government of Diárbeker itself.

_Concerning Mohammed Gheráí._

On the very day of Osmán’s inauguration Mohammed Gheráí Khán, who had
been incarcerated in the Seven Towers, found means of escaping from his
place of confinement, and with a small party of Tátárs absconded. When
this fact was noised abroad the káímakám, Mohammed Páshá, dispatched
Hájí Súbáshí by water and Iskander Páshá by land in search of the
fugitive. Hájí Súbáshí steered his course towards Varna, and happened
to reach it before Iskander Páshá, who had directed his steps to the
same place. Hájí apprized the inhabitants of the purport of his visit
to Varna, and put them all on the alert. On the afternoon of the same
day Mohammed Gheráí also reached it, and halted underneath a large tree
in the fields. This was no sooner discovered than the inhabitants made
an attempt at surrounding him and his party. Mohammed Gheráí, however,
was determined not to allow himself to fall into their hands without
making a struggle in his own defence, and therefore prepared to offer
resistance. With an arrow from his bow he shot one of the janissaries,
but afterwards yielded the contest and entered the City; when Iskander
Páshá, who by this time had arrived at Varna, took him under his own
charge, and conducted him back to Constantinople; and he was again
confined within the Seven Towers, from which he had so lately made his
escape. Iskander Páshá, it is to be observed, showed him nevertheless
the respect due to his birth and rank.

Hasan Beg Zádeh relates this account somewhat differently, but the
difference is not so great as to render it necessary to give his
version of the story. It has been also said, that Mohammed Gheráí’s
brother, Sháhín Gheráí, had fled to the court of Persia, but that when
the sháh had told him of Osmán’s inauguration, he resolved on returning
home. When Sháhín Gheráí was on the eve of setting out on his return
to his own country, the sháh, it has been said, did him the honour of
holding his stirrup and bridle till he mounted his horse. After taking
his leave of the sháh, the latter called him back, and asked him if, in
the event of the Osmánlí commanding general employing him against him,
he would obey. “By all means,” was the reply. “Will you draw your sword
and fight against my troops?” asked the sháh again. “Without doubt I
will,” returned the undaunted Tátár prince. On hearing this heroic
reply, the sháh shook his head at him. But the whole of this story
seems to have been a sort of pleasant raillery. We must now return to
the affairs of Khahíl Páshá’s expedition.

When the spring season arrived Khalíl Páshá removed from Diárbeker,
where he had wintered; and, after collecting his forces in the plains
of Choluk, directed his march towards Tabríz, by the roads of Bedlís
and Wán. The sháh was stationed at Ardabíl. The khán and his Tátár
army, leaving their winter-quarters, joined the grand army at Wán,
where, after holding a council of war, it was agreed to march without
delay upon Ardabíl. It is necessary to observe here, however, that
sometime before this Karchúgheráí Khán had driven the whole of the
people in the country towards Ardabíl, with the view of saving them
from the advancing Osmánlí army.

_Ján Beg, khán of the Tátárs, defeated._

After the Osmánlí grand army had appeared before Tabríz, a reciprocal
intercourse was entered into by the two belligerent powers, with the
view of effecting a cessation of hostilities and promoting a peace. The
commissioner employed on the part of the Osmánlís was the defterdár,
Hákim Aghá, who, when proceeding to Ardabíl, had perceived the governor
of Tabríz, Karchúgheráí Khán, with a Persian army, employed in guarding
an immense host of the country inhabitants and others, small and
great, near Ardabíl; and therefore, on his return to the Osmánlí camp,
recommended that a strong detachment of the Tátár army, and a division
of the other cavalry, should instantly advance upon them and seize
upon their property; they might easily, he said, vanquish any force
which the enemy could oppose to them, and thus acquire immense spoil.
The Tátárs and some of the other troops were elated by the prospect
of booty. A council was held, in which the defterdár, Bákí Páshá, and
some other intelligent officers, expressed their entire disapprobation
of the proposed movement. They alleged, and wisely too, that an army
which must first accomplish seven or eight stages, could not be in a
very fit condition, all at once, either to give a battle or sustain an
attack. They asked, moreover, what proof there was that the enemy was
not sufficiently vigilant and strong? But his highness, the Tátár Khán,
the grand vezír’s deputy, and Abáza Páshá, had been completely gained
over to the other side of the question by Hákim Osmán’s representation;
and a thirst for acquiring booty having infected the troops, every
obstacle which could be mentioned was treated with contempt. The moment
for enriching themselves had arrived; and why, they triumphantly asked,
put off longer time? It was highly improper, and every way impossible,
they maintained, that so much spoil as that which now offered itself,
could be overlooked: nor would they fail in obtaining it, if they would
but be true to themselves. Such were the arguments which the advocates
for Hákim’s proposals advanced; and the commanding general himself
was, at last, completely swayed over to their side. It was, therefore,
agreed that a strong detachment should instantly advance. Accordingly
his highness the Tátár Khán, and the whole of his troops; the governor
of Diárbeker, Mustafa Páshá, Alája Páshá, governor of Wán; Osmán Páshá,
governor of Sivás: Arslán Páshá, governor of Romeili, with ten sanjáks
and their officers; and Abáza Mohammed Páshá, governor of Aleppo,
set out. The command of this mighty detachment was intrusted to the
beglerbeg of Diárbeker, Hasan Páshá. The turnají báshí, and a certain
number of janissaries, were also attached to it, and all set forward
in the utmost haste and precipitation. The rest of the janissaries
caught the infatuation. The idea of acquiring wealth had filled their
minds, and they were determined to have a share of the general spoil.
They took their empty bags, in the hope of getting them filled, and
off they set on their beasts of burden in the track of their brethren
who had gone before them. So great, in fact, was the eagerness with
which the royal army advanced in pursuit of the treasures they had
promised themselves, that they accomplished the eight days’ journey in
even less than two; having never once halted, except to feed. Those
in front and those in the rear moved forward, alike without order
and without subordination, towards Ardabíl, till they arrived in the
plains of Sarav, where they first had a glimpse of the kizilbáshes,
with whom they must contend for the prey. Karchúgheráí Khán, aware
of the advance of the Osmánlís, had placed the greater part of his
troops in ambuscade; whilst, at the same time, in order to deceive
the Osmánlís, he showed, at some little distance, two small bodies,
which at once attracted the attention of these ardent heroes. Next
morning the Osmánlís, in their eagerness for conquest, and in their
thirst for spoil, without order or government, and without taking any
kind of precaution, commenced an attack. Those who had been placed
in ambuscade now rushed forth upon the fatigued Moslems, when a most
desperate battle, which lasted two hours, was fought; but the Osmánlís
were at length obliged to give way. The commander, Hasan Páshá, Arslán
Páshá, governor of Romeili, and Mustafa Páshá, governor of Diárbeker,
fell in the bloody contest. Almají Mohammed Páshá and Rushvánlí Mustafa
Páshá were made prisoners. The greater part of those whose horses were
fatigued furnished food to the sword of the foe: many of the noble and
heroic Tátárs met with the same fate; but the common horde of Tátárs
fled. The khán himself continued firm, and fought with great bravery,
till he was nearly surrounded by the enemy, when he too gave way.
The janissaries were very active in supporting him, pouring in shots
of musketry among those who had been endeavouring to seize him, and
levelled many of them with the dust. It was owing entirely to their
vigorous assistance that he escaped falling into the hands of the
kizilbáshes, and got to a place of safety. The defeat of the Osmánlís
was complete. The brave troops of Shám were unable to maintain their
ground; five hundred of them had been made prisoners by Karchúgheráí
Khán, and were murdered; their officers were sent to the sháh. In this
sanguinary combat very many of the foe also perished. The ungracious
sháh, during the whole of the bloody conflict, shut himself up within
the city of Ardabíl, giving himself up to humble supplications; and
would hardly believe the intelligence which announced the defeat of the
Osmánlí army.

Hasan Beg Zádeh says, in his version of this story, that when Khalíl
Páshá was marching against Ardabíl, Sháhín Gheráí deserted to the
enemy, and betrayed the cause of the Osmánlís. In consequence of the
information which he imparted to the kizilbáshes, they sent one or
two emissaries into the Tátár camp, who circulated among the Tátárs
that the Persians were in a state of entire defencelessness. This,
of course, roused the Tátárs, and hurried them heedlessly onward.
The words of Hákim Osmán had the same effect on, or they imparted
impetuosity to the Osmánlís themselves, and the result was as we have
related it, _i. e._ both the Osmánlís and Tátárs were defeated and
routed. Among those who fell on this memorable occasion were the khán’s
military judge and an Osmánlí sheikh of the name of Islám.

The news of this terrible disaster reached the royal camp during the
night season: the troops in the camp were called to arms, and a council
of war was held. Bákí Páshá, with his wise associates, advised to
advance, without a moment’s delay, upon Ardabíl; “for,” said they, “if
we retreat, the enemy will be encouraged and emboldened to pursue us,
and will most certainly attack us, when every one will try to escape
the best way he can. Our fate will resemble that which befell Jeghala
Zádeh of former days.” This mode of address had the effect of animating
the troops in the camp, when it was resolved to march forward by break
of day, which they did.

The advance of the main army, under the commander-in-chief, towards
Ardabíl, did not hinder the sháh, though the Osmánlís had manifested
no want of firmness, from making some invidious remarks to those
around him. He tauntingly asked, if the Romeilian strangers were
not yet defeated? whilst, at the same time, he sent messenger after
messenger with this message: “Come, let us make peace: you are coming
with hostile intentions: your late defeat has been owing to your
vain and premature haste.” With such words of bitter reproach as
these did he fill his letters to the commanding general; and yet, at
bottom, he was most anxious to conclude a peace. Last of all, on a day
which blew a hurricane, one Búrún Kásim, a messenger from the sháh,
entered the Osmánlí camp, and immediately presented himself before the
commander-in-chief, who was at the time sitting in council with the
other grandees of the army. “Why,” said the commander-in-chief to the
ambassador of the kizilbáshes, “the red-heads, proud of the victory
they have gained, have taunted us with disgraceful reproaches under
the appearance of asking a peace: and if we retreat you are ready to
fall upon us. Your professed desire of peace is hollow: which of your
words can I believe?” Búrún Kásim, the sháh’s ambassador, stormed.
“What,” said the intrepid vezír, but with a view of giving a facetious
turn to the conversation, “is it customary, Kásim Beg, for the storm
to blow so furiously in this country?” Kásim Beg was prevented from
making a reply by Bákí Páshá, a man of knowledge and experience, as
before hinted, who at this moment addressed the commander-in-chief
thus: “No, my lord; this violent storm is only the effect of the wind
of Búrún Kásim Beg’s nose.”[27] This jocular answer of Bákí Páshá was
not without its effect on the mind of Kásim Beg, who now changed his
tone, and said he wished God might not visit Bákí Páshá with just
vengeance. “Will you never,” said he, “leave off your devilish wit:
your wish is, to leave us recorded in the history of romance.” The
grand vezír and those about him could not refrain from laughing most
heartily at hearing Kásim Beg, and looked astonished. Kásim was again
filled with rage, but it evaporated into air. When Sháh Abbás heard
of this ludicrous story he praised Bákí Páshá for his malicious wit,
and sent him no fewer than three loads of handsome presents on account
of his facetious craftiness. But to return. The Osmánlí main army
on approaching Sarav, having had abundance of provisions, proposed
presenting themselves before Ardabíl, now only one stage distant, the
following day. One messenger after another, however, assured them that
the city was abandoned, that the lamps near the tomb of Sheikh Súfí and
all manner of valuables had been removed; in a word, that the whole
of the sepulchres of all the former sháhs were deserted. Under these
circumstances, it appeared to the Moslems to answer no good purpose
to advance any farther; and after having considered the matter in
every point of view, the commander-in-chief renewed the treaty which
had been entered into at the time Nesúh Páshá was grand vezír. It
was, therefore, settled and signed that the sháh of Persia was, in
future, to send annually to the court of Constantinople a tribute of
two hundred loads of silk, and one hundred loads of other rarities.
The crafty sháh, as if he meant to show how pleased he was with this
renewal of the treaty, sent eight hundred camel-loads of provision of
various kinds to the Moslem camp, which were accordingly distributed
among the troops. To the grand vezír alone he sent nine camel-loads
of sweetmeats, of preserved fruits of various sorts, of lemons and
oranges, of fine flour, of rice, and of sugar, each loaf of which
weighed from five to ten wakiyet. To the ághá of the janissaries, to
the grand vezír’s deputy, and to the other páshás and grandees of the
army he sent two, three, or five similar loads of presents, each as
he thought proper. All these loads of presents were sent as tokens of
the sháh’s friendship, and were conveyed to their respective owners by
Mirzá Mohammed Hasan, his ambassador to the Moslem camp. On the part of
the grand vezír several royal presents were sent to the sháh in return,
and the treaty, after receiving the commander-in-chief’s signature, was
sent him, along with Mohammed Aghá, the jibbají báshí. The Persian sháh
set at liberty the whole of the Osmánlí prisoners that had been seized,
and that yet remained alive, who returned to the Osmánlí camp, which,
on some of the first days of Dhu’l kadah, was removed from Serav, and
the army marched towards Erzerúm. In the month of Dhu’l hijja the
troops were all permitted to return to their respective homes, and the
grand vezír went to Tocat, where he expected to winter; but he was
deposed. In the following year, however, he was made lord high admiral
of the Turkish fleet.

_The arrival of the king of Poland’s ambassador._

Some time before the last events which we have recorded took place,
Gurgrofshá, a relative of the king of Poland, and one of his privy
counsellors, arrived in Constantinople as ambassador from the court
of Poland, complaining of several inroads having been made upon the
dominions of Poland by the Tátárs, even since the time of the last
treaty, and praying that that part of the treaty which referred to
the Tátárs maintaining the peace might be enforced. The grand vezír
immediately wrote to Ján Beg, khán of the Crimea, to maintain the peace
inviolate.

_An ambassador arrives from Fez._

The ambassador of the Pádisháh of Fez arrived at Constantinople with
letters and some valuable presents for the Ottoman emperor. He also
complained of some depredations which had been committed by some of the
wild and wandering Arabs in the districts near Bussorah, and praying
that a stop might be put to their ravages. A messenger was instantly
despatched with respect to this matter to the proper quarter.

_A phenomenon._

There appeared one evening in the heavens a bright pillar or column
which shone like a comet; the appearance of which occasioned among the
people a variety of conjectures.

_Death of Etmekjí Zádeh Ahmed Páshá._

We lately left this man chagrined and sick, because of the repeated
disappointments which he had met with. On his first appearance in
public life he was employed as a collector of taxes at Adrianople, and
by degrees rose to one of the most important offices in the state,
that of lord high treasurer: which office he held for several years,
till he was created káímakám of Constantinople. When Oghuz Mohammed
Páshá, the emperor’s son-in-law, was deposed, and Khalíl Páshá, lord
high admiral of the fleet, succeeded him in the premiership, Etmekjí
Zádeh felt as if he had been neglected because that office had not been
conferred on himself. When this same minister went afterwards on the
expedition against the Persians, Etmekjí thought and expected he would
again be made deputy of the Sublime Porte; but the appointment of Súfí
Mohammed Páshá to this office showed him his expectations had been
vain. The consequence was, that he became sorrowful and dangerously
ill. His illness increased with his grief, and after giving a hundred
_yúks_ of money for the purpose of repairing the fortress of Uzí, and
for erecting a fortification at Kilbúrún on the opposite side, and
nominating the reverend mufti his executor for paying such sums of
money as he had appropriated for pious purposes, he died about the
beginning of the following year. A thousand _yúks_ of money which
had not been disposed of before his death were appropriated to the
imperial coffers. He was interred in the tomb of the honourable Mahmúd
Effendí of Scutari, who had performed the funeral service in Báyazíd’s
mosque. A school in Constantinople, an inn in Adrianople, an unfinished
edifice, besides several other buildings for benevolent purposes, are
monuments of his generosity. He was one of the most celebrated men of
his day.

_On the state of the coin._

About the commencement of the month of Moharrem of this year a firmán
was issued to coin new silver coin and the piece of ten aspres, and
Beker Effendí, the second defterdár, was made inspector of the mint.
By means of a sum of ten purses of gold he established other mints in
other parts of the empire. After a certain time had elapsed, the new
coin was ordered to be put in circulation, and the old condemned. The
new coin having been discovered to be deficient, however, the old,
which possessed full weight, was again allowed to come into use.

_The seals of the premiership are again conferred on Mohammed Páshá,
the emperor’s son-in-law._

Súfí Mohammed Páshá was, at the time of Sultán Osmán Khán’s
inauguration, deputy of the Sublime Porte; but for some mismanagement
of which he had been guilty at the ceremonies which took place on that
occasion, and for the vast treasures he, for want of judgment, had
expended at that time, was disgraced and turned out of office, and
Mohammed Páshá, the emperor’s son-in-law, was made káímakám in his
stead. The reverend mufti, who had been implicated in the affair of the
late deputy, Súfí Mohammed Páshá, was removed by the emperor from being
head of religion and science, whilst that distinguished honour was
conferred on his own chaplain, Omar Khoaja: the reverend mufti, Isaád
Effendí, retaining only the prerogative of issuing _fetvás_. About the
beginning of the month of Sefer this year, Khalíl Páshá, in consequence
of the want of skill and good generalship which he had manifested
in the late war with the Persians, was formally deposed, and the
káímakám or deputy of the Sublime Porte, Mohammed Páshá, the emperor’s
son-in-law, was created grand vezír in his stead. When Khalíl Páshá
reached Scutari on his way back, he was presented with the government
of Syria, which, however, he declined: he preferred retiring with two
domestics into a cell in Mohammed Effendí’s convent, alleging that he
was an old man of the poor and indigent ancient sheíkhs, and wished for
no new preferment. By Mohammed Effendí’s intercession in his behalf,
however, his fault was overlooked.

_The arrival of a Persian ambassador._

In the month of Jemadi I., the Persian ambassador, Búrún Kásim,
sometimes called Kásim Beg, but in his credentials, Alí Sultán
Khalífeh, arrived at Scutari with one hundred loads of silk, four
elephants, and one rhinoceros, with other gifts for the emperor of
the Ottomans. From Scutari he passed over to the imperial city, and
was lodged in the palace of Pertev Páshá. His letter to the emperor
specified, in all its various ramifications, the treaty signed by
Khalíl Páshá.

_A remarkable phenomenon._

In a communication from Mohammed Páshá, commandant of Buda, it was
stated, that one afternoon, about the middle of the month of Shabán
there appeared, in the German peleponesus on the north of Hungary,
a black circular cloud, from which blood dropped like rain. This
atmospheric appearance was accompanied by a most tremendous burst
of thunder, and in the cloud there was seen the appearance of fiery
crosses. After this cloud had condensed itself, a great quantity of
smoke began to issue from it in all directions; and shortly afterwards
another tremendous burst of thunder was heard. Those who heard it were
stupified and confounded: the cattle in the field fell upon their
knees, turned their heads towards the heavens, and then fled wild
in all directions, many of which were never afterwards found. Some
short time after the last burst of thunder, three successive sounds
were heard issuing from the heavens, which, from their hideousness,
might have awakened the dead. From this cloud, also, descended black
round hail or balls, about the size of a cubit, which rolled along the
ground. Some of these hail-stones which were taken up weighed three
kintals.

_Betlan Gabor._

After Betlan Gabor had been fully established in the government of
Transylvania, he accompanied Iskander Páshá in his expedition against
the Poles, on which occasion he led ten thousand foot and twelve
thousand horse into the country of Moldavia, near the fortress of
Sordukna; but, in consequence of the peace which on that occasion was
entered into with the ambassador of the king of Poland, he returned
home with his troops.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See preface to a translation of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, by
James Mitchell.

[2] Author of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, and other celebrated
works in Turkish.

[3] بيمارم اي اجل بوكيجه بكله يانم آل

[4] ناصيمده كاتب قدرة نه يازدي بلمدم
    آه كيم بوكلشن عالمده هركز كو لدم

[5] Ancient heroes of Persian fable.

[6] Why Agria is thus termed cannot be discovered; but it is probable
the writer meant to convey the idea, that the success which attended
the Moslem arms at that place, only led the Osmánlís into all the
misfortunes which afterwards befell them.

[7] A wakáyat is about 2-1/4 lb.

[8] A kantar is about 120 lb. weight.

[9] سحر سامري, or the magic of Samri, who, according to Mohammed,
induced the children of Israel to worship the golden calf in the
absence of Moses.

[10] The translator feels at a loss to discover who this valas pádisháh
was, but thinks the writer meant to convey some sentiment under the
form of a metaphor. The words of the text are:
ولاس پادشاهي ابراهيم خان بوسالده شاه عباس بنچه سنه كرفتار اولمشدر

[11] This was Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, the grand vezír, when on his way to
Constantinople. It will be remembered under what circumstances he gave
up the chief command to Mohammed Páshá at Buda; and also that Pest was
at that time in the hands of the enemy. It is to the subsequent history
of the contest between the Musselmans and the Austrians that the writer
seeks now to draw the attention of his reader.

[12] The vezírs of the kubba or cupola are those immediately under the
grand vezír.

[13] A work on Mohammedan jurisprudence.

[14] Thus did his majesty verify his threatening to Sárukjí Páshá,
when, after appointing him to the deputyship, he pointed to the dead
carcass of Kásim Páshá.

[15] A Mohamedan writer, usually called by the first of these
appellations, and frequently quoted by Naima in this history.

[16] There is something irrelevant in this. Botchkai is represented
as having been raised to the sovereignty of Hungary, and not of
Transylvania. The first of these is written مجار Majar, which is
Hungary; and the second اردل Ardil, which is Transylvania, and
which is said in the text to have been supplied with a new sovereign
in room of Botchkai, who was created king of Majar or Hungary by the
Ottoman emperor. But it seems not unlikely that by Majar, lower Hungary
is meant, and of which Ardil or Transylvania was considered a portion.
We find the word هونغاريا _Hungaria_ employed, a few sentences
afterwards, to mean the country of which the emperor of Austria’s
brother was duke.

[17] Probably Paul V., who was certainly capable of doing what Naima
here asserts. He has been charged by others of having fostered civil
war in Bohemia, Hungary, England, France, and Germany.

[18] Rodolph II.; but his name is not mentioned in the text.

[19] اژدر هاي دم بريده

[20] A sort of military farmers, who rented the revenues of Egypt.

[21] A yúk is about 1,000 dollars.

[22] A gold coin, a drachm and a half weight.

[23] The night of power, the 27th of Ramazán, when the koran began to
descend from heaven.

[24] Russian pilgrims either going to or coming from Jerusalem.

[25] The letters which had been sent from the fleet stated that the
descent had been altogether sudden and unexpected at first. The fleet,
these letters said, on arriving before or opposite a monastery on the
island not far from the city, the admiral forbade Mímí Beg to leave his
ship; but he landed his janissaries and other troops, who as soon as
they individually reached the shore, such was their eagerness, cried
out _Allah! Allah!_ as they proceeded; which so alarmed the inhabitants
that they all fled into the city with their servants. The Moslems, on
reaching the monastery, were obliged, by reason of the cannon which
played upon them from the fortress, to give up; and because they
found it impracticable to keep the footing they had gained, they were
constrained to return to their vessels. Forty or fifty were left on the
island, but they effected no good whatever. The fleet, we are told on
the same authority, seized, between Messina and Malta, on its return,
a vessel, the crew of which informed the admiral that the twenty-seven
ships he had been in quest of had entered Messina, where there were
several other vessels belonging to the enemy.

[26] A rude race living in the mountains of Lebanon and in Kúrdistán.

[27] Búrún signifies nose.

END

LONDON

Printed by J. L. COX & SON, Great Queen Street,

Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.