principles of the Inquisition, a man was obliged to inform against his
 father, his brother, his wife, his children, under pain of himself
 being brought within the notice of the Inquisitors. As it happened,
 the larger percentage of men and women who became its victims were
 such as possessed large means which the ecclesiastical powers desired
 to possess. Jews, Moslems, non-Catholics of all sorts were, equally
 with Catholics, amenable to the Inquisition for specified "crimes,"
 all of which were punishable by death if the accused were unable to
 justify themselves. Public report, secret information, discovery by
 means of spies and voluntary accusation were the four ways employed
 by the Inquisition, in order to bring matters under its jurisdiction.
 Flight was impossible in view of the ubiquitous _Hermandad_, and the
 summary seizure of an accused person and his immediate incarceration
 constituted the usual procedure, once the spies had reported to
 headquarters. These spies, or "familiars," as they were called,
 were invariably supported by the Inquisitors, even if evidence had
 to be fabricated in order to make up a plausible case. What was the
 quality of the Justice dispensed may be gathered from the following
 facts: first, the names of witnesses deposing against the accused
 were never given to these last; secondly, witnesses were not obliged
 to prove their depositions; thirdly, all and sundry who cared to
 volunteer testimony were accepted, so that men who were notorious for
 infamy, for perjury and for the most scandalous vices were welcomed
 to bear witness to the "truth"; fourthly, two hearsay witnesses
 were equivalent to one ear-witness; fifthly, the spies were always
 accounted the most reliable witnesses, notwithstanding that they
 were in the pay of the Inquisition. Finally, a son might be witness
 against his father, a father against his son, a wife against her
 husband, a husband against his wife, a domestic against his master,
 or a master against his servant—an inexhaustible source of treachery,
 revenge and the worst qualities of the human heart. The tortures to
 which the accused were subjected in order to make them confess to
 the commission of crimes of which they were guiltless were of three
 kinds. In the first place the victim was taken to a vault which
 lay sometimes as many as one hundred feet below the surface of the
 highway. According to the nature of the charge, he was put through the
 torture of dislocation by being fastened as to his extremities, with
 cords, then raised by means of a pulley, kept some time in suspension
 and suddenly let fall to within a foot of the ground. If on repetition
 this means was found insufficient to make the "subject" confess, his
 Christian tormentors resorted to the water-trough, laying him on his
 back, binding him as to the legs, and having stopped his nostrils,
 poured water from a considerable height in such a way that its weight
 fell upon the throat. Occasionally the master of ceremonies turned off
 the flow, not, however, to give the victim relief, but to prevent his
 death by suffocation. Perhaps, even then, he refused to surrender, and
 in order to cure his obstinacy a couple of religious smeared his feet
 with lard or oil, stretched him on the ground with the soles exposed
 to a terrific fire, and after half-an-hour's subjection to this ordeal
 invited him to speak. If he refused, he was put through the torture
 once more and then removed to a dungeon where he invariably found
 some others in apparently as bad a plight as his own, who, as soon as
 he was brought in, began to curse the Inquisition and all connected
 with it. These were nearly always spies whose evidence constituted
 subsequently that on which the unfortunate man was eventually
 condemned to death. The executioners of the torture-room were as a
 rule monks clothed in cassocks of black buckram, with the head and
 face concealed under a cowl of the same colour, with holes for the
 eyes, nose and mouth. A Prior was accustomed to supervise the torture,
 assisted by a clerk who referred to his spy agents as occasion
 required, or summoned them from an adjoining hall, where most of them
 wiled the time away at dice, in order to fortify all accusations
 against the victim. Sometimes an innocent man, in the vain hope of
 saving his life, confessed his guilt. He was then accounted a happy
 repentant and, by a special favour, was permitted to be strangled
 before being cast into the flames. Those who persisted in their
 obstinacy were summarily burned to death.

In modern foreign congregational colleges the divisions of the
school take the form of junior boys, middle grade and seniors, and
as communication of the youths of one grade with those of any other
grade are most strictly forbidden, mainly on the ground of morality,
a considerable system of espionage is from the outset part of the
institution's plans. In foreign schools the spies of any particular
grade are officially known by the other boys, just as monitors are
known in ordinary schools. The functions of the foreign school-spy go,
however, very much farther than those of the monitor, and so busy is he
in the performance of his duties, that espionage enters into the minds
and habits of foreign youths from their earliest years. When the late
Cardinal Vaughan—a typical Englishman if membership of a territorial
family of half-a-score of generations counts for anything—was laying
plans for the founding of a Catholic school in England, he visited many
of the principal colleges in France with the object of obtaining ideas
for his proposed foundation. Everywhere he was depressed at the absence
of individual liberty and the ever-present prevalence of espionage.
Nor was he consoled very much, on once asking the distinguished head
of such an establishment what provision was made for training youths
in the proper use of individual freedom, to hear that the school
authorities saw to it that no freedom whatever was allowed except under
the eyes of the official supervisors. Neither does the system fail
in its application among the members of any governing confraternity
itself in which the lay-brothers are spied upon by the functionaries
in minor orders, and these in their turn by clerics in higher orders,
the superior exercising espionage upon the entire community while the
sport begins again in inverse order, and the chief finds out that
his reports dealing with the subordinate end of the line are fully
supplemented by spies who report with equal completeness on his own end
of the game. Contemplative Orders, as they are called, are not, it may
be said, confined to the Roman Catholic Church, and we presume monastic
espionage is as prevalent among the non-Catholic monks as among the
Catholic.

XVII

AMERICAN SECRET SERVICE

It is customary for Americans to declare that they possess no system
of espionage in their country, and as a rule this is true of American
life under normal conditions. Putting aside the questions of purely
detective work and criminal investigation, and in these spheres of
police activity America is probably served as well as any other country
in the world, we may safely say that there is too much individual or
social freedom in the United States to warrant the permanent existence
of anything like organised espionage. Nevertheless, politics plays a
rôle in every state of the Union, the complexity and strenuousness of
which are not known in any other country in the world, and wherever the
political game is pursued with resoluteness and vigour, we may depend
upon it that all factions possess what Americans themselves very aptly
describe as "inside information" regarding what is taking place in
other opposing camps; all the more so, indeed, as success in political
campaigns in America means possession and employment of a kind of
patronage which is invariably expressed in terms of dollars and cents.
Such information can only come by way of emissaries planted in the
midst of political enemies, and there is attached to every political
organisation a selected body of men who make it their business, for
due consideration, to work in other camps on behalf of particular
factions. This kind of political espionage is, it may be said, quite as
common in England, or Canada, or Australia, or France, or Germany as
in the United States, for as it has been said: "So long as there are
governments so long will there be political spies, and so long as there
are attempts being made to overturn governments by force, so long will
political espionage remain a necessity." As in England, or Scotland
and Ireland, so in America there is little in the way of systematised
espionage, even among the vast community of German-Americans who might
be supposed to revert to type, as the Darwinians put it. Over there,
as in these Islands, espionage is only organised for expediency's sake
and according to the exigencies of any particular scandal, social or
commercial, which may require the intervention of the agent of stealth
and observation.

Yet, how many Americans are themselves aware that Charles the First
sent his agent Randolph to America in order to report on the condition
of the Colonies which were even then discussing the question of
severing themselves from the British bond? Louis the Sixteenth also
sent Baron de Kalb to inquire into the revolutionary spirit which,
as a result of the importation of French encyclopædism, preceded the
Declaration of Independence, and upon the Baron's favourable report,
gave the Revolutionaries that aid which led in the end to their
triumph. Of Hale we have spoken at fuller length, but have yet to tell
how General Washington had his own secret agents within the British
lines, from whom he received constant intelligence as to what was
taking place in Howe's and Clinton's camp. Major Tallmadge, whom we
have mentioned in the story of André, was the agent through whom the
information was transmitted. At first it was written in sympathetic
ink, then a new invention and imported by General Lafayette, which only
disclosed its message when the paper on which it was written had been
dipped in another fluid. Once the invisible ink was made visible by the
application of the chemical reagent which developed it, the manuscript
appeared as if it had been written in the ordinary way. Washington was,
however, a particularly cautious man. He suspected that the British
might very well possess this same sympathetic ink, and conveyed a
message to Tallmadge that the latter's spy "should avoid making use
of the stain (ink) upon a blank sheet of paper which is the usual way
of its coming to me. This circumstance alone is sufficient to excite
suspicion. A much better way is to write a letter in the Tory-style
with some mixture of family matters, and between the lines in the
remaining part of the sheet communicate with the stain the intended
intelligence. Such a letter would pass through the hands of the enemy
unsuspected, and even if the agents should be unfaithful or negligent,
no discovery would be made to his prejudice, as these people are not to
know what is concealed writing in the letter and the intelligent part
of it would be an evidence in his favour."

James Rivington, editor and printer of _The New York Gazette_, was
another agent in the secret service of Washington. By 1781 this man,
realising that the British were unlikely to succeed in quelling
the rebellion, undertook, in the interests of his own person and
property—for earlier he had sided with the British—to furnish the
American commander-in-chief with important information. This he
conveyed to the general, written on tissue-paper and bound in the cover
of school books. Although Rivington was thus aiding the revolutionary
Whigs, he kept up his daily abuse of them in his newspaper, retaining
the confidence and good will of the Tory leaders and residents. When
in the autumn of 1783, the British evacuated New York, Rivington was,
of course, suffered to remain, while other Tories were driven away
and their estates confiscated. Major Tallmadge mentions Rivington as
"a gentleman of business, of education and of honour," a somewhat
stilted way of describing the journalist who, owing to his position,
was able to mix with the loyalist families on a friendly and familiar
footing, the revolutionary authorities paying him at the rate of £100
a month for services rendered. Soon after the Declaration of the War
of Independence the new government of the United States made the then
considerable appropriation of £6000 annually for the purposes of secret
service. This money continues to this day to be appropriated. It is
drawn by the direction of the President in such sums as he may require
for specific services, without any voucher being given beyond the
certificate of the Secretary of the Treasury registering the fact.

In 1812, it is recorded, President Madison communicated to Congress
the commission and correspondence of John Henry, a British agent,
proving that while the two countries were still at peace "a secret
agent of the British Government was being employed in certain States in
fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation,
and in intrigues with the disaffected for the purpose of bringing about
resistance to the laws, and eventually, in concert with a British
force, of destroying the Union and forming the eastern part thereof
into a political connexion with Great Britain." This work of an _agent
provocateur_ naturally aroused great excitement throughout the whole of
American Society. No one had really believed that there were persons in
New England capable of any idea of secession, although British gold, it
was well known, had been heavily subsidising the eastern Press in order
to rouse up civil discord. To no avail, however; Henry passed, and the
disquiet of the period gave way to a long period of rest and prosperity.

In the Mexican War large sums of money were spent on secret service,
and in 1849 Congress made an appropriation of £10,000 for the purposes
of enabling a body of spies to be formed who were under the personal
direction of the President. After this war the "hire of interpreters,
spies and guides for the army" was included among the incidental
expenses of the Quartermaster's department, for which an appropriation
has since annually been made by Congress. When the war for the
suppression of the Southern Rebellion broke out in 1861, large sums
were necessarily expended by the officers of the regular army and of
the volunteers, on account of secret service. We note one account sent
in by General Butler for the payment of fifty dollars for a hand-organ
and a monkey. This item was disallowed by the Treasury officers,
until it was explained that both organ and monkey had been bought at
Annapolis to enable a young officer familiar with Italian to go through
the enemy's country to Washington, disguised as an organ-grinder and
notify the President of the great Northern uprising as well as of the
approach of the Union troops for the rescue of the capital. There
was undoubtedly a large number of what Frederick of Prussia termed
"double-spies" in the Civil War, and many secret-service men who
carried intelligence to Washington also carried Union information back
to Richmond.

At this momentous period many of those in the secret service were
convicts who had broken out of jail, and neither side derived much
benefit from their employment. Blackmail, false charges and forgery
were used by them solely with the purpose of obtaining money from their
victims. Prominent merchants in New York and Boston were accused on
false documentary evidence of defrauding their country. Their books
and papers were accordingly seized and their owners paid exorbitant
sums in order to avoid arbitrary arrest and imprisonment. One victim
remonstrated with the President in the following words:—"It is hard
that citizens enjoying a good name who had the misfortune to come into
business relations with the Government, should be exposed to such a
spirit [espionage]; that they should be dragged from their homes and
hurried to a military prison; that they should be obliged to undergo a
protracted trial by court-martial, damaging their good name, destroying
their peace, breaking up their business and subjecting them to untold
expense, when at the slightest touch, the whole case vanishes into thin
air, leaving behind nothing but the incomprehensible spirit in which it
had its origin." The informers continued, despite all remonstrance, to
enrich themselves at the expense of wealthy business men in the North,
and many spies then laid the foundations of fortunes which to-day may
be counted in the tens of millions. The military spies were doing good
work, at the same time, in the South, though it was afterwards admitted
that the secret service of the Confederates was far more efficient than
that of the Union, the reason being, it was said, that in the service
of the South were scores of intelligent women of position who were
successful in obtaining at Washington, New York and elsewhere in the
North, correct information of the plans and intentions of the Union
generals. This was the case in regard to the battle of Bull Run, when
a Mrs Greenhow obtained from a Northern politician information as to
the advance of the Federal troops. Indeed, the operations of wealthy
women-spies in the secret service of the South, during the Civil War,
is one of the most curious features of that event. Nor were they all
Southern women; many of them were Northerners, and at all events
every one of them owed her fortune and position to the principles for
which the Union stood. These women watched and waited at official
doors until chance or the unguardedness of an employee allowed them
to learn the particular secret intelligence they were looking for;
they stole maps and plans and most of them had taken lodgings close by
the War Office, to which they were wont to invite young departmental
secretaries to whom they offered the pleasures of the tea-table and an
enlightened discussion of Federal iniquities. Mr Perley Poore, writing
in the well-known magazine, _The Chautauquan_, in January 1887, says:
"They smuggled the information which they obtained, in the linings
of honest-looking coats and hid the army secrets in the mysteries of
innocent-looking bustles; they burned signal lights from garret-windows
and crossed the Potomac below Alexandria at dead of night and with
muffled oars. At one time the Government had caught and hived over a
dozen of these busy Confederate bees in a house at Washington where,
in a few days, they beguiled the young officers charged with guarding
them and carried on their vocations as before." One of the best known
of these creatures was Belle Boyd, the daughter of a Federal official;
according to report she was sharp-featured, black-eyed, quick-tongued,
of wonderful energy and spirits, twenty-five and—very free. She wore a
revolver in her belt, rode a mettlesome horse and easily attracted the
attentions and interest of the younger officers from whom she extracted
valuable information, though what the officers extracted in return, we
are not told. Boyd organised her own corps of women spies who were very
much of the same type and character, and if not worse than herself,
were apparently no better than they ought to have been.

Many stories are told of the ease with which Confederate secret-service
men obtained first-class information from the departments. A young
Englishman, member of a Washington firm of stationers who executed
contract work for the Government, was once inveigled into giving
away an important piece of military intelligence to a secret-service
sleuth who had shadowed him from the capital to New York. Both took up
lodgings at the Brevoort House, became acquainted and spent several
evenings together. The Englishman casually allowed it to be known that
he was on terms of particular intimacy with departmental officials and
his friend suggested on leaving New York that they should correspond.
A few weeks later, the Briton received a letter, addressed to him at
Washington, asking if it were true that the blockaded port of Galveston
was to be opened—could he find out the facts for a certainty from
his official friends. Suspecting nothing, the stationer inquired at
Washington and was duly informed as to governmental intentions by a
secretary who really knew. He conveyed the news to his friend and was
only reminded of the occurrence a few days afterwards when he was
arrested and sent under guard to New York. Here he found that a noted
blockade-runner had been arrested with the Washington letter in his
pocket. The prisoner proved to be his friend of the Brevoort House
who eventually received a long sentence, the Englishman escaping only
through the intervention of the British Consul. The stationer received,
however, no more favours from his official friends and lost a certain
fortune through his lack of caution.

At the close of the war many spies who had worked for both the North
and the South made their appearance at Washington, where most of
them were taken into the services of the war department, at that
time under the direction of Lafayette Baker in respect of its _corps
d'espionnage_. When, in the course of time, President Johnson was
impeached by the Republican party, Baker, a man of great cunning
and resource, set about impressing the public with the value of his
services to the country. He sought to prove that a Mrs Cobb had given
bribes to members of the Cabinet in order to procure the pardon of
ex-Confederates. The funds employed in the impeachment of Johnson
were contributed by the distillers, and the secret service of the
Treasury Department conceived and organised the "whisky ring," formed
of Government officials and distillery magnates. The whisky taxes
were divided and about one-half was paid into the Treasury, while the
"ring" divided what remained. When the distillers slackened in their
production the officials urged them to greater activity, the result
being that although the ring included almost every revenue official
in the West, many politicians of note and well-known personages in
Washington, the fraudulent gains amounted to millions of dollars and
for years even minor participants in the combine were pocketing some
$500 (£100) a week as their share in the transaction. General Babcock,
one of General Grant's personal staff, who was considered to be a
member of the ring, was subsequently tried at St Louis, but acquitted,
although public opinion always regarded him as guilty and made no
concealment of its view that it was only Grant's influence which had
procured him his acquittal. During the presidency of the victorious
Federal commander, the Secret Service flourished at Washington and was
mainly connected with the wire-pulling activities of politicians who
saw large profits in contracts for municipal improvements, a form of
"political" enterprise which has also become common in Europe since
Baron Haussmann, of Paris, showed how much money there is be made in
the exploitation of "civic patriotism," as it is called. Mr Perley
Poore must be quoted in full in order to demonstrate the method of the
Washington ring and its agents. He writes:

 "Among its other operations was the execution of a plot concocted
 by General Babcock and District-Attorney Harrington to blacken the
 reputation of Mr Columbus Alexander who had made himself obnoxious
 to the ring. A certain detective one day informed Mr Alexander that
 he could obtain and deliver to him the private account-book of a
 contractor which would show the entire rascality going on. These
 books had already been delivered by the contractor to District
 Attorney Harrington who locked them up in his safe. The next night two
 professional burglars were hired to enter the office, blow open the
 safe and carry the books to Mr Alexander's house. That day Harrington
 had informed the police that he feared a burglary was about to be
 attempted and the superintendent, with the whole detective force,
 was on hand at the appointed hour. When the burglars had performed
 their work, they walked boldly out at the front door of the District
 Attorney's office, where they were kindly received by Harrington and
 his friend A. B. Williams. The principal burglar, having pocketed his
 fee, bade his confederates good-night and walked home. His assistant,
 in pursuance of the agreement, started for Mr Alexander's house,
 followed by the detectives and representatives of the ring. He lost
 his way unfortunately and Williams was obliged to direct him. He rang
 the bell for fifteen or twenty minutes, but failed to arouse anybody.
 He was then arrested by the detectives and locked up. Subsequently he
 signed an affidavit, at the instigation of Harrington, setting forth
 that he had been hired by Mr Alexander to blow open the safe in the
 District Attorney's office and bring the contractor's books to his
 house.

 "The affair was immediately investigated. Harrington and the
 secret-service officials involved themselves in an inextricable mass
 of perjury, and then the detective first employed by Harrington
 came forward and revealed the whole conspiracy. The feeling against
 the scoundrels who had thus plotted to ruin the character of an
 upright and honourable man was very bitter. The masks were torn
 from their faces and they stood revealed in their true colours.
 The few honest men who had been deceived by their pretences into
 defending their acts repudiated them utterly. This exposure of the
 wrong-doings of the Secret Service led to the refusal of Congress to
 make any appropriations for its pay, with the exception of a small
 force attached to the Treasury Department. The old Capitol prison
 was converted into dwelling-houses and nearly all the agents were
 scattered over the country, many of them becoming connected with
 private secret-service organisations. As a general rule, these
 fellows are inferior in intellect and ability, if not in honesty, to
 the professional rascals whom they occasionally arrest. They often
 lay traps for weak men in crimes designed for them, and find vulgar
 employment by those seeking divorce from matrimonial bonds. Secret
 Service is certainly not a necessity in a Republic in times of peace,
 and when their virtues and their weaknesses during the War for the
 suppression of the Rebellion are impartially summed up, it will be
 difficult to decide whether those who professedly served the Union
 were a blessing or a curse to it."

The Customs House of the great City by the Hudson has its own _corps
d'espionnage_, the object of which is to defeat the large number
of tourists returning from summer trips to Europe, who attempt the
next-to-impossible feat of "beating the Customs" by smuggling heavily
excisable goods. Under the Roosevelt and McKinley regimes, when high
tariffs were the ruling order, even rich men and women resorted to all
manner of expedients in order to defeat the excisemen in West Street
landing-stages. In the year 1905 matters had come to such a pass that
a definitely organised system of espionage was adopted with a view to
curtailing the operations of wealthy smugglers who could well have
afforded to pay the heavy duties involved. The services of stewards
and stewardesses on board the liners were not only requisitioned, both
men and women being given pass-keys for the purpose of privately
inspecting the luggage of suspected passengers, but women, apparently
of wealth and standing, were also commissioned to travel to and fro
between European and American ports and use all the means at their
disposal to induce sister American tourists to give up, confidentially
of course, a correct estimate of their purchases in Paris and London,
the same information being duly transmitted to the New York Customs
as soon as vessels berthed, or touched at Sandy Hook. Not only were
the maids and valets of suspected smugglers suborned, but even, in
London and Paris, the counter salesmen connected with fashionable
outfitters and jewellers, as well as invoice clerks, were paid a fixed
rate of reward for all information given to American Consular agents
in Europe which might help the transatlantic port authorities to
discover the delinquents and their private contraband on arrival at
New York. Then there was the trick of the weighing-machine, guaranteed
to take avoirdupois to the smallest fractions—plausible women spies
and officious stewards and stewardesses making it their pleasure to
have each saloon passenger "scaled" in order to show how beneficially
sea-travel affected the health. At the Customs offices at New York
these machines stood ready, in duplicate, to weigh any fair suspect
who might possibly have swathed her form in contraband silks or other
prohibited commodities, and a comparison with weight-lists previously
supplied by obliging stewardesses was sure to decide the question
as to whether or not she was to be made the object of a personal
visitation by the official female searchers of the Port. In the case of
one lady who was weighed off Queenstown, the indicator then recording
10 stone 6 lb., or 146 lb., duly registered by a stewardess, it was
found that the duplicate machine at New York made her turn the scale at
168 lb., the result being that she was found to be carrying dutiable
goods concealed on her person worth many hundreds of dollars excise tax
to the authorities.

Much is told of the alleged system of newspaper spies employed by
English and American "yellow" papers, which are said by the uninitiated
to employ their corps of spy detectives in the same way as an
established secret service employs its special agents. In America it is
quite certain that since the so-called "yellows" depend to the larger
extent on the providing of purely "police" news to their clients, a
certain amount of espionage becomes part of the work of the daily
reporter. During the course of the notorious Thaw trial, in the last
decade, witnesses of all sorts—including the young wife of Thaw—were
subjected to the attentions of reporters who, by following their social
movements, were able to add suggestive tit-bits to the "stories"
appearing daily and nightly in the papers, and much to the surprise and
annoyance of their victims. As far as we know, however, nothing of the
kind has yet entered into the processes of British journalism.

XVIII

NAPOLEON, HIS MISTRESS AND—A SPY

The authorities for the following story are these:—_Correspondence of
Napoleon_, vol. v.; _Memoirs of Bourrienne_, vol. ii.; _Memoirs of
Prince Eugene_, vol. i.; _Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantés_, vol.
iii. Except to very minute students of the Napoleonic legend, it is
not very well known, nor could the episode be said to rise very much
above the commonplace, were it not for the extraordinary personality of
the central figure around whom the incidents play. It is simply with a
view to showing the operations of what has been called "the long arm
of British diplomacy" that we tell the tale of an attempt to put a
term to Bonaparte's ambitions as early as 1798, when the Corsican had
only reached his thirtieth year. It is customary to say that historic
figures, no matter how great or spectacular their enterprises, are
never—or rarely ever—so magnificent, in the classical sense, to the
eyes of their contemporaries as they prove afterwards to succeeding
generations. It took the battle of Austerlitz, for example, to force
Benjamin Constant and Madame de Staël, to say nothing of the Bourbon
Princes, as well as a host of public men of note, into a full and final
realisation that in the person of Napoleon an elemental force had
appeared in Europe whose activities in the world were not to stop till,
to use the great soldier's own memorable phrase, Nature had ceased to
require him as an instrument of its designs. And we all know the story
of how the younger Pitt received the intelligence of that conflict of
a December midday: "Roll up the map of Europe," he is alleged to have
said, "it will not be required these ten years"—which was prophecy
with almost mathematical accuracy, if we may use such a term. The
truth is, however, that seven years previously, British diplomacy had
already gauged the significance of the new world-portent, and by 1800
plans were already laid to fight the coming menace to the principle
of the balance of power. The fact itself holds a lesson for all who
fatuously imagine that the history of the world is enacted in a series
of accidents and that the business of diplomatic agents consists in
meeting and dealing with these accidents as they automatically appear.
The work of all great foreign ministers whom the world has known has,
on the contrary, consisted in providing for contingencies long foreseen
and patiently awaited. What Prussia's unique foreign expert worthy of
that name in the story of its whole diplomacy—Bismarck—achieved in this
way as preparatory to the campaigns of 1864, 1866 and 1870, British
Diplomacy is always and eternally achieving. To the process of its
perennial vigils and deliberate acts we may apply the famous remark:
"There it is, the great engine, it never sleeps," and as the custodian
of the set principle that no single Power shall overrule the rights of
other nations, men are beginning at last to realise what in reality
it represents, and that not only is Great Britain now and for ages
invincible and indestructible, but that in her self-charged world-rôle
of defending the Right there is that which, if need were, shows the
mind of watchful Providence itself.

When, in 1798, Bonaparte set out for his Egyptian campaign, there
were already in active existence two redoubtable forces with which
his ambition was destined to become fatefully engaged—namely, Nelson
and British diplomatic vigilance. Long before his début on the Nile,
British Secret Service had put all its forces in motion in order to
upset his designs against England's Eastern dominions, and not one
of these designs was unknown to Downing Street. Egypt then, as now,
was in respect of its commercial activities almost wholly under the
domination of English political and monetary influences, the result
being that from the moment of his arrival at Cairo, an extraordinary
web of espionage had already been woven round the Corsican. It is
suggestive enough that the means which the secret agents of London
proposed to employ for the undoing of the young conqueror of Italy
were based mainly on the idea that Napoleon was easily susceptible
to feminine influences. His quasi-public heart-affairs with Madame
Colombier, Caroline Bressieux, Madame Saint-Huberti, Desirée Clary
and the woman Turreau, in Paris, had misled the British Cabinet,
strangely enough, with the notion that he could be destroyed through
the agency of ministering angels of the venal variety. At all events,
the system of espionage was conceived upon Bonaparte's supposed foible
and its direction was undertaken by Sir Sidney Smith—whose interminable
after-dinner tales of his exploit at St Jean d'Acre were afterwards
to win him the title of "Long Acre"—assisted by John H. Barnett, a
secret-service agent in British employ.

Bonaparte, it is known, had allowed but very few women to follow
his army to Egypt, among these few being the wives of some of his
principal generals. One of his inferior officers, a certain Fourès,
just lately married, had, however, transgressed the orders of the
Commander-in-Chief, to the extent of taking his bride-wife with him
to Egypt dressed as a man-servant. In this disguise Madame Fourès was
successful in reaching the Nile, where she assumed her regular woman's
attire, took lodgings in Cairo and proceeded to lead an ordinarily
domesticated life with her husband. It was not long, however, before
the story of the lady's deceit came to the ears of Bonaparte through
Junot, a connoisseur in feminine attractions, and the youthful
General was moved by curiosity to see the rare bird that had eluded
his vigilance and transgressed his rigorous orders—all the more so,
perhaps, as Junot declared that this one was a veritable bird of
paradise in respect of her personal charms and other _allèchements_.
Accordingly, he so arranged matters that in the course of a review of
his army all the French ladies in Cairo should be present to witness
the manœuvres of the troops. Among them came the youthful Madame
Fourès, whom Junot pointed out discreetly to his General. Evidently
the latter was satisfied with his cursory inspection, for he turned
to his famous lieutenant, instructing him to issue invitations to
a dinner on the subsequent day to which certain ladies were to be
invited, including Madame Fourès, whose husband was, however, not
among the invited guests. Naturally, the Captain felt slighted. He was
well known to be a man of fire-eating disposition—as John Barnett, who
knew him personally, could fully testify—and his first inclination
was to issue a direct challenge to his superior officer, Junot, whose
propensities, where pretty women loomed large, were known throughout
the army to be what the late Mr Labouchere used to term patriarchal.
Then, on second reflection, he urged his wife to refuse the invitation.
Now Madame Fourès was just in the newly wedded stage of her personal
emotions, and every man of experience is aware that a bride in that
stage is more susceptible to the external symptoms of the love-passion
than at any other time. Indeed, the lady had already divined from
Bonaparte's ardent glance the state of his feelings towards her. And
although she practically, to use an Americanism, already "saw her
finish," the truth would seem that she did not much care where she was
to end. At all events, she declined to obey the Captain, twitting him
with jealousy, and accepted the invitation for herself alone. It had
been prearranged that Bonaparte was not to be of the invited party,
but was to make his appearance during the course of the dinner, which
arrangement was duly carried out, Bonaparte being presented to all the
guests on his arrival.

Was it not Wellington who declared that "Bonaparte was no gentleman"?
In any case, after presentation to Madame Fourès, the young General
took a seat opposite to hers and began to stare the lady out of
countenance, exceedingly to her embarrassment. Then quickly finishing
a cup of coffee and with a curt word of adieu he passed from the room.
Some moments after, Junot, whose place was beside that of Madame
Fourès, in turning his chair, upset the lady's coffee into her lap.
Apologising profusely for his awkwardness, the soldier, assisted by
General Dupuy, sought to remedy the disaster with the aid of sponges
and serviettes, only to find that the stain began to travel all over
the skirt and was, for that day at least, irremovable. General Dupuy
affected to be on the verge of tears. "Junot," said he, "perhaps it
would be better to allow Madame Fourès to arrange her dress in some
adjoining room." And Junot led the Captain's wife to an adjoining room,
in which was—Bonaparte.

At this juncture our mind travels back, anachronistically enough,
perhaps, to the late Artemus Ward, his "morril bares and wax figgers,"
and we feel inclined to ask the honourable printer to "put sum stars
here." We prefer, however, to fall back on the profound observation of
a French historian who deals with this episode. He says: "Madame Fourès
entered that adjoining room with a blot upon her dress which was bad
enough. It was nothing, however, to the blot upon her character when
she came out." The lady was, it appears, wholly complacent, and as
the presence of her husband was now a matter of embarrassment both to
herself and Bonaparte, the latter took immediate steps to assure the
return of Captain Fourès to France—ostensibly as the bearer of sealed
orders to the Directory.

"My dear Fourès," said Berthier to him in accordance with this
decision, "you are luckier than the rest of us, for you are going to
see France once more. The Commander-in-Chief has decided to entrust
you with a mission of the highest importance, knowing as he does your
ability and reliability. Your future lies in your own keeping. The
orders are that you shall leave at once with dispatches."

Fourès saw his chance at once and took it. When, however, he declared
it his intention to take his wife, too, Berthier objected. It would be
impossible, urged the famous Chief of the Staff, to allow Madame Fourès
to run the risk of capture by English naval officers who—Berthier
emphasised the point—were notorious for their taste in Frenchwomen.
Besides, there was the discomfort of confinement on board a battleship,
which would give the British officers every excuse for treating the
lady as quite other than a prisoner of war, whatever they might do
with himself. _Et puis, ce cochon de Sir Seedny Smeet—ah, Fourès, mon
ami, voyons donc!_ And so poor Captain Fourès left Egypt on board the
_Chasseur_, commanded by Captain Laurens, while Bonaparte installed
Madame Fourès near the palace of Elfi Bey, where he himself resided,
and thereafter lived with her as openly as he had lived with the
actress Grassini in Milan.

As mischance would have it, the _Chasseur_ was captured by the British
man-o'-war _Lion_, commanded by Sir Sidney Smith, under whose orders
John H. Barnett was then serving as secret agent. On their meeting for
the second time, the Englishman said to Fourès:

"Well, Captain, you must now be edified at the moral character of the
scoundrel whom the Directory has given you for Commander-in-Chief in
Egypt."

"What do you mean, sir?" asked the Frenchman, with some colour.

"Don't be angry, Captain," replied Barnett. "I understand your heat and
will try to cool it. Listen: as we consider you to be the victim of a
disgraceful intrigue on the part of Bonaparte, we propose to land you
on the Egyptian coast. Once arrived there, you will rejoin your corps
and regain possession of Madame Fourès, your former wife."

"Sir," exclaimed the now indignant Frenchman, "will you be pleased to
explain?"

"That," replied Barnett, "is exactly what I am endeavouring to do, and
if you will have the patience to listen, you may understand."

Thereupon the secret-service man drew from his pocket several newspaper
cuttings which gave full details of the scandal in which the names
of Madame Fourès and Bonaparte were associated. The story showed,
furthermore, the arrangement by which Fourès had been induced to carry
dispatches to the Directory, Bonaparte being well aware at the time he
entrusted the Captain with his mission that only a miracle could enable
him to elude the vigilance of the British cruisers and pass over to
France. Once he became a prisoner of war, Bonaparte would be assured of
the possession and enjoyment of his new mistress.

The Captain's emotion on hearing of his commander's treachery and his
wife's connivance in the trick was painful to witness, and the poor
fellow broke down under the ordeal. His papers, it was proved to him,
were of no importance whatever, and Barnett showed him duplicates which
had been taken of them before the Captain had even left Cairo.

"When you arrive at headquarters," the relentless Barnett proceeded,
"one of our agents will conduct you to the palace of Elfi Bey, where
Madame Fourès has lived with Bonaparte since December 18, the date of
your departure with the dispatches. As for your fellow-officers, they
all know of the affair and you have become the object of the army's
ridicule throughout Egypt. As a man of honour you will doubtless know
how to avenge yourself on both culprits. Life is cheap in Egypt in
these days, Captain."

In due course Captain Fourès reached Cairo and soon realised that
Barnett had told him nothing more than the truth. His wife remained a
willing prisoner with Bonaparte. Accordingly he prepared for action,
meaning to kill his two betrayers. It was pointed out to him that
in view of the existence of martial law and his failure to carry
the dispatches entrusted to him, the Commander-in-Chief would be
justified in having him shot; while his friends urged, knowing the
man's character, that, after all, to risk his career for a worthless
woman, in a quarrel with a man like Bonaparte, was worse than madness.
The Captain determined, however, to see his wife and obtain an avowal
from her own lips as to the facts of the whole intrigue. According to
the records, Fourès found her, still unrisen, at the mansion of Elfi
Bey, learned from her own admission that she was satisfied with her
present lot and, without further parley, flogged the strumpet till she
writhed in agonies on her bedroom floor. Fatality of fatalities, who
should enter and find her in this condition, but Bonaparte himself. He
gazed for one dramatic moment at the shrieking woman and turned with a
raucous laugh on his heel. Fourès, in due course, procured his divorce
and made, as he himself declared, "a sacrifice of his resentment
against Napoleon to France and the Army." As it happened, the luck
was, on this occasion, against the British Secret Service agents. Had
Bonaparte fallen a victim to the jealous rage of Fourès, should we
have had a Trafalgar, an Austerlitz, a Jena, a Waterloo? There are not
wanting those who maintain that all these historic events were in the
inevitable logic of the French Revolution and that with a Bonaparte, or
without him, they must in their due turn have come to pass—a question
which is far too large for present discussion. In any case, it is
certain that Bonaparte's removal in 1799 would have relieved many
European cabinets of much anxiety.

XIX

CONCLUSION—BIBLIOGRAPHY

The bibliography connected with the business of espionage is not,
as may be supposed, a very extensive one. Great spies have all
written their memoirs, but in no case can these works be regarded as
trustworthy records of the actual parts played by their writers in
important historic events or episodes, and it is always necessary to go
to independent chroniclers in order to arrive at the truth. As regards
themselves, they are peculiarly fortunate in that highly placed patrons
and collaborators have rarely, if ever, condescended to criticise or
question their claims or statements, the result being that their most
preposterous pretensions find acceptance at face value. It is well,
too, that not one of them, as far as the writer has discovered, evinces
anything like literary tact in his attempts to conceal the essentially
underhand nature of his professional art. Your Schulmeisters and
Stiebers, on the bare evidence of their own life stories, disclose
their real motives and characters so clearly and intimately as to leave
us with the impression that it is only very poor judges of human nature
who can fail to categorise them accurately.

Our own study of the master spy has left us unimpressed regarding
the qualities of either head or heart which are called for in the
business of espionage, and whatever courage may appear to attach to
the characters of men like Schulmeister, Stieber and even André, we
remain convinced that there was in none of them anything like nobility
of purpose and that a very cheap material ambition underlay all their
respective rôles, dramatic though those rôles may have been. The
characters of the two spies of the War of Independence seem to us to
have been lamentably lacking in that fine spirituality which one looks
for in men who are willing to die for any strong faith that is in them;
the American appears to have been an idealist of a type which is not
easily differentiable from the oriental fanatic who is said to possess
no very settled convictions about his cause; while the Englishman's
motives were based purely upon rapid self-advancement. As to Le Caron,
we admit having approached his case with every predisposition to admire
him, only to find our earlier illusions entirely shattered after a
careful study of his reminiscences; and the printed word must be
allowed to go a long way towards self-revelation. As for Schulmeister,
he threw his lot in with the side which paid him the highest price, and
patriotism or nobility of sentiment in no way coloured his otherwise
important abilities and services, while Stieber—the odious Stieber
was at once a cringing self-seeker, a bragging bully and, shorn of
his protections, an obvious and elemental coward. MacParlan was a
detective pure and simple, and to him there attaches no stigma of
having taken an oath to serve a cause which secretly he meant to
betray. Of all the rôles enacted by the various exponents of espionage
with whom we have dealt, MacParlan's appears to us to have been far and
away the most heroic and, in view of the dread organisation which he
was fighting single-handed, also the most patriotic and utilitarian.

In regard to the sources which we have drawn upon, those which deal
with Schulmeister call for some comment. Napoleon's agent is mentioned
by many of the high functionaries of the Empire who published memoirs
dealing with its glittering legend. Savary, Fouché, Rapp and Marbot
all give him a word, while Thiers, much later, mentions him as
having contributed a share to the glories of the Corsican. With the
exception of the short Life by Diffenbach, and his own very unreliable
_Fragments_, we are aware of no exhaustive biography of the spy,
while magazine and newspaper articles, such as those published in the
_Allgemeine Zeitung_, the _Courrier du Bas-Rhin_ and other periodicals,
differ altogether as to details and chronology in descriptions of him.
The author remembers to have read, when a student in Germany, many
years back, an account of Schulmeister obviously written by an Alsatian
and signed with the name, F. Ott, which gave particulars as to the
spy's first meeting with Napoleon, as well as the story of his social
career in Vienna before joining the army of Mack. These particulars are
not mentioned by any other writers except Savary and a scribe in _The
Royal United Service Magazine_ of December 1897. In view of so many
conflicting accounts, however, we have thought it fair to draw upon
this recollection in our own story of the Alsatian, although at present
we cannot recall the exact source.

Le Caron has, of course, been his own biographer and the popular Press
of the time of the Parnell Commission teems with accounts, correct
or imaginary, of the Anglo-American major. Sir Robert Anderson, in
his reminiscences, speaks of his agent in terms of consideration and
respect. In a letter which Sir Robert was so good as to write to the
author, in this connection, appear the following remarks:—

 "My best agents, when I had charge of secret-service work, were
 as much entitled to respect as were my officers in the Criminal
 Investigation Department when I had charge of that branch of
 Police work, or as our military who 'spy' the German trenches from
 aeroplanes. Others again take up that sort of work for 'filthy lucre
 sake,' and yet others from all sorts of motives, some praiseworthy and
 some contemptible. Spies differ as much as parsons or doctors, and
 no general rule can be applied to them. Le Caron was in every way a
 worthier and more respectable man than were some of the M.P.'s who
 abused him in Parliament. Some of my other agents were much in the
 same category. Others, again, who gave me information of great value,
 were creatures whom it was an ordeal to have to deal with."

MacParlan's career was well known to many of the old stagers of the
New York and Philadelphia newspapers, and from one who knew him, the
writer has taken the version he gives of the admirable detective's
final disappearance from the coal regions of Pennsylvania, according it
preference over the somewhat prosaic departure as told by MacParlan's
excellent biographer, Mr Dewees. While volumes have been written to
the glorification of Major André, it is unfortunate that very little
is known regarding Nathan Hale, and it is certain that no portrait
remains extant of that youthful hero. The Duchess of Portsmouth has
been fully dealt with by many writers; the Chevalier d'Eon has had the
advantage of being portrayed by the late Mr Andrew Lang, while Pingaud
has treated the Count d'Antraigues. The French Divisional Police Chief
Saint-Just has given to the world an account of the French Internal
Spy System as it exists in our own day, and Doctor Fitzpatrick is the
chief among many who have written of the British Secret Service, to
the chapter concerning which we append a Home Office paper, issued in
September 1914, which clearly shows that the British authorities were
by no means uninformed or unmindful of the contemplated operations of
the swarms of German spies who filled London hotels and lodging-houses
at the opening of the War. Official alertness, it may also be said, was
shown during the course of the campaign, as (to cite but one instance)
when the Special Police Constables were mobilised on the night of the
air raid on Sandringham and therearound, a fact which spoke eloquently
for our system of counter-espionage.

With regard to the German System of Espionage, it must be said that
while we do not accept everything that the arrogant Stieber claims for
his organisation and himself, we are inclined to look upon Lanoir as
being too much a hater of all things Prussian either to do justice to
himself or to be fair to Stieber. In any case, we have supplemented the
French writer's views by others emanating from Klembowsky, A. Froment,
Tissot and various publicists well known in France. The work of Mr
Graves we have read, and while admitting that he wins our sympathy
as regards his perennial good humour and cleverness, we confess our
total inability to "negotiate" (as he himself would probably say) his
version of the instructions to the _Panther_ at Agadir, the same having
really been conveyed by the very ordinary process of telegraphing from
Berlin to the gunboat's commander by code to the _Fabra_ news agency
at Madrid, whence the message travelled to Tangier and Agadir. In the
pages of _The New York American_ Mr Graves's diplomatic work would
certainly prove to be "just the goods," if we may judge by the printed
European dispatches of that paper's ineffable correspondents. All his
English countesses and peers have respectively the airs and manners of
Chicago "store-ladies" and Buffalo drummers—exactly as the American
yellow-paper requires them for home consumption.

Following is a short list of the principal publications to which the
writer referred in the course of his work:—

  _Allgemeine Zeitung_, old cuttings, dated 1818-1822.
  Collier, Price, _Germany and the Germans_. 1913.
  _Courrier du Bas Rhin._ 1853.
  Crawford, Marion, _Venetian Gleanings_. 1905.
  Dewees, F. P., _The Molly Maguires_. 1877.
  Diffenbach, L., _Schulmeister_. 1879.
  Fitzpatrick, Dr, _Secret Service under Pitt_. 1892.
  _Fortnightly Review._ 1898, 1903, 1905.
  Fouché, _Memoirs_. 1892.
  Froment, A., _L'Espionnage Militaire_. 1897.
  _Journal of the Roy. United Ser. Inst._, Dec. 1897.
  Klembowsky, M., _L'Espionnage_. 1896.
  Lanfrey, _Histoire de Napoleon_. 1826.
  Lanoir, Paul, _The German Spy System_. 1910.
  Lavallée, I., _Inquisitions_. 1810.
  Le Caron, _Twenty-five Years in the Secret Service_. 1892.
  Muller, Paul, _L'Espionnage sous Napoleon_. 1909.
  Pingaud, _Un Agent Secret_. 1894.
  _Quarterly Review._ 1898.
  Rapp, General, _Memoirs_. 1825.
  Rovigo (Savary), _Memoirs_. 1830.
  Schulmeister, _Bruchstuecke_. 1816.
  Stieber, _Memoirs_. 1877.
  _The Chautauquan Magazine._ January 1887.
  Thiers, _Histoire du Consulat_. 1868.
  Tissot, V., _La Police Secrète_. 1884.

FOOTNOTES

[1] Frederick was childless.

[2] It has even been stated that the funds which enabled the so-called
Suffragettes to carry on their recent militant propaganda were, for the
greater part, supplied by Berlin, through private persons acting on
behalf of its secret service. The identity of the real donors of very
large sums given for the furtherance of the movement was said not to
have been known even to the Suffragette leaders.

INDEX

  A

  Absalom, 29

  Alexander the Great, 32

  Alexander II. of Russia, 181

  Alfred the Great, 123

  Allen, Lieutenant, 118

  Althorp Park, 132

  American Civil War, 42, 287

  American Secret Service, 283 _et seq._

  Anarchist societies, 153

  Anderson, Sir Robert, 312

  André, Major John, 104 _et seq._

  Andrieux, Prefect of Police, 153

  Anglo-Russian War, 53

  Antraigues, Comte d', 260, 261, 262

  Aristagoras, 32

  Arnold, Benedict, 100 _et seq._

  Arthur, John, 42

  Aubigny, Duchesse d', 128

  Austerlitz, campaign of, 65, 71

  B

  Babcock, General, 293

  Baden, duchy of, 61

  Baker, Lafayette, 291

  Balance of Power, 128

  Barnett, John, 305

  Belfort, town of, 62

  Bernhardi, 161

  Berthier, Marshal, 226, 304

  Bertillon, Professor, 155

  Biggar, Jos., 40

  Bismarck, von, 175 _et seq._

  Black Cardinals, 76

  Black Hand Society, 96

  Black Country, Westphalia, 134

  Black Cabinet, 154

  Bluntschli, 19

  Boisdeffre, General de, 235

  Boulanger, General, 152, 158, 159

  Boyd, Belle, 290

  Brandon, Captain, 134

  Brevoort House, 290

  Britain, cost of espionage, 136

  British Museum Catalogue, 162

  Burleigh, Lord, 126

  C

  Cæsar, 34

  Campeggio, Cardinal, 124

  Canning, Foreign Minister, 131

  Caro, Elme, 230

  Carrier-pigeons, 33, 144

  Charles II., 128

  Christ and the spies, 29

  Churchill, John, 108

  Clan-na-gael, 51, 53

  Clapton, 105

  Clinton, Sir H., 112

  Clive, Robert, 59

  Collier, Price, 167, 168, 203

  Comédie Française, 221

  Continental schools, 36, 208

  _Courrier du Bas Rhin_, 68

  Cromwell, Oliver, 128

  _Cruciata_, 274

  Customs, New York, 295

  D

  Darius, 32

  Davitt, Mr, 54

  Decker, von, 35

  Delbena, 126

  Delcassé, M., 149

  De Piple, 72

  Deville, 35

  Diderot, 71

  _Dossier_, 150, 151

  Dreyfus case, 149

  Dublin Castle, 133

  Dunn, Mr Dick, 270

  E

  Education of German spy, 238, 244, 245, 246, 247

  Egan, Mr Patrick, 52

  Emperor Francis, 70

  Empress Elizabeth, 257

  Empson and Dudley, 123

  Enghien, Duc d', 61, 62, 63

  England's spies in Germany, 135

  Eon, Chevalier d', 255 _et seq._

  Erfurt, Congress of, 73, 74

  Ernst, spy, 233

  Esterhazy, Major, 154

  Ettenheim, town of, 62

  Ex-priests, German, 225

  F

  Fanaticism of spy, 25

  Fenianism, 43, 44, 45, 48, 49

  First Consul, 62

  Fitzpatrick, Dr, 133

  Ford, Mr A. Brendan, 53

  Ford, Mr Patrick, 52

  Forth Bridge, 238, 239

  Fouché, 58, 59, 73, 124, 150

  Fourès, Captain, 301

  Fox, Charles James, 131

  France, cost of espionage, 136

  Franklin, Benjamin, 111

  Frederick the Great, 37, 161 _et seq._

  French Secret Service, the, 147, _et seq._

  Frederick William, King, 171

  Frontinus, 30

  Fusiliers, Royal, 106

  G

  Gallifet, General de, 183

  Gassicourt, M. de, 67

  German Secret Service, 161 _et seq._

  Geneva, university of, 105

  "Germanising influences," 222

  Germany, cost of espionage, 136

  Gifford, spy, 127

  Goethe, 23, 74

  "Good old days," 127

  Goven, Franklin, 94

  Grant, General, 292

  Grant, Mrs Colquhoun, 129

  Graves, Mr, 229, 232, 239, 240

  _Great Eastern_, 42

  Grey, General, 109

  H

  Habsburgs, 37

  Hale, Nathan, 79 _et seq._

  _Halifax_, guard-ship, 88

  Halifax, town, 83

  Hannibal, 33, 34

  Harden, Max, 265, 266

  Hausmann, Baron, 293

  Heath, General, 84

  _Heimath_, 221

  Helvetius, 71

  Henry, Colonel, 149

  Henry, John, 286

  Herbesthal, 167

  _Hermandad_, 274

  Hibernians, A.O., of, 95

  Hirtius, 33

  Histiæus, 33

  Holbach, 71

  Home Office, 137, 138 _et seq._

  Horace, Satires of, 125

  Howe, General, 88, 109

  Hundred Days, 77

  Huntington Bay, 86

  _Index_, 72

  Infessura, 274

  Inquisition, Spanish, 272

  Intelligencer, the, 125

  Invalides, les, 221

  Ionia, 33

  Ireland and Greece, 91, 92

  _Irish World_, 53

  J

  Jameson, Colonel, 118

  "J.B.," 126

  Johnson, President, 291

  Joseph, 29

  Joshua, 29

  Junot, General, 301

  Justus Lipsius, 33

  K

  "King's Secret, The," 256

  Kluck's cow, 220

  Knowlton, Colonel, 84

  L

  Lachesnaie, 35

  Lang, Andrew, 258

  Lanoir, Paul, 189, 190, 215

  Lassalle, General, 74

  Launay, Comte d'Antraigues, 132

  Lavallee, Jos., 273

  Le Caron, 39 _et seq._, 133

  Legion of Honour, 75

  Le Meinau, 72

  Lever, Charles, 130

  Leveson-Gower, Lord G. L., 132

  Lichfield, 106

  Lockport (Illinois), 45

  Long Island, 83

  Lorrach, 63

  Louis XIV., 38

  Louis XV., 256

  Louis XVIII., 260

  Louise of Prussia, 74

  Louise of Saxony, 265

  M

  Mæcenas, 125

  Mack, Field-Marshal, 66

  Mackenzie, Colin, 132

  MacParlan, J., 90 _et seq._

  Madison, President, 286

  Manhattan, 83

  Maria Edgeworth, 106

  Marie Louise, 76

  Mary Stuart, 126, 127

  _Matinées du Roi de Prusse_, 161

  Mazarin, Cardinal, 128

  Megalomania of spy, 23

  Meinau, M. de, 60

  Meline, Monsieur, 149

  Mexican War, 287

  Meyn, painter, 37

  _Mischianza_, 111

  Mithridates, 30

  "Molly Maguires," 90, 93

  Moltke, von, 177

  Mommsen, Professor, 193

  Montesquieu, 71

  Morin, 19

  Murat, 75, 124

  N

  Napoleon, 23, 28, 37, 38, 64, 147, 148, 166, 193, 221, 226, 228, 298
      _et seq._

  Napoleon III., 77, 152

  National Homing Union, 145

  "Necklace" manœuvre, 70

  Neu-Freistett, 60

  New journalists, 57

  New Haven (Connecticut), 82

  New York, 84

  _New York Times_, 250 _et seq._

  _New York Gazette_, 285

  Nietszche, 161

  Norwalk, 86

  "Number Seventy, Berlin," 235

  O

  O'Donovan Rossa, 52

  O'Neill, General, 45 _et seq._

  Ottawa, 51

  P

  Parnell Commission, 56

  Paulding, Farmer, 117

  Pennsylvania coal zones, 90

  Peter the Great, will of, 162

  _Petit Parisien_, 230

  Philadelphia, 48, 108, 109, 110, 111

  Phillips, spy, 127

  Piggott, Richard, 39

  Pingaud, biographer, 260

  Pinkerton Agency, 95

  Pitt, William, 130

  Pius VII., 76

  Polyænus, 29

  Polybius, 33

  Poore, Perley, 289

  Portsmouth, Duchess of, 128

  "Posen" case, the, 264

  Poulet, 127

  Pragmatism, 17

  Prince of Wales, the, 54

  Q

  Quakers of Philadelphia, 112

  Quebec, 108, 109

  Queen Victoria, 54

  R

  Radet, General, 76

  Rapp, General, 75

  Red Man's Signals, 227

  Reichstag appropriations, 174, 179, 186, 194, 249

  "Reptile Press," 186

  Rhodes Scholarships, 224

  Rivington, James, 285

  Robespierre, 130

  Roman spies, 18

  Roon, von, 184

  Rulski, 69

  Russia, cost of espionage, 136

  Russia, system of espionage, 173

  Russo-Irish Alliance, 53

  S

  Sainfoin, Derby winner, 269

  Saint-Just, revolutionary, 130

  Saint-Just, police chief, 148

  Salaries of German agents, 240

  Salic Law, 23

  Savary, General, 60

  Schulmeister, 58 _et seq._

  Scipio Africanus, 18

  _Scutula_, 32

  _Secrets of German War Office_, 239

  Sergeant, W., 110

  Sertorius, 31

  Seward, Anna, 106

  Shenandoah station, 100

  _Skutate_, 32

  Smith, Sir Sidney, 301

  Sneyd, Honoria, 106

  Social transitions, 267

  "Speak-easies," 96

  Spencer, Lady Sarah, 132

  Steinhauer, Dr, 229 _et seq._

  Stendhal, 17

  Stieber, 37, 161 _et seq._

  Sudermann, H., 221

  T

  Tallmadge, Major, 120

  Tausch Bureau, 266

  _The Chautauquan_, 289

  "The Prince," 269, 270

  The Trebia, battle of, 33

  Tilsit, Treaty of (1807), 131

  _Times, The_, 39

  Tissot, Victor, 189

  Trench, Captain, 134

  Turr, H., 238 _et seq._

  U

  Ulm, 70

  V

  Vattel, 79

  Vaughan, Cardinal, 280

  Voice, Napoleon's, 64

  Voltaire, 71

  W

  Washington, General, 83

  Wend, spy, 69

  West Point, 114

  Whigs, American, 113

  "White Blouses," 152

  William II., 161, 221, 265

  William of Prussia, 177

  Windell, spy, 232

  Wireless Telegraph Act, 142

  Wolfe, General, 107

  Z

  Zeppelin, secret visits, 231

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES

Minor punctuation and printer errors repaired.

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_