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THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD.

A RECORD OF FACTS, AUTHENTIC NARRATIVES, LETTERS, &C.,

NARRATING THE HARDSHIPS HAIR-BREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES

OF THE

SLAVES IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM,

AS RELATED

BY THEMSELVES AND  OTHERS, OR WITNESSED BY THE AUTHOR

TOGETHER WITH

SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE LARGEST STOCKHOLDERS, AND

MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS,

OF THE ROAD.

BY William Still For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office
in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting Vigilant Committee of the
Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

1872

PHILADELPHIA:

PORTER & COATES, Thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant that
has escaped from his master unto thee.--_Deut._ xxiii. 16.

Illustrated with 70 fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and others, and
Portraits from Photographs from Life.

SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.

822, CHESTNUT STREET.

Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1871, by

W.M. STILL,

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

[Illustration: W. Still]

PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION.

Like millions of my race, my mother and father were born slaves, but
were not contented to live and die so. My father purchased himself in
early manhood by hard toil. Mother saw no way for herself and children
to escape the horrors of bondage but by flight. Bravely, with her four
little ones, with firm faith in God and an ardent desire to be free, she
forsook the prison-house, and succeeded, through the aid of my father,
to reach a free State. Here life had to be begun anew. The old familiar
slave names had to be changed, and others, for prudential reasons, had
to be found. This was not hard work. However, hardly months had passed
ere the keen scent of the slave-hunters had trailed them to where they
had fancied themselves secure. In those days all power was in the hands
of the oppressor, and the capture of a slave mother and her children was
attended with no great difficulty other than the crushing of freedom in
the breast of the victims. Without judge or jury, all were hurried back
to wear the yoke again. But back this mother was resolved never to stay.
She only wanted another opportunity to again strike for freedom. In a
few months after being carried back, with only two of her little ones,
she took her heart in her hand and her babes in her arms, and this trial
was a success. Freedom was gained, although not without the sad loss of
her two older children, whom she had to leave behind. Mother and father
were again reunited in freedom, while two of their little boys were in
slavery. What to do for them other than weep and pray, were questions
unanswerable. For over forty years the mother's heart never knew what it
was to be free from anxiety about her lost boys. But no tidings came in
answer to her many prayers, until one of them, to the great astonishment
of his relatives, turned up in Philadelphia, nearly fifty years of age,
seeking his long-lost parents. Being directed to the Anti-Slavery Office
for instructions as to the best plan to adopt to find out the
whereabouts of his parents, fortunately he fell into the hands of his
own brother, the writer, whom he had never heard of before, much less
seen or known. And here began revelations connected with this marvellous
coincidence, which influenced me, for years previous to Emancipation, to
preserve the matter found in the pages of this humble volume.

And in looking back now over these strange and eventful Providences, in
the light of the wonderful changes wrought by Emancipation, I am more
and more constrained to believe that the reasons, which years ago led me
to aid the bondman and preserve the records of his sufferings, are
to-day quite as potent in convincing me that the necessity of the times
requires this testimony.

And since the first advent of my book, wherever reviewed or read by
leading friends of freedom, the press, or the race more deeply
represented by it, the expressions of approval and encouragement have
been hearty and unanimous, and the thousands of volumes which have been
sold by me, on the subscription plan, with hardly any facilities for the
work, makes it obvious that it would, in the hands of a competent
publisher, have a wide circulation.

And here I may frankly state, that but for the hope I have always
cherished that this work would encourage the race in efforts for
self-elevation, its publication never would have been undertaken by me.

I believe no more strongly at this moment than I have believed ever
since the Proclamation of Emancipation was made by Abraham Lincoln, that
as a class, in this country, no small exertion will have to be put forth
before the blessings of freedom and knowledge can be fairly enjoyed by
this people; and until colored men manage by dint of hard acquisition to
enter the ranks of skilled industry, very little substantial respect
will be shown them, even with the ballot-box and musket in their hands.

Well-conducted shops and stores; lands acquired and good farms managed
in a manner to compete with any other; valuable books produced and
published on interesting and important subjects--these are some of the
fruits which the race are expected to exhibit from their newly gained
privileges.

If it is asked "how?" I answer, "through extraordinary determination and
endeavor," such as are demonstrated in hundreds of cases in the pages of
this book, in the struggles of men and women to obtain their freedom,
education and property.

These facts must never be lost sight of.

The race must not forget the rock from whence they were hewn, nor the
pit from whence, they were digged.

Like other races, this newly emancipated people will need all the
knowledge of their past condition which they can get.

The bondage and deliverance of the children of Israel will never be
allowed to sink into oblivion while the world stands.

Those scenes of suffering and martyrdom millions of Christians were
called upon to pass through in the days of the Inquisition are still
subjects of study, and have unabated interest for all enlightened minds.

The same is true of the history of this country. The struggles of the
pioneer fathers are preserved, produced and re-produced, and cherished
with undying interest by all Americans, and the day will not arrive
while the Republic exists, when these histories will not be found in
every library.

While the grand little army of abolitionists was waging its untiring
warfare for freedom, prior to the rebellion, no agency encouraged them
like the heroism of fugitives. The pulse of the four millions of slaves
and their desire for freedom, were better felt through "The Underground
Railroad," than through any other channel.

Frederick Douglass, Henry Bibb, Wm. Wells Brown, Rev. J.W. Logan, and
others, gave unmistakable evidence that the race had no more eloquent
advocates than its own self-emancipated champions.

Every step they took to rid themselves of their fetters, or to gain
education, or in pleading the cause of their fellow-bondmen in the
lecture-room, or with their pens, met with applause on every hand, and
the very argument needed was thus furnished in large measure. In those
dark days previous to emancipation, such testimony was indispensable.

The free colored men are as imperatively required now to furnish the
same manly testimony in support of the ability of the race to surmount
the remaining obstacles growing out of oppression, ignorance, and
poverty.

In the political struggles, the hopes of the race have been sadly
disappointed. From this direction no great advantage is likely to arise
very soon.

Only as desert can be proved by the acquisition of knowledge and the
exhibition of high moral character, in examples of economy and a
disposition to encourage industrial enterprises, conducted by men of
their own ranks, will it be possible to make political progress in the
face of the present public sentiment.

Here, therefore, in my judgment is the best possible reason for
vigorously pushing the circulation of this humble volume--that it may
testify for thousands and tens of thousands, as no other work can do.

WILLIAM STILL, Author.

September, 1878. Philadelphia, Pa.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

    THE AUTHOR

    PETER STILL--"THE KIDNAPPED AND THE RANSOMED"

    CHARITY STILL TWICE ESCAPED FROM SLAVERY

    DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN

    DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL

    RESURRECTION OF HENRY BOX BROWN

    RESCUE OF JANE JOHNSON AND HER CHILDREN

    PASSMORE WILLIAMSON

    JANE JOHNSON

    ESCAPING FROM PORTSMOUTH, VA

    TWENTY-EIGHT FUGITIVES ESCAPING FROM EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND

    ESCAPING FROM ALABAMA ON TOP OF A CAR

    CROSSING THE RIVER ON HORSEBACK IN THE NIGHT

    A BOLD STROKE FOR FREEDOM--CONTEST WITH FIRE-ARMS

    ABRAM GALLOWAY

    THE MAYOR AND POLICE OF NORFOLK SEARCHING CAPTAIN FOUNTAIN'S
    SCHOONER

    MARIA WEEMS ESCAPING AS JO WRIGHT

    JOHN HENRY HILL

    DRY-GOODS MERCHANT SEARCHING THE CARS

    ESCAPE WITH A LADY, AS HER COACHMAN, WITH MASTER'S HORSE AND
    CARRIAGE

    SIX ON TWO HORSES

    UP A TREE

    SAMUEL GREEN SENTENCED TO THE PENITENTIARY FOR TEN YEARS FOR
    HAVING A COPY OF "UNCLE TOM'S CABIN" IN HIS HOUSE

    LEAR GREEN ESCAPING IN A CHEST

    ESCAPE OF ELEVEN PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND IN TWO CARRIAGES

    THE CHRISTIANA TRAGEDY

    WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT

    MEMBERS OF THE ACTING COMMITTEE:

        N.W. DEPEE

        JACOB C. WHITE

        CHARLES WISE

        EDWIN H. COATES

    KNIFING HIS VICTIM

    LIVING IN A HOLLOW TREE

    IN A CAVE

    A NARROW ESCAPE

    SUSPENDED BY THE HANDS WITH BLOCK AND TACKLE

    CROSSING THE BAY

    BREAKING HIM IN

    MOTHER ESCAPING WITH SEVEN CHILDREN

    FIGHT IN CHESAPEAKE BAY

    JOHN W. DUNGEE

    MARY MILBURN (SECRETED IN A BOX)

    HEAVY WEIGHTS--ARRIVAL OF A PARTY AT LEAGUE ISLAND

    SKETCHES AND PORTRAITS OF STATION-MASTERS, PROMINENT
    ANTI-SLAVERY MEN, AND SUPPORTERS OF THE U.G.R.R.:

        ABIGAIL GOODWIN

        THOMAS GARRETT

        DANIEL GIBBONS

        LUCRETIA MOTT

        J. MILLER M'KIM

        WILLIAM H. FURNESS

        WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON

        LEWIS TAPPAN

        ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER

        WILLIAM WRIGHT

        DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL

        ROBERT PURVIS

        JOHN HUNN

        SAMUEL RHOADS

        WILLIAM WHIPPER

        SAMUEL D. BURRIS

        CHARLES D. CLEVELAND

        GRACE ANNA LEWIS

        MRS. FRANCES E.W. HARPER

        JOHN NEEDLES

CONTENTS.

    SETH CONCKLIN

    UNDERGROUND RAILROAD LETTERS. From Thomas Garrett--G.A.
    Lewis--E.L. Stevens--Sydney Howard Gay--John Henry Hill--J.
    Bigelowe--Ham and Eggs--Rev. H. Wilson--Sheridan Ford--E.F.
    Pennypacker--J.C. Bustill--Slave secreted in Richmond--G.S.
    Nelson--John Thompson--Wm. Penn

    WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES Came boxed up _viâ_ Erricson line of
    Steamers.

    WESLEY HARRIS ALIAS ROBERT JACKSON, CRAVEN MATTERSON AND TWO
    BROTHERS.

    CLARISSA DAVIS Arrived in Male Attire.

    ANTHONY BLOW ALIAS HENRY LEVISON Secreted Ten Months--Eight days
    on the Steamship City of Richmond bound for Philadelphia.

    PERRY JOHNSON, OF ELKTON, MARYLAND. Eye knocked Out.

    ISAAC FORMAN, WILLIAM DAVIS AND WILLIS REDICK. Hearts full of
    joy for Freedom--Very anxious for Wives in Slavery.

    JOSEPH HENRY CAMP Sold, the day he escaped, for Fourteen Hundred
    Dollars--Slave Trader loses his Bargain.

    SHERIDAN FORD Secreted in the Woods--Escapes in a Steamer.

    JOSEPH KNEELAND ALIAS JOSEPH HULSON Young Master had a
    "Malignant Spirit".

    EX-PRESIDENT TYLER'S HOUSEHOLD LOSES AN ARISTOCRATIC ARTICLE.

    EDWARD MORGAN, HENRY JOHNSON, JAMES AND STEPHEN BUTLER. "Two
    Thousand Dollars Reward" offered.

    HENRY PREDO Daniel Hughes, Thomas Elliott, and five others
    betrayed into Dover Jail.

    MARY EPPS ALIAS EMMA BROWN, JOSEPH AND ROBERT ROBINSON. A Slave
    Mother Loses her Speech at the Sale of her Child ... Bob Escapes
    from his Master, a Trader, with Fifteen Hundred Dollars in North
    Carolina Money.

    GEORGE SOLOMON, DANIEL NEALL, BENJAMIN R. FLETCHER AND MARIA
    DORSEY.

    HENRY BOX BROWN Arrived by Adams Express.

    TRIAL OF THE EMANCIPATORS OF COL. J.H. WHEELER'S SLAVES, JANE
    JOHNSON AND HER TWO LITTLE BOYS.

    THE ARRIVALS OF A SINGLE MONTH. Sixty Passengers came in one
    Month--Twenty-eight in one Arrival--Great Panic and Indignation
    Meeting--Interesting Correspondence from Masters and Fugitives.

    A SLAVE GIRL'S NARRATIVE. Cordelia Loney, Slave of Mrs. Joseph
    Cahell, (widow of the late Hon. Joseph Cahell, of
    Virginia)--Cordelia's Escape from her Mistress in Philadelphia.

    ARRIVAL OF JACKSON, ISAAC AND EDMONDSON TURNER FROM PETERSBURG.
    Touching Scene on Meeting their Old Blind Father at the U.G.R.R.
    Depot.

    ROBERT BROWN ALIAS THOMAS JONES. Crossing the River on Horseback
    in the Night.

    ANTHONY LONEY ALIAS WILLIAM ARMSTEAD AND CORNELIUS SCOTT.

    SAMUEL WILLIAMS ALIAS JOHN WILLIAMS.

    BARNABY GRIGBY ALIAS JOHN BOYER, AND MARY ELIZABETH HIS WIFE,
    FRANK WANZER ALIAS ROBERT SCOTT, EMILY FOSTER ALIAS ANN WOOD.

    WILLIAM JORDAN ALIAS WILLIAM PRICE.

    JOSEPH GRANT AND JOHN SPEAKS. Two Passengers _viâ_ Liverpool.

    WILLIAM N. TAYLOR. "One Hundred Dollars Reward".

    LOUISA BROWN, JACOB WATERS, AND ALFRED GOULDEN.

    ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE. Jefferson Pipkins alias David Jones,
    Louisa Pipkins, Elizabeth Brit, Harriet Brown, alias Jane
    Wooton, Gracy Murry alias Sophia Sims, Edward Williams _alias_
    Henry Johnson, Charles Lee alias Thomas Bushier.

    SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. Henry Anderson, Charles
    and Margaret Congo, Chaskey Brown, William Henry Washington,
    James Alfred Frisley, Charles Henry Salter, Stephen Taylor,
    Charles Brown, Charles H. Hollis, Luther Dorsey.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND. Jeremiah W. Smith and wife Julia.

    EIGHT ARRIVALS. James Massey, Perry Henry Trusty, George Rhoads,
    James Rhoads, George Washington, Sarah Elizabeth Rhoads, and
    Child, Mary Elizabeth Stephenson.

    CHARLES THOMPSON. Carrier of "The National American".

    BLOOD FLOWED FREELY. Abram Galloway and Richard Eden--Secreted
    in a Vessel Loaded with Spirits of Turpentine--Shrouds Prepared
    to Prevent being Smoked to Death--Abram a Soldier under Father
    Abraham--Senator of North Carolina.

    JOHN PETTIFOOT. "One Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered--McHenry
    and McCulloch Anxious About John.

    EMANUEL T. WHITE. "Would rather Fight than Eat".

    THE ESCAPE OF A CHILD FOURTEEN MONTHS OLD. Letter from
    "J.B."--Letters from E.L. Stevens ... Great Anxiety and Care.

    ESCAPE OF A YOUNG SLAVE MOTHER. Baby, Little Girl and Husband
    left Behind--Three Hundred Dollars Reward Offered.

    SAMUEL W. JOHNSON. Arrival from the Richmond Daily Dispatch
    Office--"Uncle Tom's Cabin" turned Sam's Brain--Affecting
    Letters.

    FAMILY FROM BALTIMORE. Stephen Amos _alias_ Henry Johnson,
    Harriet _alias_ Mary Jane Johnson, and their four children, Ann
    Rebecca, William H., Elizabeth and Mary Ellen.

    ELIJAH HILTON. From Richmond--"Five Hundred Dollars Reward"
    offered by R.J. Christian.... Grateful letter from Canada.

    SOLOMON BROWN. Arrived per City of Richmond--Letter from Canada
    containing expressions of Gratitude.

    WILLIAM HOGG ALIAS JOHN SMITH. Traveler from Maryland--William
    was much troubled about his Wife left behind--Letter from
    Canada.

    TWO FEMALE PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. Ann Johnson and Lavina
    Woolfley Sold--Out of the Frying Pan into the Fire.

    CAPTAIN F. AND THE MAYOR OF NORFOLK. Twenty-one Passengers
    secreted in Captain Fountain's Boat--Mayor and Posse of Officers
    on the Boat searching for U.G.R.R. Passengers.

    ARRIVALS FROM DIFFERENT PLACES. Matilda Mahoney--Dr. J.W.
    Pennington's Brother and Sons--Great Adventure to deliver a
    Lover.

    FLEEING GIRL OF FIFTEEN IN MALE ATTIRE. Ann Maria Weems alias
    Joe Wright--Great Triumph--Arrival on Thanksgiving
    Day--Interesting letters from J. Bigelow.

    FIVE YEARS AND ONE MONTH SECRETED. John Henry, Hezekiah and
    James Hill.

    FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE. Archer Barlow, alias Emet
    Robins--Samuel Bush _alias_ William Oblebee--John Spencer and
    his son William and James Albert--Robert Fisher--NATHAN
    HARRIS--Hansel Waples--Rosanna Tonnell, _alias_ Maria Hyde--Mary
    Ennis _alias_ Licia Hemmit and two Children--Lydia and Louisa
    Caroline.

    SAM, ISAAC, PERRY, CHARLES AND GREEN. "One Thousand Dollars
    Reward".

    FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK, VA. William B. White, Susan Brooks,
    and Wm. Henry Atkinson.

    FOUR ARRIVALS. Charlotte and Harriet escape in deep
    Mourning--White Lady and Child with a Colored Coachman--Three
    likely Young Men from Baltimore--Four large and two Small
    Hams--U.G.R.R.  Passengers Travelling with their Master's Horses
    and Carriage--Six Passengers on two Horses, &c.

    FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE, NORTH CAROLINA, WASHINGTON,
    D.C. AND SOUTH CAROLINA.

    CHARLES GILBERT, Fleeing from Davis, a Negro Trader--Secreted
    under a Hotel--Up a Tree--Under a Floor--In a Thicket--On a
    Steamer.

    LIBERTY OR DEATH. Jim Bowlegs alias Bill Paul.

    SALT-WATER FUGITIVE.

    SAMUEL GREEN ALIAS WESLEY KINNARD. Ten Years in the Penitentiary
    for having a Copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his House.

    AN IRISH GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM. In Love with a Slave--Gets
    him off to Canada--Follows him--Marriage, &c.

    "SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE. The Escape of a Dentist on
    the U.G.R.R. &c.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS. From Loudoun County, Va., Norfolk, Baltimore,
    Md., Petersburg, Va., &c.

    HEAVY REWARD. "Two Thousand Six Hundred Dollars Reward" Offered.

    SLAVE-TRADER HALL IS FOILED. Robert McCoy alias William Donar,
    and Elizabeth Sanders, arrived per steamer.

    THE PROTECTION OF SLAVE PROPERTY IN VIRGINIA. A Bill providing
    additional Protection for the Slave Property of Citizens of this
    Commonwealth.

    ESCAPING IN A CHEST. "One Hundred and Fifty Dollars
    Reward"--Lear Green.

    ISAAC WILLIAMS, HENRY BANKS AND KIT NICKLESS.

    ARRIVAL OF FIVE PROM THE EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND. Cyrus
    Mitchell alias John Steel, Joshua Handy alias Hambleton Hamby,
    Charles Button alias William Robinson, Ephraim Hudson alias John
    Spry, Francis Molock alias Thomas Jackson.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT AUGUST 1ST, 1855. Francis Hilliard and
    Others.

    DEEP FURROWS ON THE BACK. Thomas Madden.

    PETER MATHEWS ALIAS SAMUEL SPARROWS. "I might as well be in the
    Penitentiary as in Slavery."

    "MOSES" ARRIVES WITH SIX PASSENGERS.

    ESCAPED FROM "A WORTHLESS SOT." John Atkinson.

    WILLIAM BUTCHER ALIAS Wm. T. MTCHELL. "He was abuseful".

    "WHITE ENOUGH TO PASS".

    ESCAPING WITH MASTER'S CARRIAGES AND HORSES. Harriet Shephard,
    and her five Children with five other Passengers.

    EIGHT AND A HALF MONTHS SECRETED. Washington Somlor alias James
    Moore.

    ARTHUR FOWLER ALIAS BENJAMIN JOHNSON.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS. About the 1st of June, 1855--Emory Roberts and
    others.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS ABOUT JANUARY 1ST, 1855. Verenea Mercer and
    others.

    SLAVE-HOLDER IN MARYLAND WITH THREE COLORED WIVES. James Griffin
    alias Thomas Brown.

    CAPTAIN F. ARRIVES WITH NINE PASSENGERS. Names of Passengers.

    OWEN AND OTHO TAYLOR'S FLIGHT WITH HORSES, &c.

    HEAVY REWARD. Three Hundred Dollars Reward--"Tom" gone.

    CAPT. F. ARRIVES WITH FOURTEEN "PRIME ARTICLES" ON BOARD.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS, LATTER PART OF DECEMBER, 1855, AND BEGINNING OF
    JANUARY, 1856. Joseph Cornish and others.

    PART OF THE ARRIVALS IN DECEMBER, 1855. Thomas J. Gooseberry and
    others.

    THE FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL OF 1850. "An Act Respecting Fugitives
    from Justice, and Persons Escaping from the Services of their
    Masters."

    THE SLAVE HUNTING TRAGEDY IN LANCASTER COUNTY, IN SEPTEMBER,
    1851. "Treason at Christiana".

    WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT. Female Slave in Male Attire, fleeing as
    a Planter, with her Husband as her Body Servant.

    ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND. Lewis Cobb and Nancy Brister.

    PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA, [By SCHOONER.] Major Latham,
    William Wilson, Henry Goram, Wiley Madison, and Andrew Shepherd.

    THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET. Passed over the
    U.G.R.R. in the Fall of 1856.

    ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856. Charles Hall and others.

    FIVE FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS. Mother and Child from Norfolk,
    Va., &c.

    PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND. William Henry MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS,
    &c.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D.C., &c., 1857. George Carroll,
    Randolph Branson, John Clagart and William Royan.

    ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857. Israel Todd and Bazil Aldridge.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857. Ordee Lee and Richard J. Booce.

    ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857. Silas Long and Solomon Light--"The
    Mother of Twelve Children"--Old Jane Davis.

    BENJAMIN ROSS AND HIS WIFE HARRIET Fled from Caroline County,
    Eastern Shore of Maryland, June, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, IN 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857.

    FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D.C.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS ROADS AND ALEXANDRIA.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA.

    ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D.C.

    FOUR ABLE BODIED "ARTICLES" IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, MD., 1857.

    FIVE PASSENGERS, 1847.

    ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD COUNTY, MD., 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, MD.

    ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857.

    ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS.

    ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857.

    MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D.C.

    HON. L. McLANE'S PROPERTY, SOON AFTER HIS DEATH, TRAVELS VIA THE
    UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD--WILLIAM KNIGHT, ESQ. LOSES A SUPERIOR
    "ARTICLE."

    ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD COUNTY, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM HOOPERVILLE, MD., 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM QUEEN ANNE COUNTY, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE.

    ARRIVED FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858.

    ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1857.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL OF A PARTY OF SIX, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM HIGHTSTOWN, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM BELLAIR.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA., 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM NEAR BALTIMORE, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM THE OLD DOMINION.

    ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA AND DELAWARE.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM HONEY BROOK TOWNSHIP, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.

    CROSSING THE BAY IN A SKIFF.

    ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, MD., 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM CECIL COUNTY, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN, D.C., 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM SUSSEX COUNTY, 1858.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS IN 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA.

    ARRIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM TAPS' NECK, MD., 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.

    ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860.

    ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 1860.

    SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860.

    CROSSING THE BAY IN A BATTEAU.

    ARRIVAL FROM DORCHESTER COUNTY, 1860.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1860.

    TWELVE MONTHS IN THE WOODS, 1860.

    ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

    A SLAVE CATCHER CAUGHT IN HIS OWN TRAP.

    TO WHOM IT MIGHT CONCERN.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1858.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.

    ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.

    "AUNT HANNAH MOORE."

    KIDNAPPING OF RACHEL AND ELIZABETH PARKER--MURDER OF JOSEPH C.
    MILLER, IN 1851 AND 1852.

    ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1854.

    ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK.

    ARRIVAL OF FIFTEEN FROM NORFOLK, VIRGINIA.

    THE CASE OF EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS.

    HELPERS AND SYMPATHIZERS AT HOME AND ABROAD--INTERESTING
    LETTERS.

    PAMPHLET AND LETTERS.

    LETTERS TO THE WRITER.

    WOMAN ESCAPING IN A BOX, 1857.

    ORGANIZATION OF THE VIGILANCE COMMITTEE.

    PORTRAITS AND SKETCHES.

    ESTHER MOORE.

    ABIGAIL GOODWIN.

    THOMAS GARRETT.

    DANIEL GIBBONS.

    LUCRETIA MOTT.

    JAMES MILLER McKIM.

    WILLIAM H. FURNESS, D.D.

    WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.

    LEWIS TAPPAN.

    ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER.

    WILLIAM WRIGHT.

    DR. BARTHOLOMEW FUSSELL.

    THOMAS SHIPLEY.

    ROBERT PURVIS.

    JOHN HUNN.

    SAMUEL RHOADS.

    GEORGE CORSON.

    CHARLES D. CLEVELAND.

    WILLIAM WHIPPER.

    ISAAC T. HOPPER.

    SAMUEL D. BURRIS.

    MARIANN, GRACE ANNA, AND ELIZABETH R. LEWIS.

    CUNNINGHAM'S RACHE.

    FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS HARPER.

THE

UNDERGROUND RAILROAD

SETH CONCKLIN.

In the long list of names who have suffered and died in the cause of
freedom, not one, perhaps, could be found whose efforts to redeem a poor
family of slaves were more Christlike than Seth Concklin's, whose noble
and daring spirit has been so long completely shrouded in mystery.
Except John Brown, it is a question, whether his rival could be found
with respect to boldness, disinterestedness and willingness to be
sacrificed for the deliverance of the oppressed.

By chance one day he came across a copy of the Pennsylvania Freeman,
containing the story of Peter Still, "the Kidnapped and the
Ransomed,"--how he had been torn away from his mother, when a little boy
six years old; how, for forty years and more, he had been compelled to
serve under the yoke, totally destitute as to any knowledge of his
parents' whereabouts; how the intense love of liberty and desire to get
back to his mother had unceasingly absorbed his mind through all these
years of bondage; how, amid the most appalling discouragements, prompted
alone by his undying determination to be free and be reunited with those
from whom he had been sold away, he contrived to buy himself; how, by
extreme economy, from doing over-work, he saved up five hundred dollars,
the amount of money required for his ransom, which, with his freedom,
he, from necessity, placed unreservedly in the confidential keeping of a
Jew, named Joseph Friedman, whom he had known for a long time and could
venture to trust,--how he had further toiled to save up money to defray
his expenses on an expedition in search of his mother and kindred; how,
when this end was accomplished, with an earnest purpose he took his
carpet-bag in his hand, and his heart throbbing for his old home and
people, he turned his mind very privately towards Philadelphia, where he
hoped, by having notices read in the colored churches to the effect that
"forty-one or forty-two years before two little boys[A] were kidnapped
and carried South"--that the memory of some of the older members might
recall the circumstances, and in this way he would be aided in his
ardent efforts to become restored to them.

[Footnote A: Sons of Levin and Sidney--the last names of his parents he
was too young to remember.]

And, furthermore, Seth Concklin had read how, on arriving in
Philadelphia, after traveling sixteen hundred miles, that almost the
first man whom Peter Still sought advice from was his own unknown
brother (whom he had never seen or heard of), who made the discovery
that he was the long-lost boy, whose history and fate had been enveloped
in sadness so long, and for whom his mother had shed so many tears and
offered so many prayers, during the long years of their separation; and,
finally, how this self-ransomed and restored captive, notwithstanding
his great success, was destined to suffer the keenest pangs of sorrow
for his wife and children, whom he had left in Alabama bondage.

Seth Concklin was naturally too singularly sympathetic and humane not to
feel now for Peter, and especially for his wife and children left in
bonds as bound with them. Hence, as Seth was a man who seemed wholly
insensible to fear, and to know no other law of humanity and right, than
whenever the claims of the suffering and the wronged appealed to him, to
respond unreservedly, whether those thus injured were amongst his
nearest kin or the greatest strangers,--it mattered not to what race or
clime they might belong,--he, in the spirit of the good Samaritan,
owning all such as his neighbors, volunteered his services, without pay
or reward, to go and rescue the wife and three children of Peter Still.

The magnitude of this offer can hardly be appreciated. It was literally
laying his life on the altar of freedom for the despised and oppressed
whom he had never seen, whose kins-folk even he was not acquainted with.
At this juncture even Peter was not prepared to accept this proposal. He
wanted to secure the freedom of his wife and children as earnestly as he
had ever desired to see his mother, yet he could not, at first, hearken
to the idea of having them rescued in the way suggested by Concklin,
fearing a failure.

To J.M. McKim and the writer, the bold scheme for the deliverance of
Peter's family was alone confided. It was never submitted to the
Vigilance Committee, for the reason, that it was not considered a matter
belonging thereto. On first reflection, the very idea of such an
undertaking seemed perfectly appalling. Frankly was he told of the great
dangers and difficulties to be encountered through hundreds of miles of
slave territory. Seth was told of those who, in attempting to aid slaves
to escape had fallen victims to the relentless Slave Power, and had
either lost their lives, or been incarcerated for long years in
penitentiaries, where no friendly aid could be afforded them; in short,
he was plainly told, that without a very great chance, the undertaking
would cost him his life. The occasion of this interview and
conversation, the seriousness of Concklin and the utter failure in
presenting the various obstacles to his plan, to create the slightest
apparent misgiving in his mind, or to produce the slightest sense of
fear or hesitancy, can never be effaced from the memory of the writer.
The plan was, however, allowed to rest for a time.

In the meanwhile, Peter's mind was continually vacillating between
Alabama, with his wife and children, and his new-found relatives in the
North. Said a brother, "If you cannot get your family, what will you do?
Will you come North and live with your relatives?" "I would as soon go
out of the world, as not to go back and do all I can for them," was the
prompt reply of Peter.

The problem of buying them was seriously considered, but here obstacles
quite formidable lay in the way. Alabama laws utterly denied the right
of a slave to buy himself, much less his wife and children. The right of
slave masters to free their slaves, either by sale or emancipation, was
positively prohibited by law. With these reflections weighing upon his
mind, having stayed away from his wife as long as he could content
himself to do, he took his carpet-bag in his hand, and turned his face
toward Alabama, to embrace his family in the prison-house of bondage.

His approach home could only be made stealthily, not daring to breathe
to a living soul, save his own family, his nominal Jew master, and one
other friend--a slave--where he had been, the prize he had found, or
anything in relation to his travels. To his wife and children his return
was unspeakably joyous. The situation of his family concerned him with
tenfold more weight than ever before,

As the time drew near to make the offer to his wife's master to purchase
her with his children, his heart failed him through fear of awakening
the ire of slaveholders against him, as he knew that the law and public
sentiment were alike deadly opposed to the spirit of freedom in the
slave. Indeed, as innocent as a step in this direction might appear, in
those days a man would have stood about as good a chance for his life in
entering a lair of hungry hyenas, as a slave or free colored man would,
in talking about freedom.

He concluded, therefore, to say nothing about buying. The plan proposed
by Seth Concklin was told to Vina, his wife; also what he had heard from
his brother about the Underground Rail Road,--how, that many who could
not get their freedom in any other way, by being aided a little, were
daily escaping to Canada. Although the wife and children had never
tasted the pleasures of freedom for a single hour in their lives, they
hated slavery heartily, and being about to be far separated from husband
and father, they were ready to assent to any proposition that looked
like deliverance.

So Peter proposed to Vina, that she should give him certain small
articles, consisting of a cape, etc., which he would carry with him as
memorials, and, in case Concklin or any one else should ever come for
her from him, as an unmistakable sign that all was right, he would send
back, by whoever was to befriend them, the cape, so that she and the
children might not doubt but have faith in the man, when he gave her the
sign, (cape).

Again Peter returned to Philadelphia, and was now willing to accept the
offer of Concklin. Ere long, the opportunity of an interview was had,
and Peter gave Seth a very full description of the country and of his
family, and made known to him, that he had very carefully gone over with
his wife and children the matter of their freedom. This interview
interested Concklin most deeply. If his own wife and children had been
in bondage, scarcely could he have manifested greater sympathy for them.

For the hazardous work before him he was at once prepared to make a
start. True he had two sisters in Philadelphia for whom he had always
cherished the warmest affection, but he conferred not with them on this
momentous mission. For full well did he know that it was not in human
nature for them to acquiesce in this perilous undertaking, though one of
these sisters, Mrs. Supplee, was a most faithful abolitionist.

Having once laid his hand to the plough he was not the man to look
back,--not even to bid his sisters good-bye, but he actually left them
as though he expected to be home to his dinner as usual. What had become
of him during those many weeks of his perilous labors in Alabama to
rescue this family was to none a greater mystery than to his sisters. On
leaving home he simply took two or three small articles in the way of
apparel with one hundred dollars to defray his expenses for a time; this
sum he considered ample to start with. Of course he had very safely
concealed about him Vina's cape and one or two other articles which he
was to use for his identification in meeting her and the children on the
plantation.

His first thought was, on reaching his destination, after becoming
acquainted with the family, being familiar with Southern manners, to
have them all prepared at a given hour for the starting of the steamboat
for Cincinnati, and to join him at the wharf, when he would boldly
assume the part of a slaveholder, and the family naturally that of
slaves, and in this way he hoped to reach Cincinnati direct, before
their owner had fairly discovered their escape.

But alas for Southern irregularity, two or three days' delay after being
advertised to start, was no uncommon circumstance with steamers; hence
this plan was abandoned. What this heroic man endured from severe
struggles and unyielding exertions, in traveling thousands of miles on
water and on foot, hungry and fatigued, rowing his living freight for
seven days and seven nights in a skiff, is hardly to be paralleled in
the annals of the Underground Rail Road.

The following interesting letters penned by the hand of Concklin convey
minutely his last struggles and characteristically represent the
singleness of heart which impelled him to sacrifice his life for the
slave--

EASTPORT, MISS., FEB. 3, 1851.

To Wm. Still:--Our friends in Cincinnati have failed finding anybody to
assist me on my return. Searching the country opposite Paducah, I find
that the whole country fifty miles round is inhabited only by Christian
wolves. It is customary, when a strange negro is seen, for any white man
to seize the negro and convey such negro through and out of the State of
Illinois to Paducah, Ky., and lodge such stranger in Paducah jail, and
there claim such reward as may be offered by the master.

There is no regularity by the steamboats on the Tennessee River. I was
four days getting to Florence from Paducah. Sometimes they are four days
starting, from the time appointed, which alone puts to rest the plan for
returning by steamboat. The distance from the mouth of the river to
Florence, is from between three hundred and five to three hundred and
forty-five miles by the river; by land, two hundred and fifty, or more.

I arrived at the shoe shop on the plantation, one o'clock, Tuesday,
28th. William and two boys were making shoes. I immediately gave the
first signal, anxiously waiting thirty minutes for an opportunity to
give the second and main signal, during which time I was very sociable.
It was rainy and muddy--my pants were rolled up to the knees. I was in
the character of a man seeking employment in this country. End of thirty
minutes gave the second signal.

William appeared unmoved; soon sent out the boys; instantly sociable;
Peter and Levin at the Island; one of the young masters with them; not
safe to undertake to see them till Saturday night, when they would be at
home; appointed a place to see Vina, in an open field, that night; they
to bring me something to eat; our interview only four minutes; I left;
appeared by night; dark and cloudy; at ten o'clock appeared William;
exchanged signals; led me a few rods to where stood Vina; gave her the
signal sent by Peter; our interview ten minutes; she did not call me
"master," nor did she say "sir," by which I knew she had confidence in
me.

Our situation being dangerous, we decided that I meet Peter and Levin on
the bank of the river early dawn of day, Sunday, to establish the laws.
During our interview, William prostrated on his knees, and face to the
ground; arms sprawling; head cocked back, watching for wolves, by which
position a man can see better in the dark. No house to go to safely,
traveled round till morning, eating hoe cake which William had given me
for supper; next day going around to get employment. I thought of
William, who is a Christian preacher, and of the Christian preachers in
Pennsylvania. One watching for wolves by night, to rescue Vina and her
three children from Christian licentiousness; the other standing erect
in open day, seeking the praise of men.

During the four days waiting for the important Sunday morning, I
thoroughly surveyed the rocks and shoals of the river from Florence
seven miles up, where will be my place of departure. General notice was
taken of me as being a stranger, lurking around. Fortunately there are
several small grist mills within ten miles around. No taverns here, as
in the North; any planter's house entertains travelers occasionally.

One night I stayed at a medical gentleman's, who is not a large planter;
another night at an ex-magistrate's house in South Florence--a Virginian
by birth--one of the late census takers; told me that many more persons
cannot read and write than is reported; one fact, amongst many others,
that many persons who do not know the letters of the alphabet, have
learned to write their own names; such are generally reported readers
and writers.

It being customary for a stranger not to leave the house early in the
morning where he has lodged, I was under the necessity of staying out
all night Saturday, to be able to meet Peter and Levin, which was
accomplished in due time. When we approached, I gave my signal first;
immediately they gave theirs. I talked freely. Levin's voice, at first,
evidently trembled. No wonder, for my presence universally attracted
attention by the lords of the land. Our interview was less than one
hour; the laws were written. I to go to Cincinnati to get a rowing boat
and provisions; a first class clipper boat to go with speed. To depart
from the place where the laws were written, on Saturday night of the
first of March. I to meet one of them at the same place Thursday night,
previous to the fourth Saturday from the night previous to the Sunday
when the laws were written. We to go down the Tennessee river to some
place up the Ohio, not yet decided on, in our row boat. Peter and Levin
are good oarsmen. So am I. Telegraph station at Tuscumbia, twelve miles
from the plantation, also at Paducah.

Came from Florence to here Sunday night by steamboat. Eastport is in
Mississippi. Waiting here for a steamboat to go down; paying one dollar
a day for board. Like other taverns here, the wretchedness is
indescribable; no pen, ink, paper or newspaper to be had; only one room
for everybody, except the gambling rooms. It is difficult for me to
write. Vina intends to get a pass for Catharine and herself for the
first Sunday in March.

The bank of the river where I met Peter and Levin is two miles from the
plantation. I have avoided saying I am from Philadelphia. Also avoided
talking about negroes. I never talked so much about milling before. I
consider most of the trouble over, till I arrive in a free State with my
crew, the first week in March; then will I have to be wiser than
Christian serpents, and more cautious than doves. I do not consider it
safe to keep this letter in my possession, yet I dare not put it in the
post-office here; there is so little business in these post-offices that
notice might be taken.

I am evidently watched; everybody knows me to be a miller. I may write
again when I get to Cincinnati, if I should have time. The
ex-magistrate, with whom I stayed in South Florence, held three hours'
talk with me, exclusive of our morning talk. Is a man of good general
information; he was exceedingly inquisitive. "I am from Cincinnati,
formerly from the _State of New York_." I had no opportunity to get
anything to eat from seven o'clock Tuesday morning till six o'clock
Wednesday evening, except the hoe cake, and no sleep.

Florence is the head of navigation for small steamboats. Seven miles,
all the way up to my place of departure, is swift water, and rocky.
Eight hundred miles to Cincinnati. I found all things here as Peter told
me, except the distance of the river. South Florence contains twenty
white families, three warehouses of considerable business, a
post-office, but no school. McKiernon is here waiting for a steamboat to
go to New Orleans, so we are in company.

PRINCETON, GIBSON COUNTY, INDIANA, FEB. 18, 1851.

To Wm. Still:--The plan is to go to Canada, on the Wabash, opposite
Detroit. There are four routes to Canada. One through Illinois,
commencing above and below Alton; one through to North Indiana, and the
Cincinnati route, being the largest route in the United States.

I intended to have gone through Pennsylvania, but the risk going up the
Ohio river has caused me to go to Canada. Steamboat traveling is
universally condemned, though many go in boats, consequently many get
lost. Going in a skiff is new, and is approved of in my case. After I
arrive at the mouth of the Tennessee river, I will go up the Ohio
seventy-five miles, to the mouth of the Wabash, then up the Wabash,
forty-four miles to New Harmony, where I shall go ashore by night, and
go thirteen miles east, to Charles Grier, a farmer, (colored man), who
will entertain us, and next night convey us sixteen miles to David
Stormon, near Princeton, who will take the command, and I be released.

David Stormon estimates the expenses from his house to Canada, at forty
dollars, without which, no sure protection will be given. They might be
instructed concerning the course, and beg their way through without
money. If you wish to do what should be done, you will send me fifty
dollars, in a letter, to Princeton, Gibson county, Inda., so as to
arrive there by the 8th of March. Eight days should be estimated for a
letter to arrive from Philadelphia.

The money to be State Bank of Ohio, or State Bank, or Northern Bank of
Kentucky, or any other Eastern bank. Send no notes larger than twenty
dollars.

Levi Coffin had no money for me. I paid twenty dollars for the skiff. No
money to get back to Philadelphia. It was not understood that I would
have to be at any expense seeking aid.

One half of my time has been used in trying to find persons to assist,
when I may arrive on the Ohio river, in which I have failed, except
Stormon.

Having no letter of introduction to Stormon from any source, on which I
could fully rely, I traveled two hundred miles around, to find out his
stability. I have found many Abolitionists, nearly all who have made
propositions, which themselves would not comply with, and nobody else
would. Already I have traveled over three thousand miles. Two thousand
and four hundred by steamboat, two hundred by railroad, one hundred by
stage, four hundred on foot, forty-eight in a skiff.

I have yet five hundred miles to go to the plantation, to commence
operations. I have been two weeks on the decks of steamboats, three
nights out, two of which I got perfectly wet. If I had had paper money,
as McKim desired, it would have been destroyed. I have not been
entertained gratis at any place except Stormon's. I had one hundred and
twenty-six dollars when I left Philadelphia, one hundred from you,
twenty-six mine.

Telegraphed to station at Evansville, thirty-three miles from Stormon's,
and at Vinclure's, twenty-five miles from Stormon's. The Wabash route is
considered the safest route. No one has ever been lost from Stormon's to
Canada. Some have been lost between Stormon's and the Ohio. The wolves
have never suspected Stormon. Your asking aid in money for a case
properly belonging east of Ohio, is detested. If you have sent money to
Cincinnati, you should recall it. I will have no opportunity to use it.

Seth Concklin, Princeton, Gibson county, Ind.

P.S. First of April, will be about the time Peter's family will arrive
opposite Detroit. You should inform yourself how to find them there. I
may have no opportunity.

I will look promptly for your letter at Princeton, till the 10th of
March, and longer if there should have been any delay by the mails.

In March, as contemplated, Concklin arrived in Indiana, at the place
designated, with Peter's wife and three children, and sent a thrilling
letter to the writer, portraying in the most vivid light his adventurous
flight from the hour they left Alabama until their arrival in Indiana.
In this report he stated, that instead of starting early in the morning,
owing to some unforeseen delay on the part of the family, they did not
reach the designated place till towards day, which greatly exposed them
in passing a certain town which he had hoped to avoid.

But as his brave heart was bent on prosecuting his journey without
further delay, he concluded to start at all hazards, notwithstanding the
dangers he apprehended from passing said town by daylight. For safety he
endeavored to hide his freight by having them all lie flat down on the
bottom of the skiff; covered them with blankets, concealing them from
the effulgent beams of the early morning sun, or rather from the
"Christian Wolves" who might perchance espy him from the shore in
passing the town.

The wind blew fearfully. Concklin was rowing heroically when loud voices
from the shore hailed him, but he was utterly deaf to the sound.
Immediately one or two guns were fired in the direction of the skiff,
but he heeded not this significant call; consequently here ended this
difficulty. He supposed, as the wind was blowing so hard, those on shore
who hailed him must have concluded that he did not hear them and that he
meant no disrespect in treating them with seeming indifference. Whilst
many straits and great dangers had to be passed, this was the greatest
before reaching their destination.

But suffice it to say that the glad tidings which this letter contained
filled the breast of Peter with unutterable delight and his friends and
relations with wonder beyond degree.[A] No fond wife had ever waited
with more longing desire for the return of her husband than Peter had
for this blessed news. All doubts had disappeared, and a well grounded
hope was cherished that within a few short days Peter and his fond wife
and children would be reunited in Freedom on the Canada side, and that
Concklin and the friends would be rejoicing with joy unspeakable over
this great triumph. But alas, before the few days had expired the
subjoined brief paragraph of news was discovered in the morning Ledger.

[Footnote A: In some unaccountable manner this the last letter Concklin
ever penned, perhaps, has been unfortunately lost.]

    RUNAWAY NEGROES CAUGHT.--At Vincennes, Indiana, on Saturday
    last, a white man and four negroes were arrested. The negroes
    belong to B. McKiernon, of South Florence, Alabama, and the man
    who was running them off calls himself John H. Miller. The
    prisoners were taken charge of by the Marshall of
    Evansville.--_April 9th_.

How suddenly these sad tidings turned into mourning and gloom the hope
and joy of Peter and his relatives no pen could possibly describe; at
least the writer will not attempt it here, but will at once introduce a
witness who met the noble Concklin and the panting fugitives in Indiana
and proffered them sympathy and advice. And it may safely be said from a
truer and more devoted friend of the slave they could not have received
counsel.

    EVANSVILLE, INDIANA, MARCH 31st, 1851.

    WM. STILL: _Dear Sir_ ,--On last Tuesday I mailed a letter to
    you, written by Seth Concklin. I presume you have received that
    letter. It gave an account of his rescue of the family of your
    brother. If that is the last news you have had from them, I have
    very painful intelligence for you. They passed on from near
    Princeton, where I saw them and had a lengthy interview with
    them, up north, I think twenty-three miles above Vincennes,
    Ind., where they were seized by a party of men, and lodged in
    jail. Telegraphic dispatches were sent all through the South. I
    have since learned that the Marshall of Evansville received a
    dispatch from Tuscumbia, to look out for them. By some means, he
    and the master, so says report, went to Vincennes and claimed
    the fugitives, chained Mr. Concklin and hurried all off. Mr.
    Concklin wrote to Mr. David Stormon, Princeton, as soon as he
    was cast into prison, to find bail. So soon as we got the letter
    and could get off, two of us were about setting off to render
    all possible aid, when we were told they all had passed, a few
    hours before, through Princeton, Mr. Concklin in chains. What
    kind of process was had, if any, I know not. I immediately came
    down to this place, and learned that they had been put on a boat
    at 3 P.M. I did not arrive until 6. Now all hopes of their
    recovery are gone. No case ever so enlisted my sympathies. I had
    seen Mr. Concklin in Cincinnati. I had given him aid and
    counsel. I happened to see them after they landed in Indiana. I
    heard Peter and Levin tell their tale of suffering, shed tears
    of sorrow for them all; but now, since they have fallen a prey
    to the unmerciful blood-hounds of this state, and have again
    been dragged back to unrelenting bondage, I am entirely
    unmanned. And poor Concklin! I fear for him. When he is dragged
    back to Alabama, I fear they will go far beyond the utmost rigor
    of the law, and vent their savage cruelty upon him. It is with
    pain I have to communicate these things. But you may not hear
    them from him. I could not get to see him or them, as Vincennes
    is about thirty miles from Princeton, where I was when I heard
    of the capture.

    I take pleasure in stating that, according to the letter he
    (Concklin) wrote to Mr. D. Stewart, Mr. Concklin did not abandon
    them, but risked his own liberty to save them. He was not with
    them when they were taken; but went afterwards to take them out
    of jail upon a writ of Habeas Corpus, when they seized him too
    and lodged him in prison.

    I write in much haste. If I can learn any more facts of
    importance, I may write you. If you desire to hear from me
    again, or if you should learn any thing specific from Mr.
    Concklin, be pleased to write me at Cincinnati, where I expect
    to be in a short time. If curious to know your correspondent, I
    may say I was formerly Editor of the "New Concord Free Press,"
    Ohio. I only add that every case of this kind only tends to make
    me abhor my (no!) _this_ country more and more. It is the
    Devil's Government, and God will destroy it.

    Yours for the slave, N.R. JOHNSTON.

    P.S. I broke open this letter to write you some more. The
    foregoing pages were written at night. I expected to mail it
    next morning before leaving Evansville; but the boat for which I
    was waiting came down about three in the morning; so I had to
    hurry on board, bringing the letter along. As it now is I am not
    sorry, for coming down, on my way to St. Louis, as far as
    Paducah, there I learned from a colored man at the wharf that,
    that same day, in the morning, the master and the family of
    fugitives arrived off the boat, and had then gone on their
    journey to Tuscumbia, but that the "white man" (Mr. Concklin)
    had "got away from them," about twelve miles up the river. It
    seems he got off the boat some way, near or at Smithland, Ky., a
    town at the mouth of the Cumberland River. I presume the report
    is true, and hope he will finally escape, though I was also told
    that they were in pursuit of him. Would that the others had also
    escaped. Peter and Levin could have done so, I think, if they
    had had resolution. One of them rode a horse, he not tied
    either, behind the coach in which the others were. He followed
    apparently "contented and happy." From report, they told their
    master, and even their pursuers, before the master came, that
    Concklin had decoyed them away, they coming unwillingly. I write
    on a very unsteady boat.

    Yours, N.R. JOHNSTON.

A report found its way into the papers to the effect that "Miller," the
white man arrested in connection with the capture of the family, was
found drowned, with his hands and feet in chains and his skull
fractured. It proved, as his friends feared, to be Seth Concklin. And in
irons, upon the river bank, there is no doubt he was buried.

In this dreadful hour one sad duty still remained to be performed. Up to
this moment the two sisters were totally ignorant of their brother's
whereabouts. Not the first whisper of his death had reached them. But
they must now be made acquainted with all the facts in the case.
Accordingly an interview was arranged for a meeting, and the duty of
conveying this painful intelligence to one of the sisters, Mrs. Supplee,
devolved upon Mr. McKim. And most tenderly and considerately did he
perform his mournful task.

Although a woman of nerve, and a true friend to the slave, an earnest
worker and a liberal giver in the Female Anti-Slavery Society, for a
time she was overwhelmed by the intelligence of her brother's death. As
soon as possible, however, through very great effort, she controlled her
emotions, and calmly expressed herself as being fully resigned to the
awful event. Not a word of complaint had she to make because she had not
been apprised of his movements; but said repeatedly, that, had she known
ever so much of his intentions, she would have been totally powerless in
opposing him if she had felt so disposed, and as an illustration of the
true character of the man, from his boyhood up to the day he died for
his fellow-man, she related his eventful career, and recalled a number
of instances of his heroic and daring deeds for others, sacrificing his
time and often periling his life in the cause of those who he considered
were suffering gross wrongs and oppression. Hence, she concluded, that
it was only natural for him in this case to have taken the steps he did.
Now and then overflowing tears would obstruct this deeply thrilling and
most remarkable story she was telling of her brother, but her memory
seemed quickened by the sadness of the occasion, and she was enabled to
recall vividly the chief events connected with his past history. Thus
his agency in this movement, which cost him his life, could readily
enough be accounted for, and the individuals who listened attentively to
the story were prepared to fully appreciate his character, for, prior to
offering his services in this mission, he had been a stranger to them.

The following extract, taken from a letter of a subsequent date, in
addition to the above letter, throws still further light upon the
heart-rending affair, and shows Mr. Johnston's deep sympathy with the
sufferers and the oppressed generally--

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM REV. N.R. JOHNSTON.

    My heart bleeds when I think of those poor, hunted and
    heart-broken fugitives, though a most interesting family, taken
    back to bondage ten-fold worse than Egyptian. And then poor
    Concklin! How my heart expanded in love to him, as he told me
    his adventures, his trials, his toils, his fears and his hopes!
    After hearing all, and then seeing and communing with the
    family, now joyful in hopes of soon seeing their husband and
    father in the land of freedom; now in terror lest the human
    blood-hounds should be at their heels, I felt as though I could
    lay down my life in the cause of the oppressed. In that hour or
    two of intercourse with Peter's family, my heart warmed with
    love to them. I never saw more interesting young men. They would
    make Remonds or Douglasses, if they had the same opportunities.

    While I was with them, I was elated with joy at their escape,
    and yet, when I heard their tale of woe, especially that of the
    mother, I could not suppress tears of deepest emotion.

    My joy was short-lived. Soon I heard of their capture. The
    telegraph had been the means of their being claimed. I could
    have torn down all the telegraph wires in the land. It was a
    strange dispensation of Providence.

    On Saturday the sad news of their capture came to my ears. We
    had resolved to go to their aid on Monday, as the trial was set
    for Thursday. On Sabbath, I spoke from Psalm xii. 5. "For the
    oppression of the poor, for the sighing of the needy, now will I
    arise," saith the Lord: "I will set him in safety from him that
    puffeth at (from them that would enslave) him." When on Monday
    morning I learned that the fugitives had passed through the
    place on Sabbath, and Concklin in chains, probably at the very
    time I was speaking on the subject referred to, my heart sank
    within me. And even yet, I cannot but exclaim, when I think of
    it--O, Father! how long ere Thou wilt arise to avenge the wrongs
    of the poor slave! Indeed, my dear brother, His ways are very
    mysterious. We have the consolation, however, to know that all
    is for the best. Our Redeemer does all things well. When He hung
    upon the cross, His poor broken hearted disciples could not
    understand the providence; it was a dark time to them; and yet
    that was an event that was fraught with more joy to the world
    than any that has occurred or could occur. Let us stand at our
    post and wait God's time. Let us have on the whole armor of God,
    and fight for the right, knowing, that though we may fall in
    battle, the victory will be ours, sooner or later.

    May God lead you into all truth, and sustain you in your labors,
    and fulfill your prayers and hopes. Adieu.

    N.R. JOHNSTON.

LETTERS FROM LEVI COFFIN.

The following letters on the subject were received from the untiring and
devoted friend of the slave, Levi Coffin, who for many years had
occupied in Cincinnati a similar position to that of Thomas Garrett in
Delaware, a sentinel and watchman commissioned of God to succor the
fleeing bondman--

    CINCINNATI, 4TH MO., 10TH, 1851.

    FRIEND WM. STILL:--We have sorrowful news from our friend
    Concklin, through the papers and otherwise. I received a letter
    a few days ago from a friend near Princeton, Ind., stating that
    Concklin and the four slaves are in prison in Vincennes, and
    that their trial would come on in a few days. He states that
    they rowed seven days and nights in the skiff, and got safe to
    Harmony, Ind., on the Wabash river, thence to Princeton, and
    were conveyed to Vincennes by friends, where they were taken.
    The papers state, that they were all given up to the Marshal of
    Evansville, Indiana.

    We have telegraphed to different points, to try to get some
    information concerning them, but failed. The last information is
    published in the _Times_ of yesterday, though quite incorrect in
    the particulars of the case. Inclosed is the slip containing it.
    I fear all is over in regard to the freedom of the slaves. If
    the last account be true, we have some hope that Concklin will
    escape from those bloody tyrants. I cannot describe my feelings
    on hearing this sad intelligence. I feel ashamed to own my
    country. Oh! what shall I say. Surely a God of justice will
    avenge the wrongs of the oppressed.

    Thine for the poor slave,

    LEVI COFFIN.

    N.B.--If thou hast any information, please write me forthwith.

    CINCINNATI, 5TH MO., 11TH, 1851.

    WM. STILL:--_Dear Friend_--Thy letter of 1st inst., came duly to
    hand, but not being able to give any further information
    concerning our friend, Concklin, I thought best to wait a little
    before I wrote, still hoping to learn something more definite
    concerning him.

    We that became acquainted with Seth Concklin and his hazardous
    enterprises (here at Cincinnati), who were very few, have felt
    intense and inexpressible anxiety about them. And particularly
    about poor Seth, since we heard of his falling into the hands of
    the tyrants. I fear that he has fallen a victim to their inhuman
    thirst for blood.

    I seriously doubt the rumor, that he had made his escape. I fear
    that he was sacrificed.

    Language would fail to express my feelings; the intense and deep
    anxiety I felt about them for weeks before I heard of their
    capture in Indiana, and then it seemed too much to bear. O! my
    heart almost bleeds when I think of it. The hopes of the dear
    family all blasted by the wretched blood-hounds in human shape.
    And poor Seth, after all his toil, and dangerous, shrewd and
    wise management, and almost unheard of adventures, the many
    narrow and almost miraculous escapes. Then to be given up to
    Indianians, to these fiendish tyrants, to be sacrificed. O!
    Shame, Shame!!

    My heart aches, my eyes fill with tears, I cannot write more. I
    cannot dwell longer on this painful subject now. If you get any
    intelligence, please inform me. Friend N.R. Johnston, who took
    so much interest in them, and saw them just before they were
    taken, has just returned to the city. He is a minister of the
    Covenanter order. He is truly a lovely man, and his heart is
    full of the milk of humanity; one of our best Anti-Slavery
    spirits. I spent last evening with him. He related the whole
    story to me as he had it from friend Concklin and the mother and
    children, and then the story of their capture. We wept together.
    He found thy letter when he got here.

    He said he would write the whole history to thee in a few days,
    as far as he could. He can tell it much better than I can.

    Concklin left his carpet sack and clothes here with me, except a
    shirt or two he took with him. What shall I do with them? For if
    we do not hear from him soon, we must conclude that he is lost,
    and the report of his escape all a hoax.

    Truly thy friend,

    LEVI COFFIN.

Stunning and discouraging as this horrible ending was to all concerned,
and serious as the matter looked in the eyes of Peter's friends with
regard to Peter's family, he could not for a moment abandon the idea of
rescuing them from the jaws of the destroyer. But most formidable
difficulties stood in the way of opening correspondence with reliable
persons in Alabama. Indeed it seemed impossible to find a merchant,
lawyer, doctor, planter or minister, who was not too completely
interlinked with slavery to be relied upon to manage a negotiation of
this nature. Whilst waiting and hoping for something favorable to turn
up, the subjoined letter from the owner of Peter's family was received
and is here inserted precisely as it was written, spelled and
punctuated--

McKIERNON'S LETTER.

    SOUTH FLORENCE ALA 6 Augest 1851

    Mr WILLIAM STILL _No 31 North Fifth street Philadelphia_

    Sir a few days sinc mr Lewis Tharenton of Tuscumbia Ala shewed
    me a letter dated 6 June 51 from Cincinnati signd samuel Lewis
    in behalf of a Negro man by the name of peter Gist who informed
    the writer of the Letter that you ware his brother and wished an
    answer to be directed to you as he peter would be in
    philadelphi. the object of the letter was to purchis from me 4
    Negros that is peters wife & 3 children 2 sons & 1 Girl the Name
    of said Negres are the woman Viney the (mother) Eldest son peter
    21 or 2 years old second son Leven 19 or 20 years 1 Girl about
    13 or 14 years old. the Husband & Father of these people once
    Belonged to a relation of mine by the name of Gist now Decest &
    some few years since he peter was sold to a man by the Name of
    Freedman who removed to cincinnati ohio & Tuck peter with him of
    course peter became free by the volentary act of the master some
    time last march a white man by the name of Miller apperd in the
    nabourhood & abducted the bove negroes was caut at vincanes Indi
    with said negroes & was thare convicted of steling & remanded
    back to Ala to Abide the penalty of the law & on his return met
    his Just reward by Getting drownded at the mouth of cumberland
    River on the ohio in attempting to make his escape I recovered &
    Braught Back said 4 negroes or as You would say coulard people
    under the Belief that peter the Husband was accessory to the
    offence thareby putting me to much Expense & Truble to the amt
    $1000 which if he gets them he or his Friends must refund these
    4 negroes are worth in the market about 4000 for thea are
    Extraordinary fine & likely & but for the fact of Elopement I
    would not take 8000 Dollars for them but as the thing now stands
    you can say to peter & his new discovered Relations in
    Philadelphia I will take 5000 for the 4 culerd people & if this
    will suite him & he can raise the money I will delever to him or
    his agent at paduca at mouth of Tennessee river said negroes but
    the money must be Deposeted in the Hands of some respectabl
    person at paduca before I remove the property it wold not be
    safe for peter to come to this countery write me a line on recpt
    of this & let me Know peters views on the above

    I am Yours &c B. McKIERNON

    N B say to peter to write & let me Know his viewes amediately as
    I am determined to act in a way if he don't take this offer he
    will never have an other oppertunity

    B McKIERNON

WM. STILL'S ANSWER.

    PHILADELPHIA, Aug. 16th, 1851.

    To B. McKIERNON, ESQ.: _Sir_--I have received your letter from
    South Florence, Ala., under date of the 6th inst. To say that it
    took me by surprise, as well as afforded me pleasure, for which
    I feel to be very much indebted to you, is no more than true. In
    regard to your informants of myself--Mr. Thornton, of Ala., and
    Mr. Samuel Lewis, of Cincinnati--to them both I am a stranger.
    However, I am the brother of Peter, referred to, and with the
    fact of his having a wife and three children in your service I
    am also familiar. This brother, Peter, I have only had the
    pleasure of knowing for the brief space of one year and thirteen
    days, although he is now past forty and I twenty-nine years of
    age. Time will not allow me at present, or I should give you a
    detailed account of how Peter became a slave, the forty long
    years which intervened between the time he was kidnapped, when a
    boy, being only six years of age, and his arrival in this city,
    from Alabama, one year and fourteen days ago, when he was
    re-united to his mother, five brothers and three sisters.

    None but a father's heart can fathom the anguish and sorrows
    felt by Peter during the many vicissitudes through which he has
    passed. He looked back to his boyhood and saw himself snatched
    from the tender embraces of his parents and home to be made a
    slave for life.

    During all his prime days he was in the faithful and constant
    service of those who had no just claim upon him. In the
    meanwhile he married a wife, who bore him eleven children, the
    greater part of whom were emancipated from the troubles of life
    by death, and three only survived. To them and his wife he was
    devoted. Indeed I have never seen attachment between parents and
    children, or husband and wife, more entire than was manifested
    in the case of Peter.

    Through these many years of servitude, Peter was sold and
    resold, from one State to another, from one owner to another,
    till he reached the forty-ninth year of his age, when, in a good
    Providence, through the kindness of a friend and the sweat of
    his brow, he regained the God-given blessings of liberty. He
    eagerly sought his parents and home with all possible speed and
    pains, when, to his heart's joy, he found his relatives.

    Your present humble correspondent is the youngest of Peter's
    brothers, and the first one of the family he saw after arriving
    in this part of the country. I think you could not fail to be
    interested in hearing how we became known to each other, and the
    proof of our being brothers, etc., all of which I should be most
    glad to relate, but time will not permit me to do so. The news
    of this wonderful occurrence, of Peter finding his kindred, was
    published quite extensively, shortly afterwards, in various
    newspapers, in this quarter, which may account for the fact of
    "Miller's" knowledge of the whereabouts of the "fugitives." Let
    me say, it is my firm conviction that no one had any hand in
    persuading "Miller" to go down from Cincinnati, or any other
    place, after the family. As glad as I should be, and as much as
    I would do for the liberation of Peter's family (now no longer
    young), and his three "likely" children, in whom he prides
    himself--how much, if you are a father, you can imagine; yet I
    would not, and could not, think of persuading any friend to
    peril his life, as would be the case, in an errand of that kind.

    As regards the price fixed upon by you for the family, I must
    say I do not think it possible to raise half that amount, though
    Peter authorized me to say he would give you twenty-five hundred
    for them. Probably he is not as well aware as I am, how
    difficult it is to raise so large a sum of money from the
    public. The applications for such objects are so frequent among
    us in the North, and have always been so liberally met, that it
    is no wonder if many get tired of being called upon. To be sure
    some of us brothers own some property, but no great amount;
    certainly not enough to enable us to bear so great a burden.
    Mother owns a small farm in New Jersey, on which she has lived
    for nearly forty years, from which she derives her support in
    her old age. This small farm contains between forty and fifty
    acres, and is the fruit of my father's toil. Two of my brothers
    own small places also, but they have young families, and
    consequently consume nearly as much as they make, with the
    exception of adding some improvements to their places.

    For my own part, I am employed as a clerk for a living, but my
    salary is quite too limited to enable me to contribute any great
    amount towards so large a sum as is demanded. Thus you see how
    we are situated financially. We have plenty of friends, but
    little money. Now, sir, allow me to make an appeal to your
    humanity, although we are aware of your power to hold as
    property those poor slaves, mother, daughter and two sons,--that
    in no part of the United States could they escape and be secure
    from your claim--nevertheless, would your understanding, your
    heart, or your conscience reprove you, should you restore to
    them, without price, that dear freedom, which is theirs by right
    of nature, or would you not feel a satisfaction in so doing
    which all the wealth of the world could not equal? At all
    events, could you not so reduce the price as to place it in the
    power of Peter's relatives and friends to raise the means for
    their purchase? At first, I doubt not, but that you will think
    my appeal very unreasonable; but, sir, serious reflection will
    decide, whether the money demanded by you, after all, will be of
    as great a benefit to you, as the satisfaction you would find in
    bestowing so great a favor upon those whose entire happiness in
    this life depends mainly upon your decision in the matter. If
    the entire family cannot be purchased or freed, what can Vina
    and her daughter be purchased for? Hoping, sir, to hear from
    you, at your earliest convenience, I subscribe myself,

    Your obedient servant, WM. STILL.

    To B. McKiernon, Esq.

No reply to this letter was ever received from McKiernon. The cause of
his reticence can be as well conjectured by the reader as the writer.

Time will not admit of further details kindred to this narrative. The
life, struggles, and success of Peter and his family were ably brought
before the public in the "Kidnapped and the Ransomed," being the
personal recollections of Peter Still and his wife "Vina," after forty
years of slavery, by Mrs. Kate E.R. Pickard; with an introduction by
Rev. Samuel J. May, and an appendix by William H. Furness, D.D., in
1856. But, of course it was not prudent or safe, in the days of Slavery,
to publish such facts as are now brought to light; all such had to be
kept concealed in the breasts of the fugitives and their friends.

[Illustration: PETER STILL ]

[Illustration: CHARITY STILL ]

The following brief sketch, touching the separation of Peter and his
mother, will fitly illustrate this point, and at the same time explain
certain mysteries which have been hitherto kept hidden--

THE SEPARATION.

With regard to Peter's separation from his mother, when a little boy, in
few words, the facts were these: His parents, Levin and Sidney, were
both slaves on the Eastern Shore of Maryland. "I will die before I
submit to the yoke," was the declaration of his father to his young
master before either was twenty-one years of age. Consequently he was
allowed to buy himself at a very low figure, and he paid the required
sum and obtained his "free papers" when quite a young man--the young
wife and mother remaining in slavery under Saunders Griffin, as also her
children, the latter having increased to the number of four, two little
boys and two little girls. But to escape from chains, stripes, and
bondage, she took her four little children and fled to a place near
Greenwich, New Jersey. Not a great while, however, did she remain there
in a state of freedom before the slave-hunters pursued her, and one
night they pounced upon the whole family, and, without judge or jury,
hurried them all back to slavery. Whether this was kidnapping or not is
for the reader to decide for himself.

Safe back in the hands of her owner, to prevent her from escaping a
second time, every night for about three months she was cautiously "kept
locked up in the garret," until, as they supposed, she was fully "cured
of the desire to do so again." But she was incurable. She had been a
witness to the fact that her own father's brains had been blown out by
the discharge of a heavily loaded gun, deliberately aimed at his head by
his drunken master. She only needed half a chance to make still greater
struggles than ever for freedom.

She had great faith in God, and found much solace in singing some of the
good old Methodist tunes, by day and night. Her owner, observing this
apparently tranquil state of mind, indicating that she "seemed better
contented than ever," concluded that it was safe to let the garret door
remain unlocked at night. Not many weeks were allowed to pass before she
resolved to again make a bold strike for freedom. This time she had to
leave the two little boys, Levin and Peter, behind.

On the night she started she went to the bed where they were sleeping,
kissed them, and, consigning them into the hands of God, bade her mother
good-bye, and with her two little girls wended her way again to
Burlington County, New Jersey, but to a different neighborhood from that
where she had been seized. She changed her name to Charity, and
succeeded in again joining her husband, but, alas, with the
heart-breaking thought that she had been compelled to leave her two
little boys in slavery and one of the little girls on the road for the
father to go back after. Thus she began life in freedom anew.

Levin and Peter, eight and six years of age respectively, were now left
at the mercy of the enraged owner, and were soon hurried off to a
Southern market and sold, while their mother, for whom they were daily
weeping, was they knew not where. They were too young to know that they
were slaves, or to understand the nature of the afflicting separation.
Sixteen years before Peter's return, his older brother (Levin) died a
slave in the State of Alabama, and was buried by his surviving brother,
Peter.

No idea other than that they had been "kidnapped" from their mother ever
entered their minds; nor had they any knowledge of the State from whence
they supposed they had been taken, the last names of their mother and
father, or where they were born. On the other hand, the mother was aware
that the safety of herself and her rescued children depended on keeping
the whole transaction a strict family secret. During the forty years of
separation, except two or three Quaker friends, including the devoted
friend of the slave, Benjamin Lundy, it is doubtful whether any other
individuals were let into the secret of her slave life. And when the
account given of Peter's return, etc., was published in 1850, it led
some of the family to apprehend serious danger from the partial
revelation of the early condition of the mother, especially as it was
about the time that the Fugitive Slave law was passed.

Hence, the author of "The Kidnapped and the Ransomed" was compelled to
omit these dangerous facts, and had to confine herself strictly to the
"personal recollections of Peter Still" with regard to his being
"kidnapped." Likewise, in the sketch of Seth Concklin's eventful life,
written by Dr. W.H. Furness, for similar reasons he felt obliged to make
but bare reference to his wonderful agency in relation to Peter's
family, although he was fully aware of all the facts in the case.

UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD LETTERS.

Here are introduced a few out of a very large number of interesting
letters, designed for other parts of the book as occasion may require.
All letters will be given precisely as they were written by their
respective authors, so that there may be no apparent room for charging
the writer with partial colorings in any instance. Indeed, the
originals, however ungrammatically written or erroneously spelt, in
their native simplicity possess such beauty and force as corrections and
additions could not possibly enhance--

LETTER FROM THOMAS GARRETT (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).

WILMINGTON, 3mo. 23d, 1856.

DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:--Since I wrote thee this morning informing
thee of the safe arrival of the Eight from Norfolk, Harry Craige has
informed me, that he has a man from Delaware that he proposes to take
along, who arrived since noon. He will take the man, woman and two
children from here with him, and the four men will get in at Marcus
Hook. Thee may take Harry Craige by the hand as a brother, true to the
cause; he is one of our most efficient aids on the Rail Road, and worthy
of full confidence. May they all be favored to get on safe. The woman
and three children are no common stock. I assure thee finer specimens of
humanity are seldom met with. I hope herself and children may be enabled
to find her husband, who has been absent some years, and the rest of
their days be happy together.

I am, as ever, thy friend,

THOS. GARRETT.

LETTER FROM MISS G.A. LEWIS (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).

KIMBERTON, October 28th, 1855.

ESTEEMED FRIEND;--This evening a company of eleven friends reached here,
having left their homes on the night of the 26th inst. They came into
Wilmington, about ten o'clock on the morning of the 27th, and left
there, in the town, their two carriages, drawn by two horses. They went
to Thomas Garrett's by open day-light and from thence were sent hastily
onward for fear of pursuit. They reached Longwood meeting-house in the
evening, at which place a Fair Circle had convened, and stayed a while
in the meeting, then, after remaining all night with one of the Kennet
friends, they were brought to Downingtown early in the morning, and from
thence, by daylight, to within a short distance of this place.

They come from New Chestertown, within five miles of the place from
which the nine lately forwarded came, and left behind them a colored
woman who knew of their intended flight and of their intention of
passing through Wilmington and leaving their horses and carriages there.

I have been thus particular in my statement, because the case seems to
us one of unusual danger. We have separated the company for the present,
sending a mother and five children, two of them quite small, in one
direction, and a husband and wife and three lads in another, until I
could write to you and get advice if you have any to give, as to the
best method of forwarding them, and assistance pecuniarily, in getting
them to Canada. The mother and children we have sent off of the usual
route, and to a place where I do not think they can remain many days.

We shall await hearing from you. H. Kimber will be in the city on third
day, the 30th, and any thing left at 408 Green Street directed to his
care, will meet with prompt attention.

Please give me again the direction of Hiram Wilson and the friend in
Elmira, Mr. Jones, I think. If you have heard from any of the nine since
their safe arrival, please let us know when you write.

Very Respectfully,

G.A. LEWIS.

_2d day morning, 29th_.--The person who took the husband and wife and
three lads to E.F. Pennypecker, and Peart, has returned and reports that
L. Peart sent three on to Norristown. We fear that there they will fall
into the hands of an ignorant colored man Daniel Ross, and that he may
not understand the necessity of caution. Will you please write to some
careful person there? The woman and children detained in this
neighborhood are a very helpless set. Our plan was to assist them as
much as possible, and when we get things into the proper train for
sending them on, to get the assistance of the husband and wife, who have
no children, but are uncle and aunt to the woman with five, in taking
with them one of the younger children, leaving fewer for the mother. Of
the lads, or young men, there is also one whom we thought capable of
accompanying one of the older girls--one to whom he is paying attention,
they told us. Would it not be the best way to get those in Norristown
under your own care? It seems to me their being sent on could then be
better arranged. This, however, is only a suggestion,

Hastily yours,

G.A. LEWIS.

LETTER FROM E.L. STEVENS, ESQ. _(The reader will interpret for
himself_.)

WASHINGTON, D.C., July 11th, 1858.

MY DEAR SIR:--Susan Bell left here yesterday with the child of her
relative, and since leaving I have thought, perhaps, you had not the
address of the gentleman in Syracuse where the child is to be taken for
medical treatment, etc. His name is Dr. H.B. Wilbur. A woman living with
him is a most excellent nurse and will take a deep interest in the
child, which, no doubt, will under Providence be the means of its
complete restoration to health. Be kind enough to inform me whether
Susan is with you, and if she is give her the proper direction. _Ten
packages_ were sent to your address last evening, one of them belongs to
Susan, and she had better remain with you till she gets it, as it may
not have come to hand. Susan thought she would go to Harrisburg when she
left here and stay over Sunday, if so, she would not get to Philadelphia
till Monday or Tuesday. Please acknowledge the receipt of this, and
inform me of her arrival, also when the packages came safe to hand,
inform me especially if Susan's came safely.

Truly Yours,

E.L. STEVENS.

LETTER FROM S.H. GAY, ESQ., EX-EDITOR OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY STANDARD AND
NEW YORK TRIBUNE.

FRIEND STILL:--The two women, Laura and Lizzy, arrived this morning. I
shall forward them to Syracuse this afternoon.

The two men came safely yesterday, but went to Gibbs'. He has friends on
board the boat who are on the lookout for fugitives, and send them, when
found, to his house. Those whom you wish to be particularly under my
charge, must have careful directions to this office.

There is now no other sure place, but the office, or Gibbs', that I
could advise you to send such persons. Those to me, therefore, must come
in office hours. In a few days, however, Napoleon will have a room down
town, and at odd times they can be sent there. I am not willing to put
any more with the family where I have hitherto sometimes sent them.

When it is possible I wish you would advise me two days before a
shipment of your intention, as Napoleon is not always on hand to look
out for them at short notice. In special cases you might advise me by
Telegraph, thus: "One M. (or one F.) this morning. W.S." By which I
shall understand that one Male, or one Female, as the case may be, has
left Phila. by the 6 _o'clock train_--one or more, also, as the case may
be.

Aug. 17th, 1855.

Truly Yours, S.H. GAY.

LETTER FROM JOHN H. HILL, A FUGITIVE, APPEALING IN BEHALF OF A POOR
SLAVE IN PETERSBURG, VA.

HAMILTON, Sept. 15th, 1856.

DEAR FRIEND STILL:--I write to inform you that Miss Mary Wever arrived
safe in this city. You may imagine the happiness manifested on the part
of the two lovers, Mr. H. and Miss W. I think they will be married as
soon as they can get ready. I presume Mrs. Hill will commence to make up
the articles to-morrow. Kind Sir, as all of us is concerned about the
welfare of our enslaved brethren at the South, particularly our friends,
we appeal to your sympathy to do whatever is in your power to save poor
Willis Johnson from the hands of his cruel master. It is not for me to
tell you of his case, because Miss Wever has related the matter fully to
you. All I wish to say is this, I wish you to write to my uncle, at
Petersburg, by our friend, the Capt. Tell my uncle to go to Richmond and
ask my mother whereabouts this man is. The best for him is to make his
way to Petersburg; that is, if you can get the Capt. to bring him. He
have not much money. But I hope the friends of humanity will not
withhold their aid on the account of money. However we will raise all
the money that is wanting to pay for his safe delivery. You will please
communicate this to the friends as soon as possible.

Yours truly,

JOHN H. HILL.

LETTER FROM J. BIGELOW, ESQ.

WASHINGTON, D.C., June 22d, 1854.

MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Sir_--I have just received a letter from my friend,
Wm. Wright, of York Sulphur Springs, Pa., in which he says, that by
writing to you, I may get some information about the transportation of
some _property_ from this neighborhood to your city or vicinity.

A person who signs himself Wm. Penn, lately wrote to Mr. Wright, saying
he would pay $300 to have this service performed. It is for the
conveyance of _only one_ SMALL package; but it has been discovered
since, that the removal cannot be so safely effected without taking _two
larger_ packages with it. I understand that the _three_ are to be
brought to this city and stored in safety, as soon as the forwarding
merchant in Philadelphia shall say he is ready to send on. The storage,
etc., here, will cost a trifle, but the $300 will be promptly paid for
the whole service. I think Mr. Wright's daughter, Hannah, has also seen
you. I am also known to Prof. C.D. Cleveland, of your city. If you
answer this promptly, you will soon hear from Wm. Penn himself.

Very truly yours,

J. BIGELOW.

LETTER FROM HAM & EGGS, SLAVE (U.G.R.R. AG'T).

PETERSBURG, VA., Oct. 17th, 1860.

MR. W. STILL:--_Dear Sir_--I am happy to think, that the time has come
when we no doubt can open our correspondence with one another again.
Also I am in hopes, that these few lines may find you and family well
and in the enjoyment of good health, as it leaves me and family the
same. I want you to know, that I feel as much determined to work in this
glorious cause, as ever I did in all of my life, and I have some very
good hams on hand that I would like very much for you to have. I have
nothing of interest to write about just now, only that the politics of
the day is in a high rage, and I don't know of the result, therefore, I
want you to be one of those wide-a-wakes as is mentioned from your
section of country now-a-days, &c. Also, if you wish to write to me, Mr.
J. Brown will inform you how to direct a letter to me.

No more at present, until I hear from you; but I want you to be a
wide-a-wake.

Yours in haste,

HAM & EGGS.

LETTER FROM REV H. WILSON (U.G.R.R. AG'T).

ST. CATHARINE, C.W., July 2d, 1855.

MY DEAR FRIEND, WM. STILL:--Mr. Elias Jasper and Miss Lucy Bell having
arrived here safely on Saturday last, and found their "companions in
tribulation," who had arrived before them, I am induced to write and let
you know the fact. They are a cheerful, happy company, and very grateful
for their freedom. I have done the best I could for their comfort, but
they are about to proceed across the lake to Toronto, thinking they can
do better there than here, which is not unlikely. They all remember you
as their friend and benefactor, and return to you their sincere thanks.
My means of support are so scanty, that I am obliged to write without
paying postage, or not write at all. I hope you are not moneyless, as I
am. In attending to the wants of numerous strangers, I am much of the
time perplexed from lack of means; but send on as many as you can and I
will divide with them to the last crumb.

Yours truly,

HIRAM WILSON.

LETTER FROM SHERIDAN FORD, IN DISTRESS.

BOSTON, MASS., Feb. 15th, 1855.

No. 2, Change Avenue.

MY DEAR FRIEND:--Allow me to take the liberty of addressing you and at
the same time appearing troublesomes you all friend, but subject is so
very important that i can not but ask not in my name but in the name of
the Lord and humanity to do something for my Poor Wife and children who
lays in Norfolk Jail and have Been there for three month i Would open
myself in that frank and hones manner. Which should convince you of my
cencerity of Purpoest don't shut your ears to the cry's of the Widow and
the orphant & i can but ask in the name of humanity and God for he knows
the heart of all men. Please ask the friends humanity to do something
for her and her two lettle ones i cant do any thing Place as i am for i
have to lay low Please lay this before the churches of Philadelphaise
beg them in name of the Lord to do something for him i love my freedom
and if it would do her and her two children any good i mean to change
with her but cant be done for she is Jail and you most no she suffer for
the jail in the South are not like yours for any thing is good enough
for negros the Slave hunters Says & may God interpose in behalf of the
demonstrative Race of Africa Whom i claim desendent i am sorry to say
that friendship is only a name here but i truss it is not so in Philada
i would not have taken this liberty had i not considered you a friend
for you treaty as such Please do all you can and Please ask the Anti
Slavery friends to do all they can and God will Reward them for it i am
shure for the earth is the Lords and the fullness there of as this note
leaves me not very well but hope when it comes to hand it may find you
and family enjoying all the Pleasure life Please answer this and Pardon
me if the necessary sum can be required i will find out from my
brotherinlaw i am with respectful consideration.

SHERIDAN W. FORD.

Yesterday is the fust time i have heard from home Sence i left and i
have not got any thing yet i have a tear yet for my fellow man and it is
in my eyes now for God knows it is tha truth i sue for your Pity and all
and may God open their hearts to Pity a poor Woman and two children. The
Sum is i believe 14 hundred Dollars Please write to day for me and see
if the cant do something for humanity.

LETTER FROM E.F. PENNYPACKER (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).

SCHUYLKILL, 11th mo., 7th day, 1857.

WM. STILL:--_Respected Friend_--There are three colored friends at my
house now, who will reach the city by the Phil. & Reading train this
evening. Please meet them.

Thine, &c.,

E.F. PENNYPACKER.

We have within the past 2 mos. passed 43 through our hands, transported
most of them to Norristown in our own conveyance. E.F.P.

LETTER FROM JOS. C. BUSTILL (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).

HARRISBURG, March 24, '56.

FRIEND STILL:--I suppose ere this you have seen those five large and
three small packages I sent by way of Reading, consisting of three men
and women and children. They arrived here this morning at 8-1/2 o'clock
and left twenty minutes past three. You will please send me any
information likely to prove interesting in relation to them.

Lately we have formed a Society here, called the Fugitive Aid Society.
This is our first case, and I hope it will prove entirely successful.

When you write, please inform me what signs or symbols you make use of
in your despatches, and any other information in relation to operations
of the Underground Rail Road.

Our reason for sending by the Reading Road, was to gain time; it is
expected the owners will be in town this afternoon, and by this Road we
gained five hours' time, which is a matter of much importance, and we
may have occasion to use it sometimes in future. In great haste,

Yours with great respect,

Jos. C. BUSTILL,

LETTER FROM A SLAVE SECRETED IN RICHMOND.

RICHMOND, VA, Oct. 18th, 1860.

To MR. WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Sir_--Please do me the favor as to write to
my uncle a few lines in regard to the bundle that is for John H. Hill,
who lives in Hamilton, C.W. Sir, if this should reach you, be assured
that it comes from the same poor individual that you have heard of
before; the person who was so unlucky, and deceived also. If you write,
address your letter John M. Hill, care of Box No. 250. I am speaking of
a person who lives in P.va. I hope, sir, you will understand this is
from a poor individual.

LETTER FROM G.S. NELSON (U.G.R.R. DEPOT).

MR. STILL:--_My Dear Sir_--I suppose you are somewhat uneasy because the
goods did not come safe to hand on Monday evening, as you
expected--consigned from Harrisburg to you. The train only was from
Harrisburg to Reading, and as it happened, the goods had to stay all
night with us, and as some excitement exists here about goods of the
kind, we thought it expedient and wise to detain them until we could
hear from you. There are two small boxes and two large ones; we have
them all secure; what had better be done? Let us know. Also, as we can
learn, there are three more boxes still in Harrisburg. Answer your
communication at Harrisburg. Also, fail not to answer this by the return
of mail, as things are rather critical, and you will oblige us.

G.S. NELSON.

_Reading, May 27, '57_.

We knew not that these goods were to come, consequently we were all
taken by surprise. When you answer, use the word, goods. The reason of
the excitement, is: some three weeks ago a big box was consigned to us
by J. Bustill, of Harrisburg. We received it, and forwarded it on to J.
Jones, Elmira, and the next day they were on the fresh hunt of said box;
it got safe to Elmira, as I have had a letter from Jones, and all is
safe.

Yours,

G.S.N.

LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON.

MR. STILL:--You will oblige me much Iff you will Direct this Letter to
Vergenia for me to my Mother & iff it well sute you Beg her in my Letter
to Direct hers to you & you Can send it to me iff it sute your
Convenience. I am one of your Chattle.

JOHN THOMPSON,

Syracuse, Jeny 6th.

Direction--Matilda Tate Care of Dudley M Pattee Worrenton Farkiear
County Verginia.

LETTER FROM JOHN THOMPSON, A FUGITIVE, TO HIS MOTHER.

    MY DEAR MOTHER:--I have imbrace an opportunity of writing you
    these few lines (hoping) that they may fine you as they Leave me
    quite well I will now inform you how I am geting I am now a free
    man Living By the sweet of my own Brow not serving a nother man
    & giving him all I Earn But what I make is mine and iff one
    Plase do not sute me I am at Liberty to Leave and go some where
    elce & can ashore you I think highly of Freedom and would not
    exchange it for nothing that is offered me for it I am waiting
    in a Hotel I supose you Remember when I was in Jail I told you
    the time would Be Better and you see that the time has come when
    I Leave you my heart was so full & yours But I new their was a
    Better Day a head, & I have Live to see it. I hird when I was on
    the Underground R. Road that the Hounds was on my Track but it
    was no go I new I was too far out of their Reach where they
    would never smell my track when I Leave you I was carred to
    Richmond & sold & From their I was taken to North Carolina &
    sold & I Ran a way & went Back to Virginna Between Richmond &
    home & their I was caught & Put in Jail & their I Remain till
    the oner come for me then I was taken & carred Back to Richmond
    then I was sold to the man who I now Leave he is nothing But a
    But of a Feller Remember me to your Husband & all in quirin
    Friends & say to Miss Rosa that I am as Free as she is & more
    happier I no I am getting $12 per month for what Little work I
    am Doing I hope to here from you a gain I your Son & ever By

    JOHN THOMPSON.

LETTER FROM "WM. PENN" (OF THE BAR).

WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 9th, 1856.

DEAR SIR:--I was unavoidably prevented yesterday, from replying to yours
of 6th instant, and although I have made inquiries, I am unable
_to-day_, to answer your questions satisfactorily. Although I know some
of the residents of Loudon county, and have often visited there, still I
have not practiced much in the Courts of that county. There are several
of my acquaintances here, who have lived in that county, and _possibly_,
through my assistance, your commissions might be executed. If a better
way shall not suggest itself to you, and you see fit to give me the
_facts_ in the case, I can better judge of my ability to help you; _but
I know not the man resident there, whom I would trust with an important
suit_. I think it is now some four or five weeks since, that some
packages left this vicinity, said to be from fifteen to twenty in
number, and as I suppose, went through your hands. It was at a time of
uncommon vigilance here, and to me it was a matter of extreme wonder,
_how and through whom_, such a work was accomplished. Can you tell me?
It is _needful_ that I should know! Not for curiosity merely, but for
the good of others. An enclosed slip contains the _marks_ of one of the
packages, which you will read and then _immediately burn_.

If you can give me any light that will _benefit others_, I am sure you
will do so.

A traveler here, _very reliable_, and who knows his business, has
determined not to leave home again till spring, at least not without
extraordinary temptations.

I think, however, he or others, might be tempted to travel in Virginia.

Yours,

WM. P.

LETTER FROM MISS THEODOCIA GILBERT.

    SKANEATELES (GLEN HAVEN) CHUY., 1851.

    WILLIAM STILL:--_Dear Friend and Brother_--A thousand thanks for
    your good, generous letter!

    It was so kind of you to have in mind my intense interest and
    anxiety in the success and fate of poor Concklin! That he
    desired and intended to hazard an attempt of the kind, I well
    understood; but what particular one, or that he had actually
    embarked in the enterprise, I had not been able to learn.

    His memory will ever be among the sacredly cherished with me. He
    certainly displayed more real disinterestedness, more earnest,
    unassuming devotedness, than those who _claim_ to be the
    sincerest friends of the slave can often boast. What more
    _Saviour_-like than the _willing_ sacrifice he has rendered!

    Never shall I forget that night of our extremest peril (as we
    supposed), when he came and so heartily proffered his services
    at the hazard of his liberty, of life even, in behalf of William
    L. Chaplin.

    _Such_ generosity! at _such_ a moment! The emotions it awakened
    no words can bespeak! They are to be sought but in the inner
    chambers of one's own soul! He as earnestly devised the means,
    as calmly counted the cost, and as unshrinkingly turned him to
    the task, as if it were his own freedom he would have won.

    Through his homely features, and humble garb, the intrepidity of
    soul came out in all its lustre! Heroism, in its native majesty,
    _commanded_ one's admiration and love!

    Most truly can I enter into your sorrows, and painfully
    appreciate the pang of disappointment which must have followed
    this sad intelligence. But so inadequate are words to the
    consoling of such griefs, it were almost cruel to attempt to
    syllable one's sympathies.

    I cannot bear to believe, that Concklin has been actually
    murdered, and yet I hardly dare hope it is otherwise.

    And the poor slaves, for whom he periled so much, into what
    depths of hopelessness and woe are they again plunged! But the
    deeper and blacker for the loss of their dearly sought and
    new-found freedom. How long must wrongs like these go
    unredressed? "_How long, O God, how long_?"

    Very truly yours,

    THEODOCIA GILBERT.

WILLIAM PEEL, ALIAS WILLIAM BOX PEEL JONES.

ARRIVED PER ERRICSON LINE OF STEAMERS, WRAPPED IN STRAW AND BOXED UP,

APRIL, 1859.

William is twenty-five years of age, unmistakably colored, good-looking,
rather under the medium size, and of pleasing manners. William had
himself boxed up by a near relative and forwarded by the Erricson line
of steamers. He gave the slip to Robert H. Carr, his owner (a grocer and
commission merchant), after this wise, and for the following reasons:
For some time previous his master had been selling off his slaves every
now and then, the same as other groceries, and this admonished William
that he was liable to be in the market any day; consequently, he
preferred the box to the auction-block.

He did not complain of having been treated very badly by Carr, but felt
that no man was safe while owned by another. In fact, he "hated the very
name of slaveholder." The limit of the box not admitting of
straightening himself out he was taken with the cramp on the road,
suffered indescribable misery, and had his faith taxed to the
utmost,--indeed was brought to the very verge of "screaming aloud" ere
relief came. However, he controlled himself, though only for a short
season, for before a great while an excessive faintness came over him.
Here nature became quite exhausted. He thought he must "die;" but his
time had not yet come. After a severe struggle he revived, but only to
encounter a third ordeal no less painful than the one through which he
had just passed. Next a very "cold chill" came over him, which seemed
almost to freeze the very blood in his veins and gave him intense agony,
from which he only found relief on awaking, having actually fallen
asleep in that condition. Finally, however, he arrived at Philadelphia,
on a steamer, Sabbath morning. A devoted friend of his, expecting him,
engaged a carriage and repaired to the wharf for the box. The bill of
lading and the receipt he had with him, and likewise knew where the box
was located on the boat. Although he well knew freight was not usually
delivered on Sunday, yet his deep solicitude for the safety of his
friend determined him to do all that lay in his power to rescue him from
his perilous situation. Handing his bill of lading to the proper officer
of the boat, he asked if he could get the freight that it called for.
The officer looked at the bill and said, "No, we do not deliver freight
on Sunday;" but, noticing the anxiety of the man, he asked him if he
would know it if he were to see it. Slowly--fearing that too much
interest manifested might excite suspicion--he replied: "I think I
should." Deliberately looking around amongst all the "freight," he
discovered the box, and said, "I think that is it there." Said officer
stepped to it, looked at the directions on it, then at the bill of
lading, and said, "That is right, take it along." Here the interest in
these two bosoms was thrilling in the highest degree. But the size of
the box was too large for the carriage, and the driver refused to take
it. Nearly an hour and a half was spent in looking for a furniture car.
Finally one was procured, and again the box was laid hold of by the
occupant's particular friend, when, to his dread alarm, the poor fellow
within gave a sudden cough. At this startling circumstance he dropped
the box; equally as quick, although dreadfully frightened, and, as if
helped by some invisible agency, he commenced singing, "Hush, my babe,
lie still and slumber," with the most apparent indifference, at the same
time slowly making his way from the box. Soon his fears subsided, and it
was presumed that no one was any the wiser on account of the accident,
or coughing. Thus, after summoning courage, he laid hold of the box a
third time, and the Rubicon was passed. The car driver, totally ignorant
of the contents of the box, drove to the number to which he was directed
to take it--left it and went about his business. Now is a moment of
intense interest--now of inexpressible delight. The box is opened, the
straw removed, and the poor fellow is loosed; and is rejoicing, I will
venture to say, as mortal never did rejoice, who had not been in similar
peril. This particular friend was scarcely less overjoyed, however, and
their joy did not abate for several hours; nor was it confined to
themselves, for two invited members of the Vigilance Committee also
partook of a full share. This box man was named Wm. Jones. He was boxed
up in Baltimore by the friend who received him at the wharf, who did not
come in the boat with him, but came in the cars and met him at the
wharf.

The trial in the box lasted just seventeen hours before victory was
achieved. Jones was well cared for by the Vigilance Committee and sent
on his way rejoicing, feeling that Resolution, Underground Rail Road,
and Liberty were invaluable.

On his way to Canada, he stopped at Albany, and the subjoined letter
gives his view of things from that stand-point--

    MR. STILL:--I take this opportunity of writing a few lines to
    you hoping that tha may find you in good health and femaly. i am
    well at present and doing well at present i am now in a store
    and getting sixteen dollars a month at the present. i feel very
    much o blige to you and your family for your kindnes to me while
    i was with you i have got a long without any trub le a tal. i am
    now in albany City. give my lov to mrs and mr miller and tel
    them i am very much a blige to them for there kind ns. give my
    lov to my Brother nore Jones tel him i should like to here from
    him very much and he must write. tel him to give my love to all
    of my perticnlar frends and tel them i should like to see them
    very much. tel him that he must come to see me for i want to see
    him for sum thing very perticler. please ansure this letter as
    soon as posabul and excuse me for not writting sooner as i don't
    write myself. no more at the present.

    WILLIAM JONES.

    derect to one hundred 125 lydus. stt

His good friend returned to Baltimore the same day the box man started
for the North, and immediately dispatched through the post the following
brief letter, worded in Underground Rail Road parables:

    BALTIMO APRIL 16, 1859.

    W. STILL:--Dear brother i have taken the opportunity of writing
    you these few lines to inform you that i am well an hoping these
    few lines may find you enjoying the same good blessing please to
    write me word at what time was it when isreal went to Jerico i
    am very anxious to hear for thare is a mighty host will pass
    over and you and i my brother will sing hally luja i shall
    notify you when the great catastrophe shal take place No more at
    the present but remain your brother

    N.L.J.

WESLEY HARRIS,[A] ALIAS ROBERT JACKSON, AND THE MATTERSON BROTHERS.

[Footnote A: Shot by slave-hunters.]

In setting out for freedom, Wesley was the leader of this party. After
two nights of fatiguing travel at a distance of about sixty miles from
home, the young aspirants for liberty were betrayed, and in an attempt
made to capture them a most bloody conflict ensued. Both fugitives and
pursuers were the recipients of severe wounds from gun shots, and other
weapons used in the contest.

Wesley bravely used his fire arms until almost fatally wounded by one of
the pursuers, who with a heavily loaded gun discharged the contents with
deadly aim in his left arm, which raked the flesh from the bone for a
space of about six inches in length. One of Wesley's companions also
fought heroically and only yielded when badly wounded and quite
overpowered. The two younger (brothers of C. Matterson) it seemed made
no resistance.

In order to recall the adventures of this struggle, and the success of
Wesley Harris, it is only necessary to copy the report as then penned
from the lips of this young hero, while on the Underground Rail Road,
even then in a very critical state. Most fearful indeed was his
condition when he was brought to the Vigilance Committee in this City.

UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORD.

_November 2d_, 1853.--Arrived: Robert Jackson (shot man), _alias_ Wesley
Harris; age twenty-two years; dark color; medium height, and of slender
stature.

Robert was born in Martinsburg, Va., and was owned by Philip Pendleton.
From a boy he had always been hired out. At the first of this year he
commenced services with Mrs. Carroll, proprietress of the United States
Hotel at Harper's Ferry. Of Mrs. Carroll he speaks in very grateful
terms, saying that she was kind to him and all the servants, and
promised them their freedom at her death. She excused herself for not
giving them their freedom on the ground that her husband died insolvent,
leaving her the responsibility of settling his debts.

But while Mrs. Carroll was very kind to her servants, her manager was
equally as cruel. About a month before Wesley left, the overseer, for
some trifling cause, attempted to flog him, but was resisted, and
himself flogged. This resistance of the slave was regarded by the
overseer as an unpardonable offence; consequently he communicated the
intelligence to his owner, which had the desired effect on his mind as
appeared from his answer to the overseer, which was nothing less than
instructions that if he should again attempt to correct Wesley and he
should repel the wholesome treatment, the overseer was to put him in
prison and sell him. Whether he offended again or not, the following
Christmas he was to be sold without fail.

Wesley's mistress was kind enough to apprise him of the intention of his
owner and the overseer, and told him that if he could help himself he
had better do so. So from that time Wesley began to contemplate how he
should escape the doom which had been planned for him.

"A friend," says he, "by the name of C. Matterson, told me that he was
going off. Then I told him of my master's writing to Mrs. Carroll
concerning selling, etc., and that I was going off too. We then
concluded to go together. There were two others--brothers of
Matterson--who were told of our plan to escape, and readily joined with
us in the undertaking. So one Saturday night, at twelve o'clock, we set
out for the North. After traveling upwards of two days and over sixty
miles, we found ourselves unexpectedly in Terrytown, Md. There we were
informed by a friendly colored man of the danger we were in and of the
bad character of the place towards colored people, especially those who
were escaping to freedom; and he advised us to hide as quickly as we
could. We at once went to the woods and hid. Soon after we had secreted
ourselves a man came near by and commenced splitting wood, or rails,
which alarmed us. We then moved to another hiding-place in a thicket
near a farmer's barn, where we were soon startled again by a dog
approaching and barking at us. The attention of the owner of the dog was
drawn to his barking and to where we were. The owner of the dog was a
farmer. He asked us where we were going. We replied to Gettysburg--to
visit some relatives, etc. He told us that we were running off. He then
offered friendly advice, talked like a Quaker, and urged us to go with
him to his barn for protection. After much persuasion, we consented to
go with him.

"Soon after putting us in his barn, himself and daughter prepared us a
nice breakfast, which cheered our spirits, as we were hungry. For this
kindness we paid him one dollar. He next told us to hide on the mow till
eve, when he would safely direct us on our road to Gettysburg. All, very
much fatigued from traveling, fell asleep, excepting myself; I could not
sleep; I felt as if all was not right.

"About noon men were heard talking around the barn. I woke my companions
up and told them that that man had betrayed us. At first they did not
believe me. In a moment afterwards the barn door was opened, and in came
the men, eight in number. One of the men asked the owner of the barn if
he had any long straw. 'Yes,' was the answer. So up on the mow came
three of the men, when, to their great surprise, as they pretended, we
were discovered. The question was then asked the owner of the barn by
one of the men, if he harbored runaway negroes in his barn? He answered,
'No,' and pretended to be entirely ignorant of their being in his barn.
One of the men replied that four negroes were on the mow, and he knew of
it. The men then asked us where we were, going. We told them to
Gettysburg, that we had aunts and a mother there. Also we spoke of a Mr.
Houghman, a gentleman we happened to have some knowledge of, having seen
him in Virginia. We were next asked for our passes. We told them that we
hadn't any, that we had not been required to carry them where we came
from. They then said that we would have to go before a magistrate, and
if he allowed us to go on, well and good. The men all being armed and
furnished with ropes, we were ordered to be tied. I told them if they
took me they would have to take me dead or crippled. At that instant one
of my friends cried out--'Where is the man that betrayed us?' Spying him
at the same moment, he shot him (badly wounding him). Then the conflict
fairly began. The constable seized me by the collar, or rather behind my
shoulder. I at once shot him with my pistol, but in consequence of his
throwing up his arm, which hit mine as I fired, the effect of the load
of my pistol was much turned aside; his face, however, was badly burned,
besides his shoulder being wounded. I again fired on the pursuers, but
do not know whether I hit anybody or not. I then drew a sword, I had
brought with me, and was about cutting my way to the door, when I was
shot by one of the men, receiving the entire contents of one load of a
double barreled gun in my left arm, that being the arm with which I was
defending myself. The load brought me to the ground, and I was unable to
make further struggle for myself. I was then badly beaten with guns, &c.
In the meantime, my friend Craven, who was defending himself, was shot
badly in the face, and most violently beaten until he was conquered and
tied. The two young brothers of Craven stood still, without making the
least resistance. After we were fairly captured, we were taken to
Terrytown, which was in sight of where we were betrayed. By this time I
had lost so much blood from my wounds, that they concluded my situation
was too dangerous to admit of being taken further; so I was made a
prisoner at a tavern, kept by a man named Fisher. There my wounds were
dressed, and thirty-two shot were taken from my arm. For three days I
was crazy, and they thought I would die. During the first two weeks,
while I was a prisoner at the tavern, I raised a great deal of blood,
and was considered in a very dangerous condition--so much so that
persons desiring to see me were not permitted. Afterwards I began to get
better, and was then kept privately--was strictly watched day and night.
Occasionally, however, the cook, a colored woman (Mrs. Smith), would
manage to get to see me. Also James Matthews succeeded in getting to see
me; consequently, as my wounds healed, and my senses came to me, I began
to plan how to make another effort to escape. I asked one of the
friends, alluded to above, to get me a rope. He got it. I kept it about
me four days in my pocket; in the meantime I procured three nails. On
Friday night, October 14th, I fastened my nails in under the window
sill; tied my rope to the nails, threw my shoes out of the window, put
the rope in my mouth, then took hold of it with my well hand, clambered
into the window, very weak, but I managed to let myself down to the
ground. I was so weak, that I could scarcely walk, but I managed to
hobble off to a place three quarters of a mile from the tavern, where a
friend had fixed upon for me to go, if I succeeded in making my escape.
There I was found by my friend, who kept me secure till Saturday eve,
when a swift horse was furnished by James Rogers, and a colored man
found to conduct me to Gettysburg. Instead of going direct to
Gettysburg, we took a different road, in order to shun our pursuers, as
the news of my escape had created general excitement. My three other
companions, who were captured, were sent to Westminster jail, where they
were kept three weeks, and afterwards sent to Baltimore and sold for
twelve hundred dollars a piece, as I was informed while at the tavern in
Terrytown."

[Illustration: DESPERATE CONFLICT IN A BARN.]

The Vigilance Committee procured good medical attention and afforded the
fugitive time for recuperation, furnished him with clothing and a free
ticket, and sent him on his way greatly improved in health, and strong
in the faith that, "He who would be free, himself must strike the blow."
His safe arrival in Canada, with his thanks, were duly announced. And
some time after becoming naturalized, in one of his letters, he wrote
that he was a brakesman on the Great Western R.R., (in Canada--promoted
from the U.G.R.R.,) the result of being under the protection of the
British Lion.

DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL--NEW NAME GEORGE WEEMS.

In March, 1857, Abram Harris fled from John Henry Suthern, who lived
near Benedict, Charles county, Md., where he was engaged in the farming
business, and was the owner of about seventy head of slaves. He kept an
overseer, and usually had flogging administered daily, on males and
females, old and young. Abram becoming very sick of this treatment,
resolved, about the first of March, to seek out the Underground Rail
Road. But for his strong attachment to his wife (who was owned by Samuel
Adams, but was "pretty well treated"), he never would have consented to
suffer as he did.

Here no hope of comfort for the future seemed to remain. So Abram
consulted with a fellow-servant, by the name of Romulus Hall, alias
George Weems, and being very warm friends, concluded to start together.
Both had wives to "tear themselves from," and each was equally ignorant
of the distance they had to travel, and the dangers and sufferings to be
endured. But they "trusted in God" and kept the North Star in view. For
nine days and nights, without a guide, they traveled at a very
exhausting rate, especially as they had to go fasting for three days,
and to endure very cold weather. Abram's companion, being about fifty
years of age, felt obliged to succumb, both from hunger and cold, and
had to be left on the way. Abram was a man of medium size, tall, dark
chestnut color, and could read and write a little and was quite
intelligent; "was a member of the Mount Zion Church," and occasionally
officiated as an "exhorter," and really appeared to be a man of genuine
faith in the Almighty, and equally as much in freedom.

In substance, Abram gave the following information concerning his
knowledge of affairs on the farm under his master--

"Master and mistress very frequently visited the Protestant Church, but
were not members. Mistress was very bad. About three weeks before I
left, the overseer, in a violent fit of bad temper, shot and badly
wounded a young slave man by the name of Henry Waters, but no sooner
than he got well enough he escaped, and had not been heard of up to the
time Abram left. About three years before this happened, an overseer of
my master was found shot dead on the road. At once some of the slaves
were suspected, and were all taken to the Court House, at Serentown, St.
Mary's county; but all came off clear. After this occurrence a new
overseer, by the name of John Decket, was employed. Although his
predecessor had been dead three years, Decket, nevertheless, concluded
that it was not 'too late' to flog the secret out of some of the slaves.
Accordingly, he selected a young slave man for his victim, and flogged
him so cruelly that he could scarcely walk or stand, and to keep from
being actually killed, the boy told an untruth, and confessed that he
and his Uncle Henry killed Webster, the overseer; whereupon the poor
fellow was sent to jail to be tried for his life."

But Abram did not wait to hear the verdict. He reached the Committee
safely in this city, in advance of his companion, and was furnished with
a free ticket and other needed assistance, and was sent on his way
rejoicing. After reaching his destination, he wrote back to know how his
friend and companion (George) was getting along; but in less than three
weeks after he had passed, the following brief story reveals the sad
fate of poor _Romulus Hall_, who had journeyed with him till exhausted
from hunger and badly frost-bitten.

A few days after his younger companion had passed on North, Romulus was
brought by a pitying stranger to the Vigilance Committee, in a most
shocking condition. The frost had made sad havoc with his feet and legs,
so much so that all sense of feeling had departed therefrom.

[Illustration: DEATH OF ROMULUS HALL.]

How he ever reached this city is a marvel. On his arrival medical
attention and other necessary comforts were provided by the Committee,
who hoped with himself, that he would be restored with the loss of his
toes alone. For one week he seemed to be improving; at the expiration of
this time, however, his symptoms changed, indicating not only the end of
slavery, but also the end of all his earthly troubles.

Lockjaw and mortification set in in the most malignant form, and for
nearly thirty-six hours the unfortunate victim suffered in extreme
agony, though not a murmur escaped him for having brought upon himself
in seeking his liberty this painful infliction and death. It was
wonderful to see how resignedly he endured his fate.

Being anxious to get his testimony relative to his escape, etc., the
Chairman of the Committee took his pencil and expressed to him his
wishes in the matter. Amongst other questions, he was asked: "Do you
regret having attempted to escape from slavery?" After a severe spasm he
said, as his friend was about to turn to leave the room, hopeless of
being gratified in his purpose: "Don't go; I have not answered your
question. I am glad I escaped from slavery!" He then gave his name, and
tried to tell the name of his master, but was so weak he could not be
understood.

At his bedside, day and night, Slavery looked more heinous than it had
ever done before. Only think how this poor man, in an enlightened
Christian land, for the bare hope of freedom, in a strange land amongst
strangers, was obliged not only to bear the sacrifice of his wife and
kindred, but also of his own life.

Nothing ever appeared more sad than seeing him in a dying posture, and
instead of reaching his much coveted destination in Canada, going to
that "bourne whence no traveler returns." Of course it was expedient,
even after his death, that only a few friends should follow him to his
grave. Nevertheless, he was decently buried in the beautiful Lebanon
Cemetery.

In his purse was found one single five cent piece, his whole pecuniary
dependence.

This was the first instance of death on the Underground Rail Road in
this region.

The Committee were indebted to the medical services of the well-known
friends of the fugitive, Drs. J.L. Griscom and H.T. Childs, whose
faithful services were freely given; and likewise to Mrs. H.S. Duterte