expect. As he rapidly mentioned the indications which convinced him that
we were going to give up the stakes without an effort to win them, my
faith, too, gave way, and my heart sank. He generously defended General
Bragg, however, saying, that his course was perfectly consistent,
inasmuch as he had come into Kentucky to escape a fight, and was now
about to go out for the same reason, and that, moreover, a
commander-in-chief always did well to avoid battle, no matter what was
the spirit of his troops, when he felt demoralized himself.

On the 6th of October, Colonel Morgan left Lexington on the track of
General Smith's infantry forces, with Cluke, Gano and the Second
Kentucky. It was thought probable that the enemy would advance from the
direction of Frankfort, and an engagement in the vicinity of Versailles,
where a portion of General Smith's infantry were stationed, was
anticipated. Morgan, whose entire force amounted to some fifteen hundred
effective men, was ordered to take position between Versailles and
Frankfort, and attack the enemy if he made his appearance. The bulk of
General Smith's command was eight or ten miles farther to the southwest,
in the vicinity of Lawrenceburg.

Breckinridge's battalion had been detached on the 4th, and was ordered
to report first to Buford, then to Wharton, and finally to Ashby. It was
engaged in the skirmishing which the two latter officers successfully
conducted with the enemy, on the road between Lawrenceburg and
Harrodsburg, and Harrodsburg and Perryville. The movements of Buell had
completely mystified General Bragg, and the latter was not only reduced
to the defensive, but to a state of mind pitiable in the extreme. He
acted like a man whose nerves by some accident or disorder, had been
crazed; he was the victim of every rumor; he was alternately exhilarated
and dejected. If the enemy dallied, or the distance between them
_happened_ to be increased, he became bold and confident; when a
collision was imminent, he could contemplate nothing but defeat and
disaster. Of that kind of fear which induces provision against dangers
which are far in the future, he knew nothing, and he was equally as
ignorant of the courage which kindles highest when the hour of final
issue has arrived. General Bragg, had, as a subordinate, no superior in
bravery--he had, as a commander, no bravery at all. While I shall make
no sort of comment upon General Bragg's character or his conduct, which
I do not thoroughly believe to be correct, and just and warranted by the
record and by the circumstances of that time and of this--I yet deem it
my duty to candidly warn my readers to receive with due allowance every
line written about Bragg by a Kentuckian.

The wrongs he did Kentucky and Kentuckians, the malignity with which he
bore down on his Kentucky troops, his hatred and bitter active
antagonism to all prominent Kentucky officers, have made an abhorrence
of him part of a Kentuckian's creed. There is no reason why any
expression of natural feeling toward him should be now suppressed--he is
not dead, nor a prisoner, nor an exile.

General Bragg came to the western army with a most enviable reputation.
He had already displayed those qualities as an organizer, a
disciplinarian, and a military administrator, in which he was unrivaled.
His dashing conduct at Shiloh, and the courage and ability (there
exhibited in perfection), in which (as a corps commander), no man
excelled him, had made him a great and universal favorite. The admirable
method which (when second in command at Corinth, and really at the head
of affairs), he introduced into all departments; the marvelous skill in
discipline, with which he made of the "mob" at Corinth a splendidly
ordered, formidable army, and his masterly evacuation of the place
(totally deceiving Halleck in doing so), caused him to be regarded,
almost universally, as the fit successor of Albert Sydney Johnson, and
the coming man of the West.

The plan of retiring altogether from Mississippi, and of suddenly moving
the army, by the Southern railroads, away around into Tennessee
again--losing the slow, dull-scented Halleck--if conceived by a
subordinate, was, at least, attributed to him. It was brilliant in
itself, and was successfully executed. Men waited, in breathless
interest, the consummation of such a career. But right there he began
to fail, and soon he gave way entirely. It is almost impossible now to
realize that the Bragg of the spring and the Bragg of the autumn of
1862, are identical. When he reached Chattanooga, he showed for the
first time vacillation and a disposition to delay. He crossed the river
on the 28th of August with twenty-five thousand infantry, beside
artillery and cavalry. He moved over Waldron's ridge, up the Sequatchy
valley, through Sparta, into Kentucky, seeking to beat Buell to
Munfordsville. The disposition of Buell's forces has already been given
in a former chapter. His army, about forty or forty-five thousand
strong, was scattered over a wide extent of territory, in small
detachments (with the exception of the forces at Battle creek and at
McMinnville--each about twelve or fourteen thousand strong).

This disposition was rendered necessary by the difficulty of obtaining
supplies--it was also requisite to a thorough garrisoning of the
country. Had General Bragg, as soon as he crossed the river, marched
straight on Nashville, General Buell could not possibly have met him
with more than twenty thousand men. General Buell did not issue orders
for the concentration of his troops until the 30th of August, although
preparations had been made for it before. This concentration was
effected at Murfreesboro'. It then became apparent to him that General
Bragg was pushing for central Kentucky, and it became necessary that
Buell, to save his communication, should march into Kentucky also.
General Bragg had the start and the short route, and reached Glasgow on
the 13th of September; then taking position on the main roads at Cave
City, while Buell, with all the expedition he could use, had gotten only
so far as Bowlinggreen, he cut the latter off from Louisville and the
reinforcements awaiting him there.

General Buell's army had been decreased by the detachment of a garrison
for Nashville. After an unsuccessful attack (with the loss of two or
three hundred men), by a small Confederate force upon Munfordsville--the
garrison of that place, over four thousand strong, subsequently
surrendered on the 17th. What now was to hinder General Bragg, holding
the strong position of Munfordsville, from stopping Buell, calling Kirby
Smith, with his whole force, to his assistance, and out-numbering, crush
his adversary? This question has been asked very often. How long would
the raw troops at Louisville have withstood the attack of Bragg's
veterans when their turn came? General Bragg discovered that the country
was barren of supplies--that one of the richest, most fertile regions of
Kentucky, could not support his army for a week, and he withdrew to
Bardstown. Buell finding the road clear, marched on to Louisville. His
immense wagon train, more than twenty miles long and the flank of his
army were exposed, and with impunity by this movement.

It was certainly not expecting too much of General Bragg, as
commander-in-chief of the Confederate forces in Kentucky, to expect that
he would (after this was done) make up his mind whether he was going to
fight or not, without farther delay. If he did not intend to fight,
would it not have been wiser to have marched back on Nashville, while
Buell was marching on Louisville, to have taken that place and to have
established himself on the banks of the Cumberland with less of loss,
fatigue, and discontent among his troops, than existed when after his
long, harassing, wearying marches through the mountains, he halted at
Murfreesboro' much later? Kirby Smith could have remained in Kentucky
long enough to collect and secure all the supplies--he had demonstrated
that he could take care of himself, and if he had been hard-pressed, he
could have retreated more rapidly than any pursuer could follow. If
General Bragg did intend to fight, why did he not concentrate his army
and fight hard?

After Buell marched to Louisville (which he reached on the 29th of
September), Bragg took position at and about Bardstown. Our line,
including General Smith's forces, may be described as running from
Bardstown, on the extreme left, through Frankfort and Lexington, to
Mount Sterling on the right flank. It was an admirable one. However
threatened on front or flanks, the troops could be marched to the
threatened points, by excellent roads. The base at Bryantsville was
perfectly secure--roads ran from it in every direction--and it was a
place of immense natural strength. The force available, for the defense
of this line, was quite forty-nine thousand infantry, General Bragg's
Staff officers represent the force of infantry (which entered the State
with General Bragg) to have been twenty-five thousand. General Smith's
infantry forces (including Marshall) numbered twenty-four thousand [so
estimated by General Smith himself]. There were perhaps one hundred and
thirty pieces of artillery in all. The cavalry, all told, was about six
thousand Strong (including Morgan and Buford), making a grand total of
about fifty-six thousand men.

Buell moved out from Louisville on the 1st of October. His advance was
made just as might have been anticipated, and as many had predicted. Not
caring to involve his whole army in the rough Chaplin and Benson hills,
he sent detachments toward Frankfort and Lawrenceburg, to guard against
any movement on Louisville, and to distract Bragg's attention from his
(Buell's) main design, and make him divide his army. In this latter
intention he perfectly succeeded. The bulk of his army marched through
Bardstown and Springfield to Perryville, to get in Bragg's rear and upon
his line of retreat. The force sent to Frankfort, five or six thousand
strong, under Dumont, broke up the inaugural ceremonies of the
Provisional Government, which General Bragg, as if in mockery of the
promises he had so lavishly and so confidently made to his own
Government, and to the people of Kentucky, and of the hopes he had
excited, had instituted. He made one of the first and best men of the
State, a man of venerable years and character, held in universal respect
for a long life of unblemished integrity, beloved for his kind, open,
manly nature, and especially honored by the Southern people of Kentucky
for his devotion to the cause--General Bragg made this old man, who had
been unanimously indicated as the proper man for Provisional Governor
of Kentucky, tell the people, who crowded to listen to his inaugural
address, that the State would be held by the Confederate army, cost what
it might. At the very time that General Bragg so deceived Governor
Hawes, and made him unwillingly deceive his people, the Confederate army
had already commenced to retreat.

This force, which came to Frankfort, was the same which General Smith
was prepared to fight at Versailles, its real strength not being at
first known. A day or two afterward it came out upon the Versailles
road, and was ambushed by Colonel John Scott, and driven back with smart
loss. General Smith, hearing that the enemy were advancing in force to
Lawrenceburg, and that they had occupied that place with an advance
guard, ordered Buford to drive them out with his cavalry, and followed
with his whole force. The establishment of the enemy at Lawrenceburg,
and upon the road thence to Harrodsburg, would have completely cut off
General Smith from General Bragg. The force advancing toward
Lawrenceburg, was Sill's division, perhaps six or seven thousand strong
in effectives. This division had diverged from the main army at the same
time with Dumont's.

General Smith's forces were arranged at Lawrenceburg (which was not
occupied by the enemy) and on the road thence to Harrodsburg on the 6th.
Sill's division fell back across Salt river and into the rugged Chaplin
hills, pressed by a portion of General Smith's infantry, Colonel Thomas
Taylor's brigade in advance. Several hundred prisoners were taken. The
position of General Smith's forces was not materially changed during
that day and the next, although they continued to draw nearer to
Harrodsburg. The main body of the enemy had in the mean time
concentrated its marching columns and moved to the vicinity of
Perryville, 58,000 strong, on the evening of the 7th.

The detachments which advanced to Frankfort and toward Lawrenceburg,
were not more than 12,000 strong in all. So rugged and difficult of
passage is the country through which these detachments had to pass,
that a comparatively small force could have prevented their junction at
Lawrenceburg and held both at bay, leaving the bulk of the Confederate
army free to concentrate at Perryville. Even had their junction been
permitted, three thousand such cavalry as Bragg had at his disposal
could have retarded their march to Harrodsburg for several days. They
could not have forced their way along the road in less than two or three
days, and as many would have been required to make a detour and join
Buell. In that time the battle of Perryville could have been decided.
But so completely was General Bragg in the dark about Buell's movements
that, when he first heard of the advance from Louisville, he supposed it
was a movement of the whole Federal army upon Frankfort, and he ordered
General Polk "to move from Bardstown, by way of Bloomfield, toward
Frankfort, to strike the enemy in flank and rear," while General Smith
should take him in front. This order was evidently issued under an
unaccountable and entire misapprehension of the true state of affairs,
but showed a nerve and purpose which promised well. General Bragg must
certainly, when he issued it, have supposed that General Buell's whole
army was coming from that direction. How strange is it that a commander
who could thus resolve to fight his foes, when he believed them to be
united, should fear to encounter them separately. Whatever may be the
verdict upon General Polk's disobedience of orders, whether it was one
of those cases in which a subordinate can rightfully exercise this
discretion or not, the fact of General Bragg's incompetency looms up in
unmistakable proportions.

The most remarkable feature of General Bragg's conduct was this strange,
unexampled vacillation. There was perhaps never afforded such an
instance of perfect infirmity and fickleness of purpose. He had, there
can be little doubt, resolved to retreat without delivering battle
before the 1st of October. He nevertheless sought to fight at Frankfort
(as has been seen) a few days afterward. Again, immediately afterward,
he did his best to avoid battle when it could have been delivered (as
all but himself thought) under far more favorable circumstances. No one
now doubts, I presume, that General Bragg fought at Perryville with a
fragment of his army, not to win a victory, but to check the enemy and
cover his retreat.

After General Polk moved to Perryville, General Bragg, of course,
learned of the advance of the enemy in that direction, and must have
known that it was in strong column, or he would not have permitted
sixteen thousand troops to collect there to oppose it. He was still in
error regarding the other movements, and left the larger part of his
army to confront the forces maneuvering about Lawrenceburg and
Frankfort. One glance at the map will show the reader that, if the enemy
was really advancing in heavy columns by these different routes, it was
clearly General Bragg's best policy to have struck and crushed (if he
could) that body threatening him from the south. If he crushed that his
line of retreat would be safe, and he could have fought the other at his
leisure, or not at all, as he chose. He could have fought (if it had
continued to advance) at Bryantsville, or gone after and attacked it.
If, on the contrary, he had concentrated to fight at Frankfort or
Lawrenceburg, defeat, with this other force on his line of retreat,
would have been ruinous. Even complete and decisive victory would have
left him still in danger, having still another army to defeat or drive
away. He would have been, in either case, between his foes, preventing
their junction, and in a situation to strike them in succession; but in
the one case his rear was safe, and in the other it was threatened.

With the true trimming instinct, he elected to take a middle course; he
divided his army, and sought to meet both dangers at the same time. Is
it saying too much that he was saved from utter destruction by the
heroic courage, against vast odds, of that fragment of his army which
fought at Perryville? It is the popular idea that a commander is
out-generaled when he is deceived. Military phraseology can mystify the
popular mind, but it can not eradicate from it this idea. Buell
certainly deceived Bragg, and by sending detachments, numbering in all
not more than twelve thousand, through a country from which a mere
handful of men could have prevented them from debouching, he kept thirty
thousand men, the bulk of General Bragg's army, idle, and rendered them
useless until the game was decided.

After the battle of Perryville (where he certainly got the better of the
forces opposed to him)--an earnest of what might have been done if the
whole army had been concentrated--and after an accurate knowledge had
been obtained, of how Sill's and Dumont's detachments had deceived him
into the belief that they were the whole Federal army--General Bragg had
his entire army concentrated at Harrodsburg. The two armies then fairly
confronted each other, neither had any strategic experiments to fear, on
flank or rear, for Sill's division was making a wide and prudent circuit
to get to Buell, and Dumont was stationary at Frankfort. It would have
been a fair, square, stand up fight. It is, now, well known that there
was not the disparity in numbers which General Bragg and his friends
claimed to have existed. There was less numerical inequality, between
the armies, than there has been on many battlefields--where the
Confederate arms have been indisputably victorious. Buell's strength was
less than at any other period of the eight or ten days that a battle was
imminent. Sill had not gotten up--the Federal army was fifty-eight
thousand strong--minus the four thousand killed and wounded at
Perryville, and the stragglers. Buell had in his army, regiments and
brigades, of raw troops, thirty-three thousand in all. Bragg had not
more than five thousand; most of them distributed among veteran
regiments. There were no full regiments, nor even full companies of
recruits in Bragg's army, except in the Kentucky cavalry commands. The
two armies faced each other, not more than three miles apart. The belief
was almost universal, in each army, that next morning we would fight.
The troops thought so, and, despite the pouring rain, and their
uncomfortable bivouacs, were in high and exultant spirits. I know, for I
saw them late in the night, that some officers of high rank confidently
looked for battle, and were cheerful, and sanguine of victory.

What General Bragg really intended to do that night--perhaps he himself
only knows--and it is quite as probable that even he does not know. He
retreated on the next morning to Bryantsville. There was no undignified
haste about this movement--the troops moved off deliberately, and in
such order, that they could have been thrown quickly, if it had become
necessary, into line of battle. General Bragg manifested no great
anxiety to get away from the vicinity of his enemy, and Buell certainly
manifested no strong desire to detain him.

On the next day (the 12th), the army remained at Bryantsville, and took
up its march for Lancaster about ten o'clock of that night. It reached
Lancaster on the morning of the 13th, and divided. General Smith going
to Richmond, and over the Big hill, to Cumberland Gap, General Bragg
with the troops which had come into Kentucky under his immediate
command, passing through Crab Orchard.

It was hoped, and thought probable, that Buell would overtake and force
Bragg to fight at Crab Orchard. He did, indeed, come very near doing so.
Sending one division to Lancaster, he moved with the bulk of his army
toward Crab Orchard. He failed, however, to intercept Bragg, and the
latter moved on out of Kentucky.

Thus ended a campaign from which so much was expected, and which, had it
been successful, would have incalculably benefited the Confederate
cause. Able writers have exerted all their skill in apologies for this
campaign, but time has developed into a certainty, that opinion then
instinctively held by so many, that with the failure to hold Kentucky,
our best and last chance to win the war was thrown away.

Let the historian recall the situation, and reflect upon the influences
which in the, then, condition of affairs were likely to control the
destinies at stake, and he will declare, that with this retreat the pall
fell upon the fortunes of the Confederacy.

All the subsequent tremendous struggle, was but the dying agony of a
great cause, and a gallant people. At that period the veteran Federal
army of the West was numerically much inferior to what it ever was
again; and even after the accession of the recruits hastily collected at
Louisville, it was much less formidable than it subsequently became.

The Confederate army was composed of the veterans of Shiloh, and the
soldiers formed in the ordeal of Corinth. It was as nearly equal to the
Federal army, in numerical strength, as there was any chance of it ever
being, and the character of its material more than made up for any
inequality in this respect. No man, who saw it in Kentucky, will doubt
that it would have fought up to its full capacity. Never was there a
more fiery ardor, a more intense resolution pervading an army, than that
one felt, when expecting a battle which should decide whether they were
to hold Kentucky, or march back again, carrying the war once more with
them to their homes and firesides. Not even on the first day of Shiloh,
when it seemed that they could have charged the rooted hills from their
bases, were those troops in a temper to make so desperate a fight. But a
doting Æolus held the keys which confined the storm. It will be
difficult for any one who will carefully study the history of this
period, to avoid the conclusion that it was the crisis of the war. First
let the military situation be considered. While at almost every point of
subordinate importance the Confederates were holding their own, they
were at those points, where the war assumed its grand proportions, and
the issue was vital, carrying every thing before them.

The Confederate Government had at length adopted the policy of massing
its troops, and the effect was instantly seen. In Virginia, General
Lee's onset was irresistible. His army burst from the entrenchments
around Richmond, like the lava from the volcano, and the host of
McClellan, shrank withered, from its path. Driving McClellan to his new
base, and leaving him to make explanations to his soldiery, "Uncle
Robert" fell headlong upon Pope, and Pope boasted no more. Forcing the
immense Federal masses disintegrated and demoralized back to Washington,
General Lee crossed the Potomac and pushed into Maryland. Jackson took
Harper's Ferry, while General Lee fought the battle of Antietam with
forty thousand men, and again crippled McClellan.

Although the Confederate army recrossed the Potomac on the 18th of
September, McClellan did not follow, but remained inactive and by no
means certain (as his dispatches show) that his great adversary would
not return to attack him. It was not until late in October, that the
Federal army again advanced, and its march was then slow and irresolute.
It will be seen then, that on the 17th, the day on which Bragg took
Munfordsville, General Lee was fighting in Maryland. Ought not General
Bragg to have risked a battle (with his superior force) in Kentucky,
which (if successful), would have ruined the army opposed to him and
have laid the whole Northwest open to him, unless McClellan had
furnished the troops to oppose him, and have placed himself at the mercy
of Lee?

General Bragg did not (of course) know, on the 17th of September, 1862,
that the battle of Antietam was being fought, but he knew that General
Lee had achieved great successes, and that he was marching into
Maryland. Again, what effect are we at liberty to suppose that a
decisive victory won by General Bragg, at Perryville, on the 6th of
October, would have had upon the general result. General Buell, pressed
by Bragg's entire army, would have had some trouble to cross the Ohio
river, after reaching Louisville; and the defense of the Western States
would have been then intrusted with many misgivings to his shattered
army. And yet the West would have been left with no other defense,
unless the army of the Potomac had (in the event of such a necessity)
been weakened and endangered, that reinforcements might go to Buell. It
may be said that all this is hypothetical. Of course it is. But what
General ever yet inaugurated and conducted a campaign, or planned and
fought a battle, and banished such hypotheses altogether from his
calculations? Why then should they be forbidden in the criticism of
campaigns and battles? It is not infallibly certain that General Bragg
could have defeated Buell. Nothing is positively certain in a military
sense, not even the impregnability of a work built by a West Pointer,
and pronounced so by a committee of his classmates. War is a game of
various and varying chances. What I mean to urge, is, that General Bragg
should, under all the circumstances, have, by all the rules of the game,
risked the chances of a battle. But if there were strong military
reasons why an effort should have been made to accomplish decisive
results in this campaign, there were other and even stronger reasons for
it, to be found in the political condition, North and South. The
Confederacy, alarmed by the reverses of the winter and spring, had just
put forth tremendous and almost incredible efforts. The South had done
all that she could be made to do by the stimulus of fear. Increased,
aye, even sustained exertion could have been elicited from her people,
only by the intoxication of unwonted and dazzling success. No additional
inducement could have been offered to the soldiers, whom pride and
patriotism had sent into the field, to remain with their colors, but the
attraction of brilliant victories and popular campaigns. No incentive
could have lured into the ranks the young men who had evaded the
conscription and held out against the sentiment of their people, but the
prospect of a speedy and successful termination of the war. But there
are few among those who were acquainted with the people of Tennessee,
Alabama, and Mississippi, and their temper at that time, who will not
agree with me, that a great victory in Kentucky, and the prospect of
holding the State, perhaps of crossing the Ohio, would have brought to
Bragg's army more Tennesseeans, Alabamians and Mississippians, than were
ever gotten into the Confederate service, during the remaining two years
and a half of the war. Such a victory would have undoubtedly added more
than twenty thousand Kentuckians to the army, for accurate computation
has been made of that many who were ready to enlist, as soon as Bragg
had won his fight. Five thousand did enlist while it was still uncertain
whether the Confederate army would remain in the State. It is not
perfectly certain that more than five thousand volunteers were ever
obtained, in the same length of time, in any seceded State. All of these
men, too, followed the army away from Kentucky. Some of General Bragg's
friends have assigned, as one reason, why he left Kentucky without an
effort to hold her, that he was disappointed in not receiving more
recruits from the State. It is highly probable that such was the case.
If an able General had marched into his enemy's territory, depending
upon fighting an early and hardly contested battle against a veteran
army, with the assistance of recruits just obtained, and whom he could
not have yet armed, his friends would have concealed (if possible) his
design, or if unable to do so, would have confessed it a weakness
unworthy of their chief, for which they blushed. But it is not difficult
to believe that General Bragg entertained just such a plan. The
Kentuckians had not the confidence in the ultimate success of the
Confederate cause, to induce them to enlist in the Confederate service,
risking every thing, immediately sacrificing much, as they did so, when
they saw a magnificent Confederate army decline battle with a Federal
force, certainly not its superior. General Bragg was not only a very
shrewd judge of human nature, but even he might have known that the
irresolution and timidity he showed from the first day he put foot in
Kentucky, was not the way to inspire confidence in any people--it
certainly was the worst method he could have adopted to win the people
of Kentucky.

And now, to consider the effect which such a Confederate success would
have in the North: I do not allude to the effect it would have had upon
the wishes and plans of President and Cabinet, upon the views of the
Congress, nor upon the arrangements of politicians and the patch work
of their conventions, but to the direction it might have given the
popular mind and the popular feeling. Men who were then serving in the
Confederate army, know little, of course, of the temper of the Northern
people, at that time, but many were impressed with the idea, then,
strengthened by conversation with Northern men since, that, if ever the
Northern people doubted of subjugating the South, it was at that period.

Immense efforts had been made, immense sums had been expended, immense
armies had been sent against them, and still the Southern people were
unconquered, defiant, and apparently stronger than ever. Would it have
been possible to strengthen this doubt into a conviction that the
attempt to subdue the Southern people was hopeless, and the war had
better be stopped? Volunteering was no longer filling the Federal
armies. Now, if the Confederate arms had been incontestably triumphant,
from the Potomac to the Ohio, if Northern territory had been in turn
threatened with general invasion, and if the option of continuing a war,
thus going against them, or making peace, had been submitted at the
critical moment to the Northern people, how would they have decided?
Would they have encouraged their Government to draft them--or would they
have forced the Government to make peace? The matter was, at any rate,
sufficiently doubtful to make it worth while to try the experiment. When
that scare passed off, it is the firm conviction of more than one man
who "saw the war out" that the last chance of Confederate independence
passed away.

The Northern people then learned, for the first time, their real
strength; they found that bounties, and the draft, and the freedmen, and
importations from the recruiting markets of the whole world, would keep
their armies full, and nothing could have made them despond again. The
war then became merely a comparison of national resources. Something was
undoubtedly gained by the march into Kentucky, but how little in
comparison with the golden opportunity which was thrown away. Had the
combatants been equally matched, the result of this campaign might have
been a matter for congratulation; but when the Confederacy was
compelled, in order to cope with its formidable antagonist, to deal
mortal blows in every encounter, or come out of each one the loser, the
prisoners, artillery, and small arms taken, the recovery of Cumberland
Gap and a portion of Tennessee, and the supplies secured for the army,
scarcely repaid for the loss of prestige to Confederate generalship, and
the renewal of confidence in the war party of the North.

When Bragg moved out of Kentucky, he left behind him, uncrippled, a
Federal army which soon (having become more formidable than ever before)
bore down upon him in Tennessee. The inquest of history will cause a
verdict to be rendered, that the Confederacy "came to its death" from
too much technical science. It is singular, too, that the maxims which
were always on the lips of the military _savants_, were often neglected
by themselves and applied by the unlettered "irregulars." The academic
magnates declared in sonorous phrase that struck admiration into the
very popular marrow, the propriety of a General "marching by interior
lines, and striking the fragments of his enemy's forces with the masses
of his own;" while Forrest, perhaps, after doing that very thing, would
make it appear a very ordinary performance, by describing it as "taking
the short cut, and getting there first with the most men."

It was a great misfortune to the Confederacy, too, that Fabius ever
lived, or, at least, that his strategy ever became famous. Every
Confederate General who retreated, when he might have fought
successfully, and who failed to improve an opportunity to punish the
enemy, had only to compare his policy to that of Fabius, and criticism
was silenced. Perhaps, if history had preserved the reports of Hannibal,
the "Fabian policy" would not have become so reputable. At any rate, it
is safe to assume that, had Rome been situated on the same side of the
Mediterranean as Carthage, and had she been a seceded state, inferior
in wealth, numbers, and resources, which the latter was trying to
"coerce," Fabius would have been a most injudicious selection as
commander-in-chief. Historians are agreed, I believe, that if the advice
of this classic "Micawber," to the consuls Livius and Nero, had been
followed by them, the battle of "The Metaurus" would not have been
fought, the two sons of the "Thunder-bolt" would have effected their
junction, and would, in all probability, have forced the legions to
another and final "change of base."

This campaign demonstrated conclusively the immense importance to the
Confederacy of the possession of East Tennessee, and the strategic
advantage (especially for offenso-defensive operations) which that vast
natural fortress afforded us. While that region was firmly in the
Confederate grasp, one half of the South was safe, and the conquests of
the Federal armies of the rest were insecure. It is apparent at a glance
that so long as we held it, communication between the armies of Northern
Virginia and of Tennessee would be rapid and direct; co-operation,
therefore, between them would be secure whenever necessary. While these
two armies could thus practically be handled almost as if they were one
and the same, communication between the Federal army of the Potomac and
that of the Ohio was circuitous, dilatory, and public. No advance of the
enemy through Tennessee into Georgia or Alabama could permanently
endanger the integrity of the Confederate territory, while the flank and
rear of his army was constantly exposed to sudden attack by formidable
forces poured upon it from this citadel of the Confederacy.

Not only would the safety of invading armies be compromised, and their
communications (even if confined to the Tennessee rivers), be liable at
any time to be destroyed, but a sudden irruption from East Tennessee
might (unless an army was always ready to meet it), place the most
fertile portions of Kentucky, perhaps, even a portion of the territory
of Ohio, in the hands of the Confederates. The success clearly attending
the Confederate strategy in the first part of this campaign, would
seem, too, to establish the fact, that, until the concentration for
decisive battle becomes necessary, an army may (under certain
circumstances), be moved in two or more columns, upon lines entirely
independent of each other, and even widely apart, but which lead to a
common goal--and its operations will be more efficient--than if it be
marched _en masse_, by one route.

The advantages to be derived from such a disposition (as regards
freedom, and rapidity of movement, and facility of obtaining supplies),
are at once apparent, but certain strategic advantages besides, may, in
some cases, be thus secured. To attempt it, in moving against a strong
enemy, already posted at the objective point, would be to give him the
opportunity of attacking and crushing the columns separately. But when,
as was the case in this campaign of General Bragg, two armies make a
race for the occupation of a certain territory which is to be fought
for, the army which is divided, while on the march, if the columns are
all kept on the same flank of the enemy, can be worked most actively and
as safely. More can be accomplished by such a disposition of forces, in
the partial engagements and lighter work of the campaign, and the morale
of the troops will be all the better when the detachments are again
combined. Such campaigns might be made more frequently than they are,
and with success.

When the army was concentrated at Harrodsburg, on the night of the 10th
of October, Colonel Morgan was ordered to take position about six miles
from the town, on the Danville pike, and picket the extreme left flank.
Desirous of ascertaining what was before him--as he could see the
camp-fires of the enemy stretching in a great semi-circle, in front of
Harrodsburg--Colonel Morgan during the night, sent Captain Cassell to
reconnoiter the ground in his front. The night was rainy and very dark.
The position of both armies, of the main body of each, at least, was
distinctly marked by the long lines of fires which glared through the
gloom, but we had not lighted fires, and Morgan thought that any body
of the enemy which might be confronting him, and detailed upon similar
duty, would exercise the same prudence. Cassell returned about daylight,
and reported that he had discovered, exactly in front of our position,
and about a mile and a quarter from it, a small body of cavalry on
picket, and a few hundred yards to their rear, a force of infantry,
perhaps of one regiment. He stated positively, also, that one piece of
artillery had passed along a narrow lane, which connected the point
where the cavalry was stationed with the position of the infantry. The
intense darkness prevented his seeing the tracks made by the wheels, but
he had satisfied himself, by feeling, that, from the width of the tire,
and the depth to which the wheels had sunk into the soft earth, they
could only have been made by artillery. This report was verified on the
next day, in every particular.

Colonel Morgan, at an early hour, attacked the cavalry, with a portion
of his command, drove them back to the point indicated by Captain
Cassell, as that one where he had seen the infantry, and sure enough, as
he rode down upon it, he received a volley from a regiment of infantry
posted behind a stone fence, and was opened upon by a single piece of
artillery. The perfect accuracy with which Captain Cassell, under
circumstances peculiarly unfavorable, noted every detail of the enemy's
strength, position, etc., elicited the admiration of all of his
comrades, and among them, were perhaps, as shrewd, practiced, and daring
scouts as ever lived.

About 1 or 2 P.M., learning that General Bragg was falling back to
Bryantsville, Colonel Morgan sent pickets to Harrodsburg; these soon
sent word that the enemy had entered that place. About the same time our
scouts brought us information that the enemy were in Danville
also--about four miles from our position. Having an enemy, now, upon
three sides of him, and finding that General Bragg's rear was
unmolested, Colonel Morgan concluded, in the absence of instructions to
fall back also. He accordingly struck across the country to Shakertown,
reaching that place, about 4 P.M. Colonel Morgan had always respected
the peaceful and hospitable "Shakers," and had afforded them, whenever
it became necessary, protection, strictly forbidding all members of his
command to trespass upon them in any way. We were consequently great
favorites in Shakertown, and on this occasion derived great benefit from
the perfect rectitude of conduct which we had always observed--"in that
part of the country." The entire community resolved itself into a
culinary committee, and cooked the most magnificent meal for the
command. It was with deep regret that we tore ourselves away on the next
morning.

Colonel Morgan received orders, on the 12th, to proceed to Nicholasville
and remain there until the next day. On the 13th we followed the army
and reached Lancaster about midday. In the afternoon the enemy, with
whom General Wheeler had been skirmishing all day, advanced upon
Lancaster, and opened upon the troops, collected about the place, with
artillery. A little sharp shooting was also done upon both sides. Two
guns belonging to Rain's brigade of infantry, which was General Smith's
rear-guard, were brought back and replied to the enemy's fire. One man
of this section killed, was the only loss sustained upon our side. The
cannonading was kept up until dark. We held the town during the night.
Only one division of Buell's army (as has already been stated), was sent
to Lancaster.

On the morning of the 14th, we moved slowly away from Lancaster, our
command forming (with Colonel Ashby's) the extreme rear-guard of General
Smith's corps. We were not at all pressed by the enemy, and on the 15th
halted at Gum Springs twenty-five miles from Richmond. Colonel Morgan
obtained permission from General Smith to select his own "line of
retreat" from Kentucky, with the understanding, however, that he should
protect the rear of the infantry until all danger was manifestly over.
He represented to General Smith that he could feed his men and horses,
and have them in good condition at the end of the retreat, by taking a
different route from that pursued by the army, which would consume
every thing. He explained, moreover, how in the route he proposed to
take, he would cross Buell's rear, taking prisoners, capturing trains,
and seriously annoying the enemy, and that establishing himself in the
vicinity of Gallatin again, he could, before he was driven away, so tear
up the railroad, once more, as to greatly retard the concentration of
the Federal army at Nashville. It was perfectly apparent to General
Smith, that all this could be done, and that, when Morgan reached the
portion of Tennessee which he indicated, he would be in exactly the
proper position to guard one flank of the line, which Bragg's army would
probably establish. He accorded him, therefore, the desired permission,
and on the 17th, when the infantry had gotten beyond Big Hill and were
more than thirty miles from an enemy, Colonel Morgan turned over to
Colonel Ashby the care of "the rear" and prepared to leave Kentucky in
his own way. Colonel Ashby had proven himself competent to the
successful discharge of even more important duty.

Colonel Morgan's force consisted at this time, counting troops actually
with him, of the Second Kentucky (with the exception of one company),
Gano's regiment (the Third Kentucky), and Breckinridge's battalion which
had rejoined us at Lancaster--in all about eighteen hundred men. Cluke's
and Chenault's regiments had gone with General Smith. The time and
situation were both propitious to such an expedition as he contemplated.
No such dash was looked for by the enemy who believed that every
Confederate was anxious to get away as rapidly as possible by the
shortest route. The interior of Kentucky and the route Morgan proposed
to take were clear of Federal troops, excepting detachments not strong
enough or sufficiently enterprising to give him much cause for
apprehension.

CHAPTER XI.

On the 17th of October, Colonel Morgan marched from Gum Springs in the
direction of Lexington. The command was put in motion about 1 P.M. Gano
and Breckinridge were sent to the Richmond pike, by which it was
intended that they should approach the town, and full instructions
regarding the time and manner of attack, were given them. Information
had been received that a body of Federal cavalry had occupied Lexington
a day or two previously, and Lieutenant Tom Quirk had been sent to
ascertain some thing about them; he returned on the evening of the 17th,
bringing accurate information of the strength and position of the enemy.
Colonel Morgan accompanied my regiment (the Second Kentucky), which
crossed the river below Clay's ferry, and moved by country roads toward
Lexington.

The immediate region was not familiar to any man in the regiment, nor to
Morgan himself, and, as it was strongly Union, some difficulty was at
first anticipated about getting guides or information regarding the
routes. This was obviated by Colonel Morgan's address. It was quite dark
by the time the column was fairly across the river, and he rode to the
nearest house, where, representing himself as Colonel Frank Woolford, of
the Federal service, a great favorite in that neighborhood, he expressed
his wish to procure a guide to Lexington. The man of the house declared
his joy at seeing Colonel Woolford, and expressed his perfect
willingness to act as guide himself. His loyal spirit was warmly
applauded, and his offer cordially accepted. Under his guidance we
threaded the country safely, and reached the Tates-creek pike, at a
point about ten miles from Lexington, a little after midnight. About two
o'clock we had gotten within three miles of the town, and were not much
more than a mile from the enemy's encampment. We halted here, for, in
accordance with the plan previously arranged, a simultaneous attack was
to be made just at daylight, and Gano and Breckinridge had been
instructed to that effect.

The guide, now, for the first time, learned the mistake under which he
had been laboring, and his amazement was only equaled by his horror. All
during the night he had been saying many hard things (to Woolford as he
thought), about Morgan, at which the so-called Woolford had seemed,
greatly amused, and had encouraged him to indulge himself in that way.
All at once, the merry, good-humored "Woolford" turned out to be Morgan,
and Morgan, seemed for a few moments, to be in a temper which made the
guide's flesh creep. He expected to be shot, and scalped perhaps,
without delay. Soon finding, however, that he was not going to be hurt,
he grew bolder, and actually assumed the offensive. "General Morgan," he
said, "I hope you wont take my horse under the circumstances, although I
did make this here little mistake?" He was turned loose, horse and all,
after having been strongly advised to be careful in future how he
confided in soldiers.

The force encamped near Lexington, which we were about to attack, was
the Fourth Ohio cavalry--our old friends. The main body was at Ashland,
about two miles from the town, encamped in the eastern extremity of the
woods, in which the Clay mansion stands, on the southern side of the
Richmond pike. One or two companies were in town, quartered at the
court-house. As daylight approached, I put my regiment in motion
again, detaching two companies to enter the town, under command of
Captain Cassell, and capture the provost-guard, and to also picket the
road toward Paris. Two other companies, under Captain Bowles, were sent
to take position on the Richmond pike, at a point between the town and
the camp, and about equi-distant from them. This detachment was intended
to intercept the enemy if they attempted to retreat from Ashland to the
town before we could surround the encampment, also to maintain
communication between the detachment sent into town and the bulk of the
regiment, in the event of our having to engage other forces than those
we had bargained for.

Quirk had furnished very full and positive information, as has already
been mentioned, but he had also stated that the Federal General Granger
was at Paris (eighteen miles from Lexington), and it was not impossible
that he might have been marching to Lexington within the past fifteen
hours. Colonel Morgan instructed me to move with the remainder of my
regiment, upon the enemy's encampment. Just as we entered the woods, and
were within some five hundred yards of the enemy, a smart firing was
heard upon the Richmond pike. It turned out to be a volley let off at a
picket, whom Gano had failed to capture, and who ran into the camp. We
thought, however, that the fight had begun, and instantly advanced at a
gallop. In accordance with the plan previously arranged, Breckinridge
was to attack on foot, and Gano was to support him, mounted, keeping his
column on the pike. Breckinridge was in line and advancing (when this
firing occurred), directly upon the enemy's front, and he opened fire
just as my men formed in column of platoons, came charging upon the
rear. I was upon elevated ground, about one hundred yards from the
enemy's position on one side; Breckinridge was about the same distance
off on the other side, and the enemy were in a slight depression between
us. Consequently, I got the benefit of Breckinridge's fire--in great
part at least. I saw a great cloud of white smoke suddenly puff out and
rise like a wall pierced by flashes of flame, and the next instant the
balls came whizzing through my column, fortunately killing no one. This
volley settled the enemy and repulsed me!

Not caring to fight both Yankees and Rebels, I wheeled and took position
further back, contenting myself with catching the stragglers who sought
to escape. Breckinridge, however, did not enjoy his double triumph long.
The howitzers had been sent to take position on the right of the
enemy--to be used only in case of a stubborn resistance; they happened,
on that occasion, to be under command of Sergeant, afterward First
Lieutenant Corbett, a capital officer, but one constitutionally unable
to avoid taking part in every fight that he was in hearing of. About the
time that Breckinridge's men were taking victorious possession of the
encampment, Corbett opened upon it, and shelled them away. The chapter
of accidents was not yet concluded. While my regiment was watching a lot
of prisoners, and was drawn up in line parallel to the pike, the men
sitting carelessly on their horses, it was suddenly and unaccountably
fired into by Gano's, which moved down and confronted it. Again, and
this time almost miraculously, we escaped without loss. Unfortunately,
however, one prisoner was shot. Colonel Morgan rushed in front of the
prisoners, and narrowly escaped being killed in trying to stop the
firing. His coat was pierced by several balls.

The Second Kentucky began to think that their friends were tired of
them, and were plotting to put them out of the way. Gano's men stated,
however, that shots were first fired at them from some quarter. My
Adjutant, Captain Pat Thorpe, as gallant a man as ever breathed, came to
me after this affair was over, with a serious complaint against Gano.
Thorpe always dressed with some taste, and great brilliancy, and on this
occasion he was wearing a beautiful Zouave jacket, thickly studded, upon
the sleeves, with red coral buttons. He justly believed that every man
in the brigade was well acquainted with that jacket. He stated with
considerable heat that, while he was standing in front of the regiment
calling, gesticulating, and trying in every way to stop the firing,
Colonel Gano, "an officer for whom he entertained the most profound
respect and the warmest friendship," had deliberately shot twice at him.
I bade him not to think hard of it--that it was barely light at the
time, and that, of course, Gano did not know him. "Ah, Colonel," he
answered, "I held up my arms full in his sight, and although he might
not have recognized my face, he couldn't have failed to know these
buttons." Just before this occurred, Major Wash Morgan was mortally
wounded by the last shot fired by the enemy. The man who hit him, was
galloping toward town, and fired when within a few paces of him. This
man was killed by one of the Second Kentucky, immediately afterward. All
of the enemy who made their escape from the camp were intercepted by
Bowles. The provost-guard made some show of fight, but were soon induced
to surrender. Our force was too superior, and our attack, on all sides,
too sudden, for much resistance to be offered, either at the camp or in
the town. Between five and six hundred prisoners were taken, very few
were killed or wounded. The most valuable capture was of army Colt's
pistols, of which a large supply was obtained. Our horses were so much
better than those which were captured, that few of the latter were
carried off. Such of the men who had not good saddles, and blankets,
provided themselves with both, in the camp.

Lexington was thrown by this affair into a state of extreme excitement
and equal bewilderment; no one could exactly understand what it meant.
The Union people feared, and our people hoped that it portended the
return of the Confederate army. There lived (and still lives) in
Lexington, an old gentleman, who was Union and loyal in his politics,
but who, to use his own expression, "never saw any use in quarreling
with either side which held the town." His kindness and benevolence made
him very popular with people of both sides. As Colonel Morgan rode into
town, this old gentleman stopped him, and said, with the strong lisp
which those who know him can supply, "Well, John, you are a curious
fellow! How are Kirby Smith and Gracie? Well, John, when we don't look
for you, it's the very time you come."

The previous evening, the loyal people had decorated their houses with
flags and many pretty ornaments, in honor of the arrival of the Federal
troops; and had met them as gayly as the mythological young women used
to dance before Bacchus. On the morning of the 18th, all of these
symbols of joy were taken in. The Southern people, in their turn, were
jubilant--"which they afterward wished they hadn't."

Resuming our march at 1 P.M., on that day, the brigade passed through
Versailles, and went into camp at Shryock's ferry. Gano and Breckinridge
crossed the river and encamped on the southern side; my regiment
remained on the other side. About 1 o'clock at night we were awakened by
the bursting of two or three shells in my camp. Dumont had learned that
we had passed through Versailles, and had started out in pursuit. He
sent his cavalry on the road which we had taken, and pressed his
infantry out from Frankfort to Lawrenceburg. Shryock's ferry is four
miles from Lawrenceburg; the country between the two points is very
broken and difficult of passage.

Had every thing been kept quiet until the infantry had occupied
Lawrenceburg, our situation would have been critical indeed. With this
disposition in our front, and the road closed behind us, we would have
been forced to take across the country, and that would have been
something like climbing over the houses to get out of a street. Colonel
Morgan had hesitated to halt there in the first instance, and was
induced to do so only by the fatigue of men and horses after a march of
over sixty miles, and the knowledge that no fit ground for camping was
within some miles. It was a generous act of the officer, who came in our
rear, to shell us, and it saved us a vast deal of trouble, if nothing
worse. He had not even disturbed our pickets, but turning off of the
road, planted his guns on the high cliff which overlooks the ferry on
that side, and sent us an intimation that we had better leave. Colonel
Morgan comprehended his danger at once, and as he sprang to his feet,
instructed one of the little orderlies, who always slept near him, to
gallop to Colonel Gano and Major Breckinridge, and direct them to move
at once to Lawrenceburg; the one, who formed first, taking the front,
and picketing and holding the road to Frankfort, as soon as the town was
reached. The boys, who were his orderlies, were intelligent little
fellows, well known, and it was our habit to obey orders brought by
them, as promptly as if delivered by a staff officer. The officers to
whom the orders were sent, were the promptest of men, and although my
regiment formed rapidly, the others were marching by the time that it
was ready to move. The howitzers were sent across the river first
(fortunately it was shallow fording at that season), and the regiment
immediately followed. The pickets on the road to Versailles were
withdrawn as soon as the regiment was fairly across, and the officer in
charge of them was instructed to make a rear-guard of his detail. The
entire brigade was hurrying to Lawrenceburg, in less than twenty minutes
after the first shell awakened us. We reached Lawrenceburg a little
after 2 o'clock, and passed through without halting, taking the
Bloomfield road. I have heard since, but do not know if it be true, that
General Dumont reached Lawrenceburg about half an hour after our
rear-guard quitted it. Marching on steadily until 12 or 1 o'clock of the
next day, we reached Bloomfield, a little place whose every citizen was
a warm friend of "Morgan's men." They met us with the utmost kindness,
and at once provided supplies of forage and provisions. We halted only
about an hour to enjoy their hospitality, and then moved on toward
Bardstown.

Colonel Morgan, at this time, received information that there was at
Bardstown a force of infantry strong enough to give a good deal of
trouble, if they chose to ensconce themselves in the houses. They were
stationed there to protect sick and wounded men, and hospital stores. As
there was nothing in prospect of their capture to repay for the delay,
and probable loss it would cost, he determined to make a circuit around
the town. This was done, the column moving within about a mile of the
town (the pickets having been previously driven in), and crossing the
Louisville road, two miles from the town.

We encamped that night not far from the Elizabethtown road, and some
five or six miles from Bardstown. During the night Lieutenant Sales,
with Company E, of the 2nd Kentucky, was sent some miles down the
Louisville road, and captured one hundred and fifty wagons, the escort
and many stragglers. The wagons were laden with supplies for Buell's
army. They were burned, with the exception of two sutlers' wagons, which
Sales brought in next morning. These wagons contained every thing to
gladden a rebel's heart, from cavalry boots to ginger-bread. The brigade
moved again at 10 A.M., the next day, the 20th, and reached
Elizabethtown that evening. Here the prisoners picked up around
Bardstown, and upon the march, who had not been paroled during the day,
were given their free papers. The command went into camp on the
Litchfield road, two miles from Elizabethtown. About 3 o'clock of the
next morning a train of cars came down the railroad, and troops were
disembarked from them. A culvert, three miles from town, had been burned
the night before, in anticipation of such a visit and the train
necessarily stopped at that spot. Our pickets were stationed there, and
the troops were furnished a lively greeting as they got off of the cars.
After a good deal of fussing with the pickets, these troops entered the
town about 5 A.M., and at 6 A.M., we moved off on the Litchfield road.

The brigade encamped at Litchfield on the night of the 21st, and on the
next day "crossed Green river at Morganton and Woodbury," almost in the
face of the garrison of Bowlinggreen, "who pretended to try to catch us,
and who would have been very much grieved if they had," as has been
truthfully written. My regiment was in the rear on the morning of the
23rd, when we marched away from Morganton, and I placed it in ambush on
the western side of the road, upon which the enemy were "figuring," for
they could not be said to be advancing.

The road which the rest of the brigade had taken ran at right angles to
this one, and my left flank rested upon it. To my astonishment, about
half an hour afterward, the enemy, also, went into ambush on the same
side of the road, and a few hundred yards from the right of my line.
After they had gotten snug and warm, I moved off quietly after the
column, leaving them "still vigilant." We crossed Mud river that night
at Rochester, on a bridge constructed of three flat boats, laid endwise,
tightly bound together, and propped, where the water was deep, by beams
passing under the bottoms of each one and resting on the end of the
next; each receiving this sort of support they mutually braced each
other. A planking, some five feet wide, was then laid, and the horses,
wagons, and artillery were crossed without trouble. The bridge was built
in about two hours.

On the 24th we reached Greenville; that night a tremendous snow
fell--tremendous, at least, for the latitude and season. After crossing
Mud river, there was no longer cause for apprehension, and we marched
leisurely. Colonel Morgan had found the country through which he had
just passed filled, as he had expected, with detachments which he could
master or evade, and with trains, which it was pleasant and profitable
to catch. He and his followers felt that they had acquitted themselves
well, and had wittingly left nothing undone. If there was any thing
which they could have "gone for" and had not "gone for," they did not
know it. A very strong disposition was felt, therefore, to halt for a
few days at Hopkinsville, situated in a rich and beautiful country, the
people of which were nearly all friendly to us. We knew that we would
receive a hospitality which our mouths watered to think of. Colonel
Morgan felt the more inclined to humor his command in this wish, because
he himself fully appreciated how agreeable as well as beneficial this
rest would be.

Before commencing the long and rapid march from Gum Spring to
Hopkinsville, we had all been engaged in very arduous and constant
service. This last mentioned march was by no means an easy one, and both
men and horses began to show that fatigue was telling upon them. Many of
the men were then comparatively young soldiers, and were not able to
endure fatigue, want of sleep, and exposure, as they could do
subsequently, when they had become as hardy and untiring as wild beasts.
On this march I saw more ingenious culinary expedients devised than I
had ever witnessed before. Soldiers, it is well known, never have any
trouble about cooking meat; they can broil it on the coals, or, fixing
it on a forked stick, roast it before a camp fire with perfect ease. So,
no matter whether the meat issued them be bacon, or beef, or pork
freshly slaughtered, they can speedily prepare it. An old campaigner
will always contend that meat cooked in this way is the most palatable.
Indeed it is hard to conceive of how to impart a more delicious flavor
to fresh beef than, after a hard day's ride, by broiling it on a long
stick before the right kind of a fire, taking care to pin pieces of fat
upon it to make gravy; then with pepper and salt, which can be easily
carried, a magnificent meal can be made, if enough is issued to keep a
man cooking and eating half the night. Four or five pounds of fresh
beef, thus prepared, will be mightily relished by a hungry man, but as
it is easily digested he will soon become hungry again. It is the bread
about which there is the trouble. Cavalry, doing such service as
Morgan's did, can not carry hard tack about with them very well, nor was
bread ready cooked generally found in any neighborhood (south of the
Ohio) in sufficient quantities to supply a brigade of soldiers. Houses
were not always conveniently near to the camps where they could have
bread cooked, and as they would have it, or would not do without it many
days in succession, they were thrown upon their own resources, and
compelled to make it themselves, notwithstanding their lack of proper
utensils. I had often seen bread baked upon a flat rock, or a board, or
by twisting it around a ramrod or stick, and holding it to the fire, but
one method of baking corn bread was practiced successfully upon this
march which I had never witnessed before. It was invented, I believe, in
Breckinridge's battalion. The men would take meal dough and fit it into
a corn-shuck, tying the shucks tightly. It would then be placed among
the hot embers, and in a short time would come out beautifully browned.
This method was something like the Old Virginia way of making "ash
cake," but was far preferable, and the bread so made was much sweeter.
The trouble of making up bread (without a tray) was very readily gotten
over. Every man carried an oil-cloth (as they were issued to all of the
Federal cavalry), and wheaten bread was made up on one of these. Corn
meal was worked up into dough in the half of a pumpkin, thoroughly
scooped out. When we were in a country where meat, meal, and flour were
readily obtained, and we were not compelled to march at night, but could
go regularly into camp, we never had trouble in feeding the men,
although on our long marches and raids we never carried cooking
utensils.

At Hopkinsville, Colonel Woodward came to see Morgan; his command was
encamped not far off. He had been doing excellent service in this
section of the State for several months, and Colonel Morgan was very
anxious to have him attached to his brigade. We remained at Hopkinsville
three days, and then resumed our march.

At "Camp Coleman" we were the guests of Woodward's regiment, and their
friends, in that neighborhood, brought in whole wagon loads of
provisions, ready cooked--hams, turkeys, saddles-of-mutton were too
common to excite remark--we realized that we were returning to "Dixie,"
and were not far off from Sumner county, Tennessee. We reached
Springfield, Robertson county, Tennessee, on the 1st or 2nd of November.

We remained here two days. During this stay, a printing press, type,
etc., having been found in the town, the "_Vidette_" made its appearance
again. A full account of the Kentucky campaign was published, telling
what everybody did, and hinting what was going to be done next time.
Prentice and Horace Greely were properly reprimanded, and the "_London
Times_" was commended and encouraged. A heavy mail had been captured, on
the march through Kentucky, containing many letters denunciatory of
Buell--all these were published. We were glad to do any thing which
might push out of the way, the man we thought the ablest General in the
Federal service.

While at Springfield, Gano's regiment was increased by the accessions
of two full companies under Captains Dorch and Page. Captain Walter
McLean, of Logan county, Kentucky, also joined us with some thirty or
forty men. This fragment was consolidated with Company B, of the Second
Kentucky, and McLean was made Captain. He was junior Captain of the
regiment until Lieutenant Ralph Sheldon was promoted to the Captaincy of
Company C, vice Captain Bowles promoted to the Majority, after Major
Morgan's death.

On the 4th of November, we arrived at Gallatin, and were received by our
friends there with the warmest welcome. We had been absent two months
and a half, and we were now to perform the same work to retard the
return of the Federal army into Tennessee, as we had previously done to
embarrass its march into Kentucky. While at Hopkinsville, Colonel Gano
had been sent with his regiment to destroy the railroad between
Louisville and Nashville, and also on the Russellville branch. The
bridges over Whippoorwill and Elk Fork, and the bridge between
Russellville and Bowlinggreen, three miles and a half from Russellville,
were burned. Captain Garth of Woodward's command joined Gano and was of
great assistance to him. Some portion of the road between Bowlinggreen
and Gallatin was destroyed. Lieutenant Colonel Hutchinson burned the
trestle near Springfield, and the two long trestles between Springfield
and Clarksville which finished the work on that end of the road. On the
31st the trestle at the ridge, and the three small bridges between the
ridge and Goodletsville were destroyed. So it will be seen that the road
was scarcely in running condition when Morgan got through with it. I
have thus far neglected to mention a circumstance, which should by no
means be omitted from the narration of this period of Morgan's history.

A courier came from General Smith, while we were at Lexington, on the
18th of October, countermanding his permission previously given Colonel
Morgan to go out of Kentucky by the Western route, on account of an
order received from General Bragg instructing him to send Morgan to
guard the salt works in Virginia. General Smith regretted it, but he
ordered Colonel Morgan to proceed at once to that point. A staff officer
who saw the order before the courier could deliver it to Colonel Morgan,
pocketed it and dismissed the courier. The officer reasoned that the
salt works were in no danger, that if they were, it was Marshall's
peculiar province to guard them. That it was more important to operate
upon the railroads, in front of Nashville, than to look after salt
works, and that therefore it was better not to mention the matter.

Whether it was General Bragg's intention or not, it is certain that if
we had gotten into Western Virginia, at that time, there would have been
an end to all enterprise upon our part and no more reputation would have
been won by us. We got there soon enough as it was. No evil consequences
followed this breach of discipline. The salt works were undisturbed
until a much later period.

Colonel Morgan captured nearly five hundred prisoners after he left
Lexington. The railroads were destroyed, as I have related, and when he
reached Gallatin, he was in a position to picket the right flank of
Bragg's army, then slowly creeping around to Murfreesboro'.

When we left Hartsville the previous summer, a regiment was organizing
there for Morgan's brigade, composed principally of men from Sumner
county. This regiment, the Ninth Tennessee cavalry, became subsequently
one of the very best in Morgan's command, and won a high reputation, but
it met with many mishaps in the process of organization. It had few
arms, and the enemy would come sometimes and "practice" on it. It was
several times chased all over that country. When we reached Gallatin,
this regiment joined the brigade; it was still in an inchoate state, but
it was anxious to revenge the trouble it had been occasioned. It was
organized with James Bennett as Colonel, W.W. Ward, Lieutenant Colonel,
and R.A. Alston, formerly Morgan's Adjutant General, as Major. The
senior captain--the famous Dick McCann--was scouting around Nashville,
holding high carnival, and behaving himself much as Morgan had formerly
done on the same ground.

Captain McCann had served for some time in infantry, but found it too
slow for him. He accompanied our command in our first raid into
Kentucky, and served with distinction as a volunteer in our
advance-guard, in the operations around Gallatin, of the summer of 1862.
It would be impossible to recount all of his numerous adventures. He
kept himself so busy prowling around night and day, and so rarely
permitted an enemy to venture beyond the fortifications of Nashville,
without some token of his thoughtful attention, that, in all probability
he could not remember his own history. Just before we arrived at
Gallatin, however, his useful (if not innocent), existence had come very
near being terminated. He had gone on a scout one night with two men,
and Dr. Robert Williams (who frequently accompanied him upon those
"visits," as he used to term his raids around Nashville, "to the scenes
of his happy childhood)," also went with him. Not far from the city,
they came upon a picket stand, and McCann sent his two men around to get
between the two outpost videttes and the base, intending then to charge
down on them, with the Doctor, and capture them, as he had taken many
such before. The moon was shining brightly, and, as he stole closer than
was prudent upon the videttes, they discovered him and fired. One ball
struck him upon the brass buckle of his saber belt, which happened to be
stout enough to save his life by glancing the ball, but the blow brought
him from his horse and convinced him that a mortal wound was inflicted.

"Dick," said the Doctor, "are you hurt?" "Yes," groaned Dick,
"killed--deader than a corpse--shot right through the bowels--Quick,
Bob--pass me the bottle before I die."

Although the men had been accustomed to look forward to the time of
their arrival at Gallatin, as a period when they would enjoy profound
rest, they were not long left quiet after quitting there. General John
C. Breckinridge had just gotten to Murfreesboro' with a small force. He
was desirous of impressing the enemy at Nashville with an exaggerated
idea of his strength, so that the army of Buell (or of Rosecrans it was
then), might not be in any too great haste to drive him away from
Murfreesboro', when it reached Nashville. General Bragg was limping on
so slowly, that it was by no means certain that a swinging march would
not put the enemy in possession of the whole of Middle Tennessee (with
scarcely a skirmish), and shut Bragg up in East Tennessee. With the
instinct, too, which he felt in common with all men who are born
generals, Breckinridge wished to press upon the enemy and strike him if
he discovered a vulnerable point.

He learned that a large lot of rolling-stock (of the Louisville and
Nashville Railroad), had been collected in Edgefield. There were,
perhaps, three hundred cars in all. If these were burned, the damage
done the enemy, and the delay occasioned him, would be very great. The
cars were collected at a locality commanded by the batteries on the
Capitol hill, and so near the river, that all the forces in the city
could be readily used to protect them. Breckinridge depended upon Morgan
to burn them, but planned a diversion on the south side of the river,
which he hoped would attract the enemy's attention strongly, and long
enough, to enable Morgan to do his work.

The day after we arrived at Gallatin, a dispatch was received from
General Breckinridge, communicating his plan. Forrest was to move on the
southeastern side of Nashville, supported by the Kentucky infantry
brigade, and Morgan was instructed to dash into Edgefield and burn the
cars, while Forrest was making all the racket he could. There was one
flaw in this plan, which no one perceived until all was over. Morgan
could not hope to succeed, unless, by moving all night, he got close
enough to Edgefield, to dash in early in the morning, before his
presence was even suspected. If he marched in the day time, or remained
after daylight in the vicinity of the place, his presence would
certainly be discovered, and preparations would be made to receive him.
But if he attacked at daylight, he scarcely allowed time for the troops
on the other side to commence their work, or at any rate, was likely to
attack simultaneously with them; when their attack, rousing every thing,
would, perhaps, do more harm than good. It so turned out.

Our brigade moved all night (of the 5th), and striking through the woods
came upon the northern side of Edgefield. Just as we struck the pickets,
we heard Forrest's guns on the other side of the river. The Second
Kentucky was in advance, and as the head of the column was struggling
over a very rough place in the railroad, it was opened upon by a company
of infantry pickets, who came out from behind a small house, about sixty
yards off. I never saw men fight better than these fellows did. They
were forty or fifty strong, and had to retreat about half a mile, to
reach their lines. The timber of the ground over which they had to
retreat had been cut down to leave the way clear for the play of
artillery and we could not charge them. Few men beside those in the
advance guard got a chance at them. They turned and fought at every
step. At least eight or ten were killed, and only three captured.

I lost three of my advance guard. Conrad of the guard was riding a large
gray horse, which saved his life. He rode close upon the enemy, and one
of them, presenting his gun within a few feet of his breast, fired;
Conrad reined his horse tightly, making him rear and receive the ball in
his chest. The horse fell dead, pinning his rider to the ground. We
pressed on to within a hundred yards of the railroad embankment, in the
bottom near the river, and quite through Edgefield. Some little time was
required to get all the regiment up, and Hutchinson and I had just
formed it, and the line was advancing, when Colonel Morgan ordered us
back. He had reconnoitered, and had seen a strong force of infantry
behind the embankment; and the fire slackening on the other side,
induced him to suppose that more infantry, which we could see
double-quicking across the pontoon bridge, was the entire garrison of
that side coming to oppose him. It turned out that this force coming
over the bridge, was small; but the Sixteenth Illinois and part of
another regiment, were stationed behind the embankment, and among the
cars we wished to burn. We succeeded in burning a few--Lieutenants Drake
and Quirk (who generally hunted together) superintended the work. A good
deal of firing was kept up by the enemy upon the detail engaged in the
work of destruction, but without effect. So little attention was paid to
what Forrest was doing, that when we drew off altogether, the enemy
followed us a mile or two. As the column filed off from the by-road (by
which it had approached Edgefield) on the Gallatin pike, the enemy drove
back the pickets which had been sent down the pike.

The point at which we entered the pike is about a mile and a quarter
from Nashville. For a while there seemed to be great danger that the
enemy would take us in flank, but the column got fairly out upon the
pike before the blue-coats hove in sight. A few of us remained behind
after the rear guard passed to ascertain the truth of a report the
pickets brought, that the enemy were moving up artillery. The head of an
infantry column had made its appearance on the pike, but halted about
three hundred yards from where we were, and no firing had as yet
occurred on either side. They seemed disposed to reconnoiter, and we
were not anxious to draw their fire.

Hutchinson soon determined to see them closer, and called to one of the
advance guard, whom he had kept with him, to accompany him. This man was
celebrated, not only for his cool, unflinching courage, but also as the
best shot in the Second Kentucky. Every old "Morgan man" will remember,
if he has not already recognized, Billy Cooper. Breckinridge and I
remonstrated with Hutchinson, and urged that his action would only
precipitate the enemy's attack and our retreat--that we would be driven
away before we had witnessed all that we wished to see. There were only
seven or eight men in our party; Gano encouraged him to go--and he
declared that he would go--unless I positively ordered him to remain. He
accordingly started--Cooper with him. There was a considerable
depression in the pike between our position and that of the enemy. Just
as our enterprising friends got down into this hollow, and about half of
the distance they were going, the enemy, having completed the necessary
dispositions, commenced moving forward. I shouted to Hutchinson,
informing him of it, but the noise of his horse's hoofs drowned my
voice; before he discovered the enemy, he was in thirty paces of their
column. He fired his pistol, and Cooper, rising in his stirrups,
discharged his gun killing a man; both then wheeled and spurred away at
full speed. They got back into the hollow in time to save themselves,
but while we were admiring their rapid retreat and particularly noticing
Hutchinson, who came back in great glee, whipping his horse with his hat
as was his custom when in a tight place, a volley, intended for them,
came rattling into us. Two or three citizens who had collected to see
the fun fled like deer, although one of them was a cripple--and, to tell
the truth, we left as rapidly.

I shall never forget this occasion, because it was the first and only
time that I ever saw Colonel Richard M. Gano frightened. He was sitting
on his horse, complacently eyeing Hutchinson's brisk retreat, and,
apparently, not even remotely supposing that the enemy were likely to
fire. One ball pierced a Mexican blanket which was wrapped around him,
sending the red stuff with which it was lined flying about his head. I
thought, and so did he, that it was his blood. If I had been mortally
wounded, I could not have helped laughing at the injured look he at once
drew on; it was the look of a man who had confided, and had been
deceived. "Why, Duke," he said, "they're shooting at us." Some one told
Major Alston that something was going on in the rear, "that would do to
go in the papers," and he joined us, as the enemy fired a second volley,
just in time to get his best horse shot. Although we burned a few cars,
the expedition was a failure--we went to burn all. Returning to Gallatin
that night (the 6th), we found that we were not yet to be permitted
rest. Our scouts soon began to bring in news of the approach of
Rosecrans' army, which was marching by the Louisville and Nashville
pike, and the Scottsville and Gallatin pike, to Nashville. Crittenden's
corps was in advance, a portion on each road. Colonel Morgan determined
to ambuscade the division marching on the Louisville and Nashville road,
at a point near Tyree Springs. He selected two hundred men for the
expedition. So much excitement was anticipated upon it, that all of his
field officers begged to go. After a good deal of solicitation, he
permitted Gano and myself to accompany him, leaving Hutchinson in
command of the remainder of the brigade at Gallatin. The party detailed
for this expedition, reached the neighborhood of the proposed scene of
ambush late at night, and on the next morning (the 8th), at daybreak,
took position.

The Federal troops had encamped at Tyree Springs the night before. First
one or two sutlers' wagons passed, which were not molested, although
when we saw one fellow stop, and deliberately kill and skin a sheep and
throw it into his wagon, a general desire was felt to rob him in his
turn. After a little while, an advance guard of cavalry came, and then
the infantry rolled along in steady column, laughing and singing in the
fresh morning air. As soon as the head of the column approached our
position, our line arose and fired. We were within seventy-five yards of
the road, on a hill, which told against our chances of doing execution,
but the men had been cautioned to aim low. The column, unprepared for
such an entertainment, recoiled, but soon rallied and charged the hill.
Artillery was brought up and opened upon us. We did not stay long. Our
loss was one man killed. I have never been able to learn satisfactorily
what was the enemy's loss. Many reports were received about it, some of
which must have been greatly exaggerated. Colonel Morgan immediately
moved rapidly to get in the rear of this column. He accordingly struck
the road again, some three miles north of Tyree Springs. Posting the
bulk of his force in a woods on the side of the road, he, himself, with
Lieutenant Quirk and two or three others, went some distance up the
pike, and occupied themselves in picking up stragglers, which he would
send back to the main body, where they would be placed under guard. In
this way some forty or fifty prisoners were taken. Suddenly Stokes'
regiment came up the road from toward Tyree Springs, and drove the
detachment immediately upon the road, consisting of about fifty men,
back to the main body, thus cutting off Colonel Morgan and his party.
Couriers were immediately sent to Colonel Morgan to warn him of his
danger, but they did not reach him. He was returning, however, about
that time, and quickened his pace when he heard a few shots fired. He
was bringing back some ten or twelve prisoners. He, Lieutenant Quirk,
and one or two men, forming the head of a column, of which the prisoners
composed the body. Suddenly he rode right into this Federal regiment. He
was, of course, halted and questioned. He stated that he was a Federal
Colonel, that his regiment was only a short distance off, and that the
prisoners with him were men he had arrested for straggling. His
questioners strongly doubted his story, and said that his dress was a
very strange one for a Federal Colonel, that rebels often wore blue
clothes, but they had never heard of their officers wearing gray. The
prisoners, who knew him, and never doubted that he would be now captured
in his turn, listened, grinning, to the conversation, but said nothing.
He suddenly pretended to grow angry, said that he would bring his
regiment to convince them who he was, and galloped away. Quirk followed
him. Before an effort could be made to stop them, they leaped their
horses over the fence, and struck, at full speed, across the country. In
the course of an hour they rejoined the rest of us, and relieved our
minds of very grave apprehensions.

It is probable that no other man than Colonel Morgan would have escaped
(in such a situation) death or capture. But his presence of mind and
address, in the midst of a great and imminent danger, were literally
perfect. I have known many similar escapes, where the chances were not
so desperate; but in each case but this, there was some circumstance to
intimidate, or to contribute to mystify the enemy. On this occasion
every circumstance was adverse to him. He could expect no rescue from
his friends, for we had managed so badly, that the enemy had gotten
between him and us. He was dressed in full Confederate uniform. The
enemy knew that the Confederate forces were near by, and it was
reasonable to suppose that he was attached to them. The prisoners were
there to tell on him. He had nothing to depend upon but the audacity and
address which never failed him, and a quality even higher than
courage--I can describe it only as the faculty of subjecting every one
to his will, whom he tried to influence; it was almost mesmeric. The
prisoners fifty or sixty in number, were paroled in the course of the
day and started back to Kentucky by a route which would enable them to
avoid meeting detachments of their own army. Our party encamped that
night about seven miles from Gallatin. Colonel Morgan when he started
upon this expedition, knew that Wood's and Van Cleve's divisions were
marching toward Gallatin, and he cautioned Hutchinson not to make a
fight, if during his absence the enemy approached the town,
simultaneously, upon more than two roads. He knew that Hutchinson would
be vigilant, but he feared that his indisposition to avoid fighting
would induce him to engage a larger force of the enemy than he could
repulse. Early in the morning of the day succeeding that on which the
events I have just described occurred, the enemy marched into Gallatin.
They had threatened the place on three sides during the night, but
Hutchinson hoping to repulse them, would not retire.

In the morning, however, they demonstrated in such strength, as to
convince him that he had better not fight--and so, sending the brigade
on the Lebanon road to cross the Cumberland, he retained only the
advance-guard of the Second Kentucky, and the howitzers, to salute the
enemy as they entered. His guns were planted upon the eminence on the
Lebanon road, just outside of town, and, as the head of a column of
infantry turned into that road, they were opened, causing it to recoil.
Several good shots were made, but as the little pieces were limbered up
to move off, a line of infantry was discovered drawn up across the road
in the rear of the party--it had taken position very quietly, while they
were amusing themselves cannonading the troops in town.

Hutchinson, Breckinridge, Alston, and nearly every field and staff
officer of the brigade, were in the trap. They tried to escape upon
another road, and found that also blockaded. Finally, sending the
howitzers and the advance-guard across a pasture into the Springfield
road, Hutchinson, with the numerous "officials" in his train, made the
best of his way across the country, and rejoined the brigade. The
advance-guard and the howitzers dashed gallantly past a large body of
the enemy, but were neither checked nor injured. The retreat of the
others, diverted (as was intended) attention from them to some extent,
and they rattled on down the pike at a brisk canter, confident, now
(that they were not surrounded), that they could whip a moderate sized
brigade.

About three miles from town, they met our detachment of two hundred men;
at first (thinking us a party of the enemy sent to enter the town by
that road), they prepared to attack and route us, but finding out who we
were, let us off with the scare. We had already learned that the enemy
had entered Gallatin, and I was especially rejoiced to find the "bull
pups," and my advance-guard--the flower of my regiment--all safe.
Colonel Morgan learned directly from the officer in command of this
party, the particulars of the affair, and was satisfied that all had
gotten away. We at once turned toward the river, and marching, until we
reached it, through the woods and fields, crossed at a ford, some miles
lower down than that which the brigade had crossed. We reached Lebanon
on the same afternoon, and found our fugitive friends there. Colonel
Morgan formally congratulated Hutchinson upon his "improved method of
holding a town."

This was the 9th, and the bulk of the brigade went into camp, four miles
from Lebanon, on the Murfreesboro' pike. As Rosecrans' army came pouring
into Nashville, the commandant there manifested a strong disposition to
learn how matters stood outside. On the night of the 9th, a force of the
enemy came down the Nashville and Lebanon pike to Silver Springs, seven
miles from Lebanon. Scouts were sent to examine this force, and
returned, reporting that it manifested no disposition to move. Almost
immediately after the scouts came back to Lebanon, the enemy came, too,
having moved just behind the scouts. There was no force in Lebanon to
meet them, and they held the place until Hine's company, of
Breckinridge's battalion, was sent to drive them out. That night
Breckinridge's entire battalion was sent to the town, supported by
Bennett's regiment. On the evening of the 11th, they were both driven
away, by a heavy force of infantry and cavalry, but, reinforced by Gano,
checked the enemy a short distance from the town. When the enemy
retreated, Gano pressed them, taking one hundred and fifty-eight
prisoners, and a number of guns. On the 13th or 14th, the enemy
returned, and Breckinridge drove them away, following them eleven miles
on the Hartsville pike. On this occasion a very handsome feat was
performed by a scouting party under command of Sergeant McCormick, of
Breckinridge's battalion. Billy Peyton, who had killed an officer and
brought off his horse and pistol, a day or two before, went with him as
"military adviser." Major Breckinridge sent this scouting party to find
where the enemy halted. It went through the woods and found the enemy
encamped on the river bank, fifteen miles from Lebanon. Returning by the
road, the party stumbled upon a _vidette_, stationed about a half mile
from the camp, and between it and a picket base, which he said was a
short distance off. He also informed them that all the pickets had been
notified that a scouting party would shortly leave camp, and pass
through them on that road. The idea at once occurred to McCormick to
represent that scouting party with his; so, carrying the prisoner with
him, he rode through the pickets at the head of his men, receiving and
returning their salutes. John Haps, of Company F, Second Kentucky,
tightly gripping the prisoner's throat, meanwhile, to prevent
inopportune disclosures. Just as the party got clear of the base, they
were discovered, and one man's horse falling, he was made prisoner. On
the 15th, Breckinridge and Bennett were sent to Baird's mill, eight
miles from Lebanon, and eleven from Murfreesboro', where the Second
Kentucky had been encamped since the 10th. During that time it had been
operating in the direction of Nashville, the most successful expedition
having been made by Major Bowles, who defeated a body of the enemy
superior in numbers to his own detachment, killing several and taking
some prisoners. About this time a large force of the enemy took position
at Jefferson, seven miles from Baird's mill. This force required
constant watching, and scouts were kept in sight of the encampment at
all hours of the twenty-four, with instructions to fire upon the pickets
as often as each detail was relieved. Spence's battery was sent from
Murfreesboro' to Baird's mill, to reinforce us. On the 16th, Gano, who
had remained at Lebanon, was driven away by a large force of cavalry and
two brigades of infantry. One of the latter got in his rear, and gave
him a good deal of trouble. After making a gallant fight, he fell back
to Baird's mill; and then carried Breckinridge, Bennett, and the Second
Kentucky, back to Lebanon to attack the enemy there. Colonel Morgan had
been at Black's shop, four miles nearer to Murfreesboro', for several
days, and I had gone to Murfreesboro' on that day, the 16th. When I
returned to Baird's mill, I found every thing gone, but a few pickets,
and the scouts reported indications of an advance from Jefferson. When I
reached Gano, I found him just taking position to fight (he thought),
and planting his battery (Spence's) to shell the camp, the fires of
which we could plainly see. I dissuaded him from opening with
artillery, for I did not wish to fight at Lebanon, when there seemed
such an imminent prospect of an attack upon Baird's mill. Gano was not
satisfied to return until an examination showed the camp deserted. The
enemy had moved off, leaving their fires burning. Gano had hurried from
Baird's mill, with his reinforcements, so rapidly, that he had not given
his scouts time to reconnoiter. I immediately carried the brigade back
to Baird's mill. The saddles were kept upon the horses all night, and
the men lay down in line of battle, but the enemy did not attack. Two or
three days after this, Hutchinson was sent, with a portion of the Second
Kentucky, to watch the Nashville and Lebanon pike, between Stone river
and Silver Springs, at which latter place a strong force of the enemy
was encamped. Information had been received that foraging parties of the
enemy had been habitually resorting to that particular neighborhood, and
it was thought that some of them could be caught. Hutchinson missed the
foragers, but captured a picket detail thirty or forty strong, at Stone
river, and brought his prisoners and their horses into camp. A little
later Major Steele, with a detachment from his regiment, went on an
expedition to Hartsville. Just as his column had crossed the river, and
ascended the bank, it was attacked by a portion of Woolford's regiment.
Major Steele was forced to recross the river and return, but before
doing so, beat off his first assailants. On the 23rd, Hutchinson, with
Company A, of Breckinridge's battalion, and a detail from the Second
Kentucky, in all, two hundred men, and the howitzers, attacked the enemy
encamped at Gallatin, landing on the southern side, and drove them out
of their encampment and across the river. A good many other scouts and
expeditions were made, replete with personal adventures, the details of
which have escaped my memory.

It was a very busy season, and a good many prisoners were taken; they
were brought in from some quarter every day. Our own loss was slight.
Colonel Morgan believed that, with enemies so near him, in so many
quarters, he could defend himself only by assuming the offensive.

General Bragg's army did not get to Murfreesboro' until the 20th or
21st. During that time, General Breckinridge had some four thousand
infantry. Rosecrans' army must have been concentrated in Nashville by
the 12th. Two days' marching would have brought them to Murfreesboro'.
General Breckinridge could not have repulsed it; of course it could have
been subsisted for a week off of the country, or its foragers had lost
their cunning. In that time General Bragg would have been forced, in all
probability, to return to East Tennessee, without a chance to deliver
battle with a rational hope of success. His army was footsore, weary,
and could not have been readily concentrated. Buell was removed because
he was thought to be "slow," and dull to perceive and seize favorable
opportunities. There will always be a difference of opinion about which
opportunities were the safest to seize. A very prevalent opinion
obtained in "Morgan's cavalry" (who thought that they appreciated
Buell), that had he been in command at Nashville, on the 12th of
November, 1862, he would have marched without delay on Murfreesboro'. It
is not too much to claim that Morgan's destruction of the railroads
delayed, not only the concentration at Nashville, but the movement
thence to Murfreesboro'. The activity of Morgan, Forrest and the other
Confederate cavalry commanders, in November, and the firm attitude of
Breckinridge, also contributed to prevent it.

In the latter part of November, Colonels Cluke and Chenault rejoined the
brigade. Their regiments were not improved by the trip through the
mountains, and the list of absentees from each was large. Major Stoner
also brought a battalion to Morgan, transferred from Marshall's brigade.
About the same time, the men of the "Old Squadron," who had been
captured at Lebanon, came to us. They had been exchanged a month or two
previously, but had been unable to get to the brigade sooner. We were
glad to welcome them back. They had been only seven months away, and
they returned to find the command they had last seen as less than half a
regiment, now grown to a brigade of five regiments and two battalions.

These men were organized by Colonel Morgan, into a company of scouts, to
be attached to no regiment. Lieutenant Thomas Quirk was appointed to
command them, and Lieutenant Owens, who had been captured and exchanged
with them, was made their First Lieutenant. Lieutenant Sellers, who had
been also captured at Lebanon, was assigned to one of Bennett's
companies; the scouts were at once armed, equipped and mounted--the
company numbered about sixty, total effective, and was a very fine one.
On the 24th, the Second Kentucky, under command of Hutchinson, and
Breckinridge's battalion, were sent to Fayetteville, Lincoln county,
Tennessee, to rest men and horses; and the other regiments of the
brigade were less severely worked than during the past two or three
weeks.

Rosecrans seemed extremely anxious to shut us out from the country
around Gallatin and Hartsville--perhaps on account of the supplies of
meat which could be obtained there, and which the sympathy of the people
enabled us to obtain, if we could readily communicate with them. Strong
garrisons were established at Gallatin and Castalian Springs, about six
or eight miles from Hartsville, and at the latter place. The fact that
any force of Confederates marching to attack these garrisons, unless
they made a wide detour eastward, would expose its flank and rear to
attack from Nashville--not to consider the resistance of the garrisons
themselves--seemed to insure that country from Confederate intrusion.

But it was right hard to keep Morgan out of Sumner county--he had a
great affection for it. He persistently applied for permission to attack
the force stationed at Hartsville, and it was at length granted him. He
was allowed to select two regiments from the Kentucky infantry brigade,
and to take also Cobb's battery, a very fine one, attached to that
brigade. The "Kentucky brigade" was commanded by Colonel Roger W.
Hanson, who had been only a short time before exchanged, with his
gallant regiment, the Second Kentucky infantry, which had been captured
at Donelson. One of the colonels of the brigade, was Thomas H. Hunt, a
very superior officer, who, with his regiment, the Ninth Kentucky, one
of the best in the Confederate service, had seen arduous and hazardous
service at Shiloh, Corinth and Baton Rouge. Colonel Morgan asked that
this officer (his uncle) should command the infantry regiments, which
were to form part of his force for the expedition; and Colonel Hunt
selected his own regiment and the Second Kentucky (infantry).

On the morning of the 7th of December, Colonel Morgan set out on this
expedition. The cavalry force was placed under my command, and consisted
of Gano's, Bennett's, Cluke's and Chenault's regiments, and Stoner's
battalion--in all numbering about fifteen hundred men. Hanson's brigade
was encamped at Baird's mill. Here the infantry detachment joined us,
seven hundred strong; the full strength of neither regiment was taken.
Quirk's "scouts" and other scouting parties were sent to reconnoiter in
the direction of Hartsville, to watch the enemy at Castalian Springs,
and the fords of the river, and to picket the Nashville and Lebanon
pike. The "combined forces" left Baird's mill about 11 A.M., and passed
through Lebanon about 2 P.M., taking the Lebanon and Hartsville pike.
The snow lay upon the ground and the cold was intense.

The infantry had been promised that they should ride part of the way,
and, accordingly, a few miles beyond Lebanon a portion of the cavalry
gave up the horses to them. This, however, was an injudicious measure.
The infantry had gotten their feet wet in trudging through the snow,
and, after riding a short time, were nearly frozen and clamored to
dismount. The cavalrymen had now gotten their feet saturated with
moisture, and when they remounted, suffered greatly in their turn. There
was some trouble, too, in returning the horses to the proper parties (as
this last exchange was effected after dark), and the infantrymen damned
the cavalry service with all the resources of a soldier's vocabulary.

The infantry and Cobb's battery reached the ferry where it was intended
that they should cross, about ten o'clock at night, and were put across
in two small leaky boats, a difficult and tedious job. When the cavalry
reached the ford, where Colonel Morgan had directed me to cross, I found
that the river had risen so much since the last reconnoisance that it
was past fording at that point, and I had to seek a crossing further
down. The ford (where I decided to cross) was so difficult to come at,
that the operation of crossing was made very slow. The men could reach
the river bank only by a narrow bridle path which admitted only one man
at a time. They were then compelled to gather their horses and leap into
the river, over the bluff about four feet high. Horse and man would
generally be submerged by the plunge--a cold bath very unpleasant in
such weather. The ascent on the other side was nearly as difficult. In a
little while the passage of the horses rendered the approach to the
river even more difficult. The ford was not often used, and the unbeaten
path became cut up and muddy. It grew worse and worse. The cold (after
the ducking in the river) affected the men horribly; those who got
across first built fires, at which they partially warmed themselves
while the others were crossing. Only fifteen, however, were frozen so
stiff that they had to be left.

Finding, as the night wore on, that day would appear before all got
across, and fearing that I would detain Colonel Morgan, I moved (with
those already on the northern bank) about three o'clock, leaving a great
part of my column still on the southern side of the river. I posted
pickets to watch the roads by which they could be attacked, and
instructed the officers to hurry on to Hartsville as soon as
practicable. I had about five miles to march to rejoin Colonel Morgan,
and found him at the point he had designated, some three miles from
Hartsville. He decided not to wait for the remainder of the cavalry,
fearing that information would be taken to Castalian Springs (where six
thousand Federal troops were encamped), and he would be himself
attacked. He, therefore, moved forward at once. Just at daylight the
cavalry, who were marching in front, came upon a strong picket force,
about half a mile from the encampment, who fired and retreated. We were
thus prevented from surprising the enemy before they formed. Colonel
Morgan did not, however, expect to do so, for he had no certain plan of
capturing the pickets without giving the alarm.

Bennett's regiment was immediately sent around the encampment, and into
the town of Hartsville. Colonel Morgan ordered me to form Cluke's and
Chenault's regiments opposite the right flank of the line the enemy were
establishing, and partially outflanking it. The enemy was encamped in
wooded ground, slightly elevated above the surrounding fields. The left
flank of the line they formed rested upon open ground near the river.
Opposite their right flank and center was a large meadow, between which
and the woods was a slight depression, which gradually deepened toward
the southward, until from a valley it became a ravine, and when it
approached the river was perhaps ten feet deep, and its banks were
almost precipitous. Colonel Morgan had intended to let the infantry of
his command form in this ravine and attack from it, but the enemy's line
was established so near to it that this was not attempted.

When we came in sight of the enemy and saw them forming, it was at once
plain that the force there was much stronger than it had been
represented to be. Instead of fifteen hundred men, as Colonel Morgan had
estimated it to be from the reports of his spies, it was more than
twenty-five hundred strong. I said to him, "You have more work cut out
for you, than you bargained for." "Yes," he answered, "you gentleman
must whip and catch these fellows, and cross the river in two hours and
a half, or we'll have six thousand more on our backs." Cluke's and
Chenault's regiments after deducting horse-holders, numbered four
hundred and fifty men, between them. I formed Cluke opposite the One
Hundred and Fourth Ohio Infantry, eight hundred strong, and formed
Chenault obtusely to Cluke (on the latter's left), with his (Chenault's)
left flank inclining toward the enemy, and outflanking him. The infantry
were shortly afterward formed opposite the center of the enemy--Cobb's
battery confronted the enemy's left flank. Our entire force in the fight
(Bennett having been sent to Hartsville to prevent the escape of the
enemy in that direction) was twelve hundred and fifty men. I have
neglected to state that Stoner's battalion had been sent, with the "Bull
pups," down the Hartsville and Lebanon pike to take position opposite
the enemy's encampment. Stoner was instructed to maneuver in sight of
the enemy, and shell away at them briskly. Colonel Morgan knew that the
little pieces could not reach the encampment, but he wished the enemy's
attention attracted to that quarter.

Stoner succeeded so well that the two Parrot guns which the enemy had
were engaged with him, when we took position, and we were spared the
annoyance they could have inflicted while we were forming. As I have
said we failed to surprise the Federal force in its camp--and the only
advantage which our sudden appearance gave us, was the partial
demoralization which is apt to assail all troops, when unexpectedly and
promptly attacked. The enemy naturally thought that we were in
overwhelming force, or that we would not have incurred such risks.

One good sign was, that, as we formed in sight of each other, our
ringing shouts were answered by the feeblest of cheers. Cluke and
Chenault having formed at a gallop, immediately dismounted their men and
advanced. The enemy's line was about four hundred yards distant. A line
of skirmishers occupied the hollow, posted behind a fence, whose fire
did us some little damage. These two regiments had never been under fire
before (with the exception of a slight skirmish which Cluke's had
witnessed in Kentucky) and I was not at first certain that they would
drive their part of the line. But they moved on with perfect steadiness,
halting (after having advanced about a hundred yards) to discharge a
volley which dislodged the skirmishers, and then, after reloading,
pressed on at a swift run. The enemy fired by rank, each volley passing
over our heads, for the men had reached the hollow. No time was given
them to reload. When within sixty yards our fellows opened, Cluke
pressing right upon the front, and Chenault having swept so far round,
and then closed in, that the two regiments were firing almost into each
other's faces.

The open cavalry formation not only enabled us with a smaller force, to
cover the entire front of the enemy opposed to us, but while exposing us
to less loss, made our fire more deadly. The One Hundred and Fourth Ohio
backed about twenty steps, the men striving to reload their guns, and it
then broke and ran in perfect disorder. Cluke and Chenault moved on,
swinging around to the right, until they were formed at right angles to
the original direction of their line, and the force confronting them was
lapped back upon the rest of the enemy's line. This lasted about twenty
minutes. By that time Colonel Hunt had formed his infantry, and he sent
them in, in echelon, the Second Kentucky in advance. Cobb's battery had
not been idle, and had gotten one caisson blown up by a shell from one
of the enemy's Parrots.

The infantry had marched quite thirty miles, over slippery roads, and
through the chilling cold, and I saw some of them stumble (as they
charged), with fatigue and numbness, but the brave boys rushed in as if
they were going to a frolic. The Second Kentucky dashed over the ravine,
and as they emerged in some disorder, an unfortunate order was given
them, to halt and "dress." There was no necessity for it--the regiment
was within fifty yards of the enemy, who were recoiling and dropping
before their fire. Several officers sprang to the front and
countermanded the order--it was a matter of doubt who gave it--and
Captain Joyes, seizing the colors, shouted to the men to follow him.

The regiment rushed on again, but in that brief halt, sustained nearly
all of its loss. Just then, the Ninth Kentucky came to its support--the
men yelling and gliding over the ground like panthers. The enemy gave
way in confusion, and were pressed again on their right and rear by
Cluke and Chenault, who were at this juncture reinforced by seventy-five
men of Gano's regiment, who came up under Lieutenant Colonel Huffman,
commanding the regiment in Gano's absence, and Major Steele, and at once
went into the fight. A few minutes then sufficed to finish the affair.
The enemy were crowded together in a narrow space, and were dropping
like sheep. The white flag was hoisted in an hour after the first shot
was fired. Our loss in killed and wounded was one hundred and
twenty-five, of which the Second Kentucky lost sixty-five, the Ninth,
eighteen; the cavalry thirty-two, and Cobb's battery, ten. Lieutenant
Colonel Coleman, a gallant and accomplished officer, was seriously
wounded. His regiment, the Eighth Kentucky (Cluke's), was devotedly
attached to him, and could ill afford to lose his valuable services.
Some fine officers were lost by the infantry regiments. A loss which was
deeply regretted by Morgan's entire command, was that of little Craven
Peyton. Colonel Morgan invariably selected as his orderlies bright,
intelligent, gentlemanly little fellows from among the boys of his
command. They were not required to perform the ordinary services of an
orderly, but were treated more like staff officers, and were assigned
such duties, as are usually required of an aide.

This was an excellent method of spoiling young soldiers--but Colonel
Morgan permitted himself such luxuries. Of all these, Craven Peyton was
the most celebrated and popular. His integrity and sense was such, that
officers of the command would not hesitate to act upon an order which he
bore, although unwritten, and he possessed the most remarkable daring
and determination. Exposing himself in this fight with his usual
recklessness, he received a wound, which disabled him so much that he
could not be removed. He was made prisoner, and in a few days fretted
himself to death. The enemy's loss, in killed and wounded, was over
four hundred, and two thousand and four prisoners were carried off to
Murfreesboro'. If there ever was a fight to which the time honored
phrase, so frequent in official reports, was applicable, viz.: "That
where all behaved so well," etc.,--it was this one. It would indeed be
difficult to assign the palm. Every officer and man seemed inspired with
the most perfect confidence and the most dauntless resolution. Every
regiment and company rushed recklessly and irresistibly upon every thing
confronting it, and the sudden discovery, at the beginning of the fight,
that the enemy were so much stronger than we had supposed them to be,
seemed only to increase their courage. They had literally made up their
minds not to be beaten, and I firmly believe, that five thousand more
could not have beaten them. The tents, and every thing which could not
be carried off, were burned; a number of captured wagons were loaded
with arms and portable stores, and hurried over the river--four or five
wagons which did not cross the river, were driven into the woods and
their contents secreted. Some of the most valuable captures, were in
boots and shoes--for many of the men (especially of Cluke's and
Chenault's regiments) had no other covering for their feet than old
rags.

The prisoners were gotten across the river as rapidly as possible--and
the infantry were taken over behind the cavalrymen. Some of the
prisoners were made to wade the river, as the enemy from Castalian
Springs began to press upon us so closely that we could not "stand upon
the order of transportation." Cluke's regiment was posted upon the
Gallatin road to hold the enemy in check--Quirk's scouts having already
retarded their advance. Gano's regiment was sent as soon as it got up to
support Cluke. Nothing but the rapid style in which the fight had been
conducted and finished saved us. We had no sooner evacuated the ground
than the enemy occupied it, and our guns which opened upon them from the
southern shore, were answered by their batteries.

No pursuit was attempted, and we marched leisurely back through
Lebanon, regaining our camps late in the night. Two splendid pieces of
artillery were among the trophies--which did good service in our hands,
until they were recaptured upon the "Ohio raid." This expedition was
justly esteemed the most brilliant thing that Morgan had ever done, and
was referred to with pride by every man who was in it.

General Bragg in his congratulatory order issued to the army on account
of it, spoke in the highest terms of the conduct of the
troops--especially of the remarkable march of the infantry, and he says:
"To Brigadier General Morgan and to Colonel Hunt the General tenders his
thanks, and assures them of the admiration of his army. The
intelligence, zeal and gallantry displayed by them will serve as an
example and an incentive to still more honorable deeds. To the other
brave officers and men composing the expedition the General tenders his
cordial thanks and congratulations. He is proud of them and hails the
success achieved by their valor as but the precursor of still greater
victories. Each corps engaged in the action will in future bear upon its
colors the name of the memorable field."

CHAPTER XII.

The victory of Hartsville brought Colonel Morgan his long-expected and
long-delayed commission of Brigadier-General. He had long been styled
General by his men, and had been of late habitually so addressed in
official communications from array headquarters. Many and urgent
applications had been made by influential parties and officers of high
rank for his promotion. General Smith had strongly urged it, General
Bragg concurring, but while Brigadiers were being uttered as rapidly
almost as Confederate money, he remained a simple Colonel. President
Davis happened to visit Murfreesboro' a few days after the Hartsville
affair, and gave him his commission, making Hanson, also, a Brigadier of
even date. This promotion of my chief made me a Colonel, and Hutchinson
a Lieutenant-Colonel, thus illustrating that many felicitous
consequences will sometimes flow from one good act. The latter had
occupied a very anomalous position; while really a Captain, he had acted
us, and been styled Lieutenant-Colonel. Being a most excellent officer,
who had seen a great deal of service, and acting as second in command of
an unusually large regiment, he was placed frequently upon detached
service, and in very responsible situations, and frequently commanded
Lieutenant-Colonels of legitimate manufacture, just as Morgan, while
only a General "by courtesy," commanded floating Brigadiers who came
within his vortex. It proved more agreeable to men, who were really
modest, to take rank by the virtue of commissions rather than by the
force of impudence, and the example was better. General Hardee urged
that the commission should be made out as Major-General, but Mr. Davis
said, "I do not wish to give my boys all of their sugar plums at once."

At Bryantsville, in Kentucky, Colonel Joseph Wheeler had been appointed
Chief of Cavalry, and Morgan, Scott, Ashby--all of the cavalry
commanders had been ordered to report to him. Colonel Wheeler was a very
dashing officer, and had done excellent service, but he had neither the
experience nor the record of Morgan, and the latter did not fancy having
to serve under him. He was with Wheeler so little, however, in Kentucky,
that he found not much inconvenience from having a "Chief of cavalry" to
superintend him. Morgan was, of course, perfectly independent upon his
retreat out of Kentucky, and in his operations afterward in North Middle
Tennessee--indeed, with the exception of having to report to General
Breckinridge, while the latter was in command at Murfreesboro', and
afterward to the Commander-in-chief, he was perfectly independent until
a period even later than that of his promotion. But this is a subject
for a later chapter. A great many injudicious friends of Morgan were
inclined to attribute the delay of his promotion to prejudice upon the
part of Mr. Davis, against him in particular, and Kentuckians in
general.

There is no doubt but that General Morgan's free and easy way of
appointing his own officers and of conducting all of his military
affairs, as well as his intense aversion to subordinate positions, had
excited much official disapprobation and some indignation against him at
Richmond. He had been careless and dilatory, too, in making out and
forwarding the muster-rolls of his regiment, an omission which was
undoubtedly censurable, and unpardonable in the eyes of the _Pundits_ of
the War Department, with whom such papers were the gospels of military
government. General Morgan paid too little attention to matters of this
kind, essential to the transaction of military business, and the proper
conduct of the affairs of the army, and the authorities resented a
neglect that looked a good deal like contumacious disrespect. He was,
however, unlucky in this respect, to some extent, for when he
appreciated, which was not until after he had raised the greater portion
of his brigade, the necessity and the propriety of making full, formal,
and prompt returns, he met with delays and accidents in transmitting
them to Richmond, which were frequent and extraordinary. The officers,
who acted as his Adjutant Generals at different periods previously to
his promotion, will remember and can affirm, that returns and rolls of
his regiments and battalions composing his brigade, were sent into them,
and forwarded by them to Richmond. Officers were especially detailed to
go to Richmond and look after these papers. And, yet, to every
application made for the appointment of bonded officers (or rather for
their commissions, for Morgan could manage appointments), by commanders
of the oldest regiments in his brigade, the Secretary of War would
politely inform the Colonel that his regiment was unknown "in the
records of this office." Judging from the frequency of this reply, and
the nature of some promotions that were made for that quarter, it would
appear that the War Department at Richmond, and the cavalry on the
western front, had no acquaintance in common. That all the evil might be
cured, papers of formidable size and appearance, nearly square (I should
say an acre by an arpent), were carefully made out, and forwarded to
Richmond, showing the date of the organization of each regiment, the
officers originally upon its rolls, all changes, and how they occurred,
up to the date of the making out of the compendious document, the names
of the officers serving in it at the time, and the manner in which they
obtained their rank, whether by appointment, election, or promotion, and
by whom appointed, when such was their status.

Notwithstanding the work expended upon the accursed things, and the
perspiration, and, I regret to say, blasphemy, which they elicited from
some of our officers, they did no good in the world; and after more
labor and tribulation, ten to one, than an advance of the whole Federal
army would have cost us, we found ourselves as much outsiders as ever.
It must be distinctly understood, that nothing here written is intended
as an insinuation against Mr. Davis; I will not do _that_ which I would
join in condemning in another man, whose antecedents are like my own.
The profound respect I feel for him, prevents any attempt, upon my part,
at even such criticism of his action as may seem legitimate; and unkind
and carping reflections upon him are more becoming in the mouths of
non-combatant rebels, than from ex-Confederate soldiers, whom
self-respect should restrain from any thing of the kind. But there were
certain officers at Richmond, who, if their souls had been tied up with
red tape, indorsed in accordance with the latest orders, and stuffed
into pigeon holes, would have preferred it to a guarantee of salvation.
I honestly believe that these gentlemen thought, that when an officer
made out a muster-roll, and forwarded it to them, he had done his full
duty to his country, had gotten through with his part of the war, and
might go to sleep without putting out pickets. It was said of a certain
Confederate General, of high rank, that he would rather have from his
subordinates "a neat and formal report of a defeat, than a slovenly
account of a victory." It might have been said of the war office gentry,
with equal propriety, that they would have preferred an army composed of
Fallstaffian regiments, all duly recorded, to a magnificent soldiery
unticketed at Richmond.

With this class Morgan was always unpopular; not that a stronger
personal dislike was felt for him, in the official bosom, than for other
men of the same stamp and style, but all such men were gravely disliked
by this class. Such men were developing new ideas, not to be found in
the books which the others had studied, and were in the habit of
consulting. They were managing cavalry and winning fights in a
thoroughly irregular and revolutionary manner; there was grave cause for
apprehension that, if they were given high rank and corresponding
command, they would innovate upon established infantry _tactique_, in
the same unprecedented and demoralizing style. Mr. Davis did not dislike
Morgan, but simply entertained no particular fancy for him, and did not
believe that he was really a superior, although a successful officer;
in fact, he knew very little about him.

To say Mr. Davis disliked Kentuckians, is absurd. The Kentucky vanity is
as irritable, although not as radical, as the Virginian, and sees a
slight in every thing short of a caress. He appointed some fifteen
general officers from Kentucky, and he permitted the Kentucky loafers to
secure their full share of "soft places." General Bragg, doubtless, was
entirely free from any blinding affection for Kentuckians, and few of
them felt a tenderness for him. Despite the terrors of his stern rule,
they let few occasions escape of evincing their feeling toward him. It
was said, I know not how truly, that at a later date General Bragg told
Mr. Davis that "General Morgan was an officer who had few superiors,
none, perhaps, in his own line, but that he was a _dangerous man_, on
account of his intense desire to act independently."

When Morgan received this rank, his brigade was quite strong, and
composed of seven regiments, Breckinridge's and Stoner's battalions were
consolidated, and formed a regiment above the minimum strength.
Breckinridge became Colonel, and Stoner Lieutenant Colonel. Shortly
after the Hartsville fight, Colonel Adam R. Johnson reached
Murfreesboro' with his regiment. It had been raised in Western Kentucky,
and was very strong upon the rolls, but from losses by capture, and
other causes, had been reduced to less than four hundred effective men.
It was a fine body of men, and splendidly officered. Martin, the
Lieutenant Colonel, was a man of extraordinary dash and resolution, and
very shrewd in partisan warfare. Owens, the Major, was a very gallant
man, and the disciplinarian of the regiment.

On the 14th of December, an event occurred which was thought by many to
have materially affected General Morgan's temper, and subsequent
fortunes. He was married to Miss Ready, of Murfreesboro', a lady to whom
he was devotedly attached, and who certainly deserved to exercise over
him the great influence which she was thought to have possessed. The
marriage ceremony was performed by General Polk, by virtue of his
commission as Bishop, but in full Lieutenant General's uniform. The
residence of the Honorable Charles Ready, father of the bride, held a
happy assembly that night--it was one of a very few scenes of happiness
which that house was destined to witness, before its olden memories of
joy and gayety were to give place to heavy sorrow and the harsh
insolence of the invader. The bridegroom's friends and brothers-in-arms,
and the Commander-in-Chief, and Generals Hardee, Cheatham and
Breckinridge felt called upon to stand by him on this occasion.

Greenfell was in a high state of delight; although he had regretted
General Morgan's marriage--thinking that it would render him less
enterprising--he declared, that a wedding, at which an Episcopal
bishop-militant, clad in general's uniform officiated, and the chief of
an army and his corps commanders were guests, certainly ought not to
soften a soldier's temper. On his way home that night he sang Moorish
songs, with a French accent, to English airs, and was as mild and
agreeable as if some one was going to be killed.

The seven regiments which composed the brigade, represented an aggregate
force of over four thousand in camp--when they were gotten together,
which was about the 18th, the Second Kentucky returning then from
Fayetteville. Several hundred men, however, were dismounted, and totally
unarmed and unequipped. This force was so unwieldy, as one brigade, that
General Morgan determined to divide it into two parts, which should be
organized in all respects as two brigades, and should lack but the
sanction of the General commanding (which he hoped to obtain), to be
such in reality. He accordingly indicated as the commanders of the two
brigades (as I shall call them for the sake of convenience), Colonel
Breckinridge and myself. There was no doubt of Colonel A.R. Johnson's
seniority to all the other colonels, but, for some reason, he positively