personal fortune; her four copper shares were worth at least five
or six thousand pounds. Has she given them to the Laws? If in the
bequeathing what was absolutely in her power she has postponed
relations for friends, I think her determination both honourable
and wise. If in the entailed estate she has preferred a poor though
unbelieving nephew to a rich niece, she was likewise right. I speak
with the impartiality of a third person.

And now let me seriously address you on the most important of my
temporal concerns, Buriton. You will do me the justice to allow that
I have not been either impatient or nervous: but the Estate was sold
in April, 1789: this is now August, 1790, and the money is not yet
paid, nor the purchase concluded. Is Lord Stawell perfidious, is he
poor, is he unwilling? is the delay only produced by the ingenious
forms of the lawyers? How many terms do they require for an amicable
suit in Chancery? In the meanwhile I lose interest, the estate must
suffer by neglect, and what will be the event? Exert your vigour,
argue, persuade, consummate! On the 10th of November next my father
will have been dead twenty years: let it not be said that with the
counsel and aid of such a friend, I have not been able to settle
my affairs in twenty years. What can I say more? the conclusion an
Indian Epistle.

Yes, I have more or rather nothing more to say about the disposal of
the money. I hope the Buriton mortgage for £8000 still holds: nothing
else can be so easy or good. The remainder you will throw into the
funds, and I wish we could take advantage of the present fall, but if
a sure bond or neat mortgage from £2500 to £4000 should offer itself,
I should be very well pleased.

[Sidenote: SWISS SENSIBLE OF THEIR HAPPINESS.]

*Have you read in the English papers, that the Government of Bern is
overturned, and that we are divided into three Democratical leagues;
true as the Gospel: true as what I have read in the French papers,
that the English have cut off Pitt's head, and abolished the house
of Lords. The people of this country are happy; and in spite of some
malcontents, and more foreign Emissaries, they are sensible of their
happiness.*

My MADEIRA is almost exhausted, and I must receive before the end
of the Autumn a stout cargo of wholesome exquisite wine with proper
_previous_ notice which may prevent all accidents at the Custom
House. Your Bristol connection must give you great advantages, but
(if I could procure his direction) I would not neglect Sir Ralph
Payne's favours.

*Inform My lady, that I am indignant at a false and heretical
assertion in her last letter to Severy, "that friends at a distance
cannot love each other, if they do not write." I love her better than
any woman in the world; indeed I do; and yet I do not write. And she
herself--but I am calm. We have now nearly one hundred French exiles,
some of them worth being acquainted with; particularly a Count de
Schomberg, who is become almost my friend; he is a man of the World,
of letters, and of sufficient age, since in 1753 he succeeded to
Marshal Saxe's regiment of Dragoons. As to the rest, I entertain
them, and they flatter me: but I wish we were reduced to our Lausanne
society. Poor France! the state is dissolved, the nation is mad!
Adieu.*

554.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Sheffield Place, 21st Sept., '90.

I approve your observations on the Bristol Election, and I do not
believe you heard the Excursion to Coventry pretty generally blamed.
I knew nothing of an Opposition till two days after the Poll began. A
man who had been useful to me in the same line being concerned, I had
no difficulty nor hesitation as to what was to be done.

On the subject of Buriton I acknowledge you have been as Philosophic
as could be expected. There seems to be something supernatural
attending all your worldly concerns. In answer to a repeated
remonstrance to Mr. Sainsbury, the last information is from Mr.
Rhodes the Attorney, dated Sept. 4th instant. He says (Mrs. Sainsbury
desired him to write, Mr. Sainsbury being in Ireland), "The matter
in Chancery remains unfinished by the Master. When we obtained the
Deed and laid it before him, he said that he had then so many other
reports to prepare that he was apprehensive that he should not be
able to prepare ours. We said and did everything in our power to
induce him to do it, but we could not prevail. He has promised to
let us have it before the ensuing Term, which will begin on the 6th
of November next, and the other business cannot be completed before
the first week in the term." It is difficult to believe these delays
are intentional, as a considerable sum remains dormant as to the Land
in the hands of the Auctioneers, Messrs. Skinners, and as so great
a proportion of the purchase money is to remain in Mortgage. The
only thing I can firmly object to, is an over nicety on the part of
Sainsbury or his Lawyers as to the title, but I shall go to London
as soon as Term begins and reiterate every measure that can speedily
bring matters to a conclusion. In the meantime I shall be very
troublesome until I am assured every paper is ready for signature. As
to the Estate it does not suffer by neglect; a new Tenant recommended
by Sainsbury has taken it from the poor flimsy creature that held it
in a fright, and Andrewes stoutly exacts the rent when due.

[Sidenote: LORD SHEFFIELD'S OFFER FOR NEWHAVEN.]

We almost howled when we read the tremendous account of nearly
five months' confinement--the weakness in your traces affrighted me
most, but I rejoiced exceedingly in your last, which says that you
have advanced to nearly your usual condition of strength. I never
heard of Pyrmont waters for the gout--but I grieve to tell you that
notwithstanding repeated applications I find your Hogshead of Madeira
(which is on its travels) may not arrive sooner than 4, 5, or 6
months. I must spare you all I can of my Old Madeira which is in
London, but I do not know that it will amount to a quantity worth the
trouble of sending. I shall make every effort and inquire everywhere
for you. As to Sir Ralph Payne, surely a letter directed to him in
London would find him, if you think that mode preferable.

Your plan as to Charlotte Porten might be the most desirable, but
nothing could be more fancifull than to suppose it could possibly
succeed, unless you could send a Demon cracked from Paris to hang the
mother to a Lanthern.

My last letter answers your question whether Hester had left you
the fee-simple of the Sussex Estate. I have learned nothing more
concerning that Holy woman since the receipt of the Copy of her Will,
nor am I likely, unless I should find some of the family of the Laws
in London next winter. I think you should inclose to me an order to
the Executors, Messrs. William Law, Senior, of Kings Cliffe, and
William Law of Stamford, to deliver to me all the Writings, Papers,
Surveys, Plans, &c., relating to the Sussex Estate, and you may add,
those which relate to the Family of Gibbon.

When Batt was here not long since, I mentioned to him your old Aunt's
Bequest and my proposition to you; at first, he did not object,
but next day he scouted my folly and extravagance in diminishing
my Income. My observations that I should and could easily cut down
annually more timber than would pay the difference, and that in case
I went to glory, those who came after me would be fully compensated
in the end for loss of Income--I say, these observations seemed to
make little impression on him. However, I was somewhat chilled, yet I
cannot help thinking it or something of the kind might answer to both
of us, if you should be desperately disposed to sell to increase your
Income. I should acquire a position on the Sea-Shore--but you may
have thought of something that would answer your purpose better.

You admire the Minister's secrecy and vigour. There is no secrecy in
the case, but surely he has made a desperate plunge, and it appears
to me a very wanton one--and if it is right to take an advantage, he
is losing the opportunity.[153] It is difficult to suppose that Spain
will engage _single-handed_ with us, but we may bully them into it,
and although France cannot at present do much, yet the adherence of
the National Assembly to the Family compact may help the Spaniards
to be stout, and above all it would be good policy in the French
Aristocrats to dash France into a war at all events.

You are incorrigible, but we desire that you will encourage De Severy
to write. It is surprising he can write and remember English so well.
The alterations in your Chateau pleased us very much. I have enquired
more than once whether you would have the provision for Mrs. Gibbon
to be £200 or £300. You pay the latter, but I understand.

Everybody is looking into Bruce's Travels.[154] Part takes the
attention, but they are abominably abused. Banks objects to the
Botany, Reynell to the Geography, Cambridge to the History, The
Greeks to the Greek, &c., &c.; yet the work is to be found on every
table. Bruce printed the work, and sold 2000 copies to Robertson for
£6000. He sells to the booksellers at 4 guineas, and they to their
customers at 5 guineas.

  [153] In May, 1790, a message from the king was delivered to the
  House of Commons by Pitt, informing them that two British ships
  had been seized in Nootka Sound off the coast of California by
  two Spanish men-of-war, that satisfaction had been demanded,
  that Spain claimed exclusive rights in those waters, and was
  making active preparations for war. Spain, relying on the family
  compact, asked aid from France, and Louis XVI. communicated the
  demand to the National Assembly, asking that a fleet should be
  equipped to send assistance. Preparations were made at Brest to
  send assistance; but the mutinous conduct of the French sailors
  apparently alarmed the Spanish Government, which withdrew its
  claims, restored the property seized, and offered compensation.
  The Convention between England and Spain was signed October 28,
  1790. "The first and great news is the pacification with Spain.
  The courier arrived on Thursday morning with a most acquiescent
  answer to our ultimatum" (Walpole to the Miss Berrys, November 8,
  1790).

  [154] James Bruce of Kinnaird, F.R.S., published in 1790 his
  _Travels to discover the Sources of the Nile_, in five quarto
  volumes.

555.

     _This letter is apparently written to M. Langer, the Librarian
     of the Ducal Library of Wolfenbuttel. A translation of part of
     it was found with Gibbon's manuscript of the_ Antiquities of the
     House of Brunswick, _and published by Lord Sheffield_ (Gibbon's
     Miscellaneous Works, vol. iii. pp. 353-558).

  À Rolle, ce 12 Octobre, 1790.

[Sidenote: M. LANGER AT WOLFENBUTTEL.]

Je vous aurois plutot remercié, Monsieur, des soins obligeans que
vous avez bien voulû vous donner pour me procurer les Origines
Guelficæ,[155] si d'un côté notre honnête libraire Mr. Pott ne
m'avoit pas appris que vous etiez en voyage, si de l'autre je n'avois
pas été moi même en proye à l'acces de goutte le plus rigoureux et le
plus long que j'aye encore éprouvé.

Nous revoici à present dans notre état ordinaire, je marche, et vous
ne courez plus. Je vous suppose bien etabli, bien enfoncé dans votre
immense bibliotheque dans un endroit qui fournit peut-être un choix
plus étendu et plus interessant des morts que des vivans. Comme
vous êtes également propre à vivre avec les uns et les autres, je
desirerois pour votre bonheur aussi bien que pour celui de vos amis,
que vous pûssiez enfin executer comme moi le projet de chercher une
douce retraite sur les bords du lac Leman. Il s'en faut de beaucoup
que vous n'y soyez oublié: nous parlons souvent de vous surtout
dans la famille de Severy, nous regrettons votre absence et en nous
rappellant l'aimable franchise, la vivacité piquante de _l'Esclave_,
nous cherisons l'esperance de vous revoir parmi nous en homme libre,
ne dependant que de vos gouts et pouvant vous donner tout entier aux
lettres et à la societé.

Vous aurez sans doute appris la perte irreparable que j'ai faite du
pauvre Deyverdun. En vertu de son testament et de mes arrangemens
avec son heritier Mr. le Major de Montagny, je me suis assuré ma
vie durant la jouissance de sa maison et de son jardin. Vous en
connoissez tous les agrémens qui se sont encore augmentés par une
dépense assez considerable et assez bien tendu que j'y ai faité
depuis sa mort. Je dois être content de ma position mais on ne peut
pas remplacer un ami de trente ans. Votre curiosité, peut-être
votre amitié, desirera de connoitre mes amusemens, mes travaux, mes
projets pendant les deux ans qui se sont écoulé depuis la dernière
publication de mon grand ouvrage. Aux questions indiscretes qu'on
se permet trop souvent vis-à-vis de moi, je responds avec une mine
renfrognée et d'une manière vague, mais je ne veux rien avoir de
caché pour vous et pour imiter la franchise que vous aimez, je vous
avouerai naturellement que ma confidence est fondée en partie sur le
besoin que j'aurai de votre secours.

Après mon retour d'Angleterre les premiers mois ont été consacrés à
la jouissance de ma liberté et de ma bibliotheque, et vous ne serez
pas étonné si j'ai renouvellé une connoissance familière avec vos
auteurs Grecs et si j'ai fait vœu de leur reserver tous les jours
une portion de mon loisir. Je passe sous silence ces tristes momens
dans lesquels je n'ai été occupé qu'à soigner et à pleurer mon ami:
mais dès que j'ai commencé à me retrouver un esprit moins agile,
j'ai cherché à me donner quelque distraction plus forte et plus
interessante que la simple lecture. Le souvenir de ma servitude de
vingt ans m'a cependant effrayé et je me suis bien promis de ne plus
m'embarquer dans une entreprise de longue haleine que je n'acheverois
vraisemblablement jamais. Il vaut bien mieux, me suis je dit,
choisir, dans tous les pays et dans tous les siecles, des morceaux
historiques que je traiterai separément suivant leur nature et selon
mon gout. Lorsque ces opuscules (je pourrai les nommer en Anglais,
_Historical Excursions_) me fourniront un volume, je le donnerai au
public: ce don pourroit etre renouvellé jusqu'a ce que nous soyons
fatigués ou ce public ou moi même: mais chaque volume, complet par
lui même, n'exigera point de suite, et au lieu d'être borné comme la
diligence au grand chemin, je me promenerai librement dans le champ
de l'histoire en m'arrêtant partout où je trouve des points de vue
agreables. Dans ce projet je ne vois qu'un inconvenient,--un objet
interessant s'étend et s'aggrandit sous le travail: je pourrois être
entrainé au dela de mes bornes, mais je serai doucement entrainé sans
prevoyance et sans contrainte.

[Sidenote: THE HISTORY OF THE GUELFS.]

Mes soupçons ont été vérifiés dans le choix de ma première
_excursion_. Ce que j'avois si bien prevu n'a pas manqué d'arriver à
mon premier choix et ce choix vous expliquera pourquoi j'ai demandé
avec tant d'empressement les Origines Guelficæ. Dans mon histoire
j'avois rendu compte de deux alliances illustres, d'un fils du
Marquis Azo d'Este avec une fille de Robert Guiscard,[156] d'une
princesse de Brunswick avec l'Empereur Grec. Un premier appercu de
l'antiquité et de la grandeur de la maison de Brunswick a excité ma
curiosité, et j'ai cru me pouvoir interesser les deux nations que
j'estime le plus par les mémoires d'une famille qui est sortie de
l'une pour regner sur l'autre. Mes recherches, en me devoilant la
beauté de ce sujet, m'en ont fait voir l'étendue et la difficulté.
L'origine des Marquis de Ligurie et peut-être de Toscane a été
suffisament eclaircie par Muratori et Leibnitz; l'Italie du moyen
age, son histoire et ses monumens, me sont très connus et je ne suis
pas mécontent de ce que j'ai déjà écrit sur la branche cadette d'Este
qui est demeurée fidelle a garder ses cendres casanières. Les anciens
Guelfs ne me sont point étrangers, et je me crois en etat de rendre
compte de la puissance et de la chute de leurs heritiers, les Ducs de
Bavière et de Saxe.

La succession de la maison de Brunswick au trône de la Grande
Bretagne sera très assurément la partie la plus interessante de mon
travail; mais tous les materiaux se trouvent dans ma langue, et un
Anglois devroit rougir s'il n'avoit pas approfondi l'histoire moderne
et la constitution actuelle de son pays. Mais entre le premier Duc et
le premier Electeur de Brunswick il se trouve un intervalle de quatre
cent cinquante ans, je suis condamné à suivre dans les tenèbres un
sentier étroit et raboteux, et les divisions, les sous divisions,
de tant de branches et de territoires repandent sur ce sentier la
confusion d'un labyrinthe Genealogique. Les événemens sans éclat
et sans liaison sont bornés à une province d'Allemagne et ce n'est
que vers la fin de cette periode que je serois un peu ranimé par la
reformation, la guerre de trente ans, et la nouvelle puissance de
l'Electorat. Comme je me propose de crayonner des Memoires et non pas
de composer une histoire, je marcherois sans doute d'un pas rapide,
je presenterois des resultats plutot que des faits, des observations
plutot que des récits: mais vous sentez, combien un tableau general
exige de connoissances particulières, combien l'auteur doit être plus
savant que son livre.

Or cet auteur, il est à deux cent lieues de la Saxe, il ignore la
langue et il ne s'est jamais appliqué à l'histoire de l'Allemagne.
Eloigné des sources, il ne lui reste qu'un seul moyen pour les faire
couler dans sa bibliotheque. C'est de se menager sur les lieux même
un correspondant exact, un guide eclairé, un oracle enfin qu'il
puisse consulter dans tous ses besoins. Par votre caractère, votre
esprit, vos lumières, votre position, vous êtes cet homme precieux
et unique que je cherche, et quand vous m'indiquerez un _suppléant_
aussi capable que vous même je ne m'addresserois pas avec la même
confiance à un étranger. Je vous accablerois librement de questions,
et de nouvelles questions naitroient souvent de vos reponses;
je vous prierois de fouiller dans votre vaste depôt; je vous
demanderois des notices, des livres, des extraits, des traductions,
des renseignements sur tous les objets qui peuvent intéresser mon
travail. Mais j'ignore si vous êtes disposé à sacrifier votre loisir,
vos études chéries à une correspondance pénible sans agrémens et
sans gloire. Je me flatte que vous feriez quelque chose pour moi,
vous feriez encore davantage pour l'honneur de la maison à laquelle
vous êtes attaché, mais suis-je en droit de supposer que mes ecrits
puissent contribuer de quelque chose à son honneur?

J'attends, Monsieur, votre reponse qu'elle soit prompte et franche.
Si vous daignez vous associer à mon entreprise, je vous envoyerai
sur le champ mon premier interrogatoire. Votre refus me decideroit à
renoncer à mon dessein, ou du moins à lui donner une nouvelle forme.
J'ose en même tems vous demander un profond secret: un mot indiscret
seroit repeté par cent bouches et j'aurois le desagrement de voir
dans les journaux, et bientôt dans les papiers Anglois, une annonce,
peut-être défigurée, de mes projets littéraires, qui ne sont confiés
qu'à vous seul.

  J'ai l'honneur d'être,
  E. G.

  [155] _Origines Guelficæ, quibus potentissimæ gentis primordia,
  magnitudo, variaque fortuna exhibentur._ Opus præeunte G. G.
  Leibnitii stilo J. G. Eccardi literis consignatum, postea a J. D.
  Grubero novis probationibus instructum. (Ad finem perduxit atque
  edidit C. L. Scheidius. Accedit duplex index, etc., curante J. H.
  Jungio.) Hanoveræ, 1750-80, fol.

  [156] _Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire_ (edition of 1862),
  vol. vii. p. 119.

556.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  [Oct. 17, '90.]

[Sidenote: SERVITUDE TO LAWYERS.]

You call me incorrigible: but I never was less disposed than at
present to plead guilty. Have you forgot the general picture of mind,
body and estate which I sent you since my recovery? in the tranquil
life of Lausanne a long interval might elapse without affording any
features to alter or any colours to vary. On the most interesting
topic, poor Buriton, it is mine to hear rather than to write, and
most ardently indeed do I now desire to hear of the conclusion of
that incomprehensible business. Is it possible, are we under such
servitude to the lawyers that an obsolete act without force or
meaning should have hung us up for a year in Chancery? If I do not
learn before the end of the year that the money is paid and placed,
I shall be as miserable as pecuniary events can make me; when it
is done I am easy and happy for life. In the midst of your arduous
affairs I do not suspect any failure of zeal, but I now call upon
you to redouble your speed, and to strain every nerve till we have
reached the goal. Till the present business I never imagined that it
was difficult to find people who would take your money. It is lucky
that Sainsbury has consented to leave £8000 on Buriton: with regard
to the remainder I leave it absolutely to your judgement, but since
you distrust with reason private bond security, I see no other way
than throwing it into the funds; a short delay might be allowed in
expectation of their sinking, but the rise and fall are so uncertain,
that it might be the 'rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis.' In the
mean while Buriton rent must be paid, and as the two quarters due
at Lady day had been neglected, the whole year till last Michaelmas
must be rigorously exacted. I do not believe (though I would not give
a gentleman the lye) that you ever asked me the question about Mrs.
G.'s jointure: it will be an handsome, an easy compliment to give her
a right to the three hundred which I pay her in fact.

Let us now make a tour to Newhaven. Upon the whole I am very well
satisfied. You remark that about February, 1788, the old Saint
decimated her nephew: but have you forgot that her atheistical nephew
had neglected to accept her invitation and would not even write her a
civil letter? surely _he_ has no right to complain. I am ignorant of
the character and behaviour of the Laws, but in the general principle
of preferring friends to relations, I think her perfectly right.--You
were not surely impatient for an answer to your proposal: it demands
the coolest deliberation, and there cannot be the smallest occasion
for dispatch. I will however impart such ideas as have arisen.

1. I agree with Batt in thinking it an unwise measure for yourself.
Is this a time to diminish your income when you must enlarge or at
least support your expence, when you know that for seven years to
come you will not enjoy the benefit of a single winter fallow? If you
have timber it will be sufficiently wanted for your annual supplies.

2. The balance of my fortune and my wishes depends on a contingency
which I have neither power nor inclination to hasten. As soon as
the Belvidere subsides, I am rich beyond all my plans of expence at
Lausanne. Every winter such an event is probable, and it is highly
probable that it will happen in three or four winters. It is indeed
possible that a fine thread may be drawn to a great length without
breaking, and if I turned a landed estate into an annuity, I should
never be at a loss to employ the superfluity. If my heir, the
creature of my choice does not think he has enough, the dog has too
much.

557.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Sheffield Place, 3rd Jan., 1791.

It occurs to me in the midst of much hurry, that you may have a
wish for further information on the subject of the Madeira. It was
shipped for Ostend on the 3rd Dec., with full and ample instructions
(according to your own directions) for its conveyance to Basle, where
it is to wait your further orders. I suppose that on the receipt of
my former letter you wrote to your correspondent there.

The Wine is gone in one hogshead and one tierce, marked & No. E. G.
No. 1 & 2.

The Bill as follows--

                                             £    _s._   _d._
  No. 1. 6 doz. finest Malmsey sealed red--
    on board                                17     4      0
        6 doz.  Bottles                      1     1      0
  No. 2. One Hogshead best Old Madeira--
    on board                                39     0      0
        1  Hogshead--1 Tierce--1 Case &
            Bills of Lading                  1    10      8
                                            ---------------
                                            59     5      8

Probably it is the best wine of the kind that ever reached the
centre of Europe. You will remember that an Hogshead is on his
travels through the torrid zone for you. I suppose you do not mean to
decline it when it arrives. No wine is meliorated to a greater degree
by keeping than Madeira, and you latterly appeared so ravenous for
it, that I must conceive you wish to have a stock.

I have had a Congress with Sainsbury, &c. The business has been
referred to the Master of the Rolls. I have talked with the Master.
It seems in good train. The conveyance is preparing. The message
of young Porten is very troublesome. Sainsbury wished to avoid
taking the £8000 on mortgage. I remonstrated strongly. He agreed,
handsomely, to take it rather than embarrass. I have promised £4000
on a Yorkshire mortgage. I have been very busy in Town. I am glad I
cannot finish _the Paper_, because you are such a worthless fellow,
that you do not answer even on business.

  Yours ever,
  S.

N.B.--The Birth of Maria, & the Justices are waiting for me at the
Inn.

558.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  1791.

[Sidenote: GIBBON'S SERIOUS ILLNESS.]

*Your indignation will melt into pity, when you hear that for several
weeks past I have been again confined to my chamber and my chair.
Yet I must hasten, generously hasten, to exculpate the Gout, my
old enemy, from the curses which you already pour on his head. He
is not the cause of this disorder, although the consequences have
been somewhat similar.* After some days of fever and a most violent
oppression in my head and stomach, the morbid humour forced itself
into my right leg, which was covered from my knee to my toe with a
strong inflammatory _Erisipèle_ or Rash. I was gradually relieved by
a plentiful discharge of pus _atque Venenum_ (excuse the indelicacy)
which, according to my Physician, has surpassed that of fifty
blisters. The skin has been compleatly renewed, and I now crawl about
the house upon two sticks. *I am satisfied that this effort of nature
has saved me from a very dangerous, perhaps a fatal, crisis; and I
listen to the flattering hope that it may tend to keep the Gout at a
more respectful distance.* You will determine whether it ought to
raise or sink the purchase of my annuity.

I must confess that I am disappointed, vexed, harrassed, fatigued
with the strange procrastination of the Buriton affairs which are
now verging to the end of the second year. In former transactions
while we were fighting with knaves and madmen nothing could surprise,
but in this amicable connection with a willing and able purchaser,
it is indeed provoking that term after term we should be hung up (a
most proper expression) in the forms of the Court of Chancery. You
are now on the spot, and I conjure you by every tye of friendship
and humanity to steal some moments from the service of Bristol, to
strain every nerve of your active genius, and to send me a speedy and
satisfactory account that the business is terminated, and the money
paid. The funds are indeed so very high, that I agree with you in
preferring a clear four per cent. which _they_ do not yield, on the
solid basis of the Earth, I mean on good landed security. I therefore
much approve of your holding Sainsbury to his engagement of retaining
the £8000 on the mortgage of Buriton's own self, and hope you will
not fail of success in registering £4000 more in Yorkshire. Should
any loose hundreds remain, they may be best added to my India bonds
in Gosling's hands. I much fear that another half year from Buriton
will become due (at Lady-day), and hope you will order Andrews to
exact it without mercy or delay.

I feel myself much embarrassed how to define or establish my claims
on Hugonin. We always treated with the confidence of friends,
and the ease of Gentlemen, and his short accounts, from art or
accident, were always so vague, that I could never discern to what
half year his remittances applied. I am satisfied that two years
or at least eighteen months have never been accounted for; but on
the most moderate footing I may demand the year's rent which ended
at Michaelmas 1788, and which was not paid when I left England.
The agency of Hugonin will not be disputed, the Tenant's receipt
will prove that it was paid into his hands, and even the silence of
Gosling's books will afford some evidence that it never was remitted
for my use. Besides, will not the _onus probandi_ rest on Hugonin's
heirs, who ought to produce my discharge? On recollection I may even
state my damages at eighteen months, since according to a vile
abuse, the tenant only paid at Michaelmas the year's rent which had
been due the previous Lady-day.

[Sidenote: ACCEPTS ANNUITY FOR NEWHAVEN.]

I now proceed to the important business of Newhaven, and am not sorry
that we have both of us taken sufficient time to avoid the reproach
of rash and precipitate measures. As you are not an infant I will
decline any farther remonstrance of what may be proper or improper
for yourself, and will think solely of my own interest. After mature
consideration I am _resolved_ to amplify my income by the sale of
Newhaven, leaving one half of the purchase money to sink in an
Annuity and the other half to swim in a Mortgage. My old scruples
against pecuniary transactions with a friend are much diminished
by my experience of the delays and difficulties which occur in a
treaty with a stranger, and I flatter myself that you will not think
it necessary to ascertain my title to the Estate by an amicable
suit in Chancery. Your statement is impartial and your terms are
liberal: Twenty-eight years' purchase appears a fair price for an
Estate circumstanced like mine, and I am not ambitious of paying more
than twelve years for the chance of my earthly existence. But I do
not perfectly acquiesce in your striking off the casual profits to
balance the casual losses and repairs, and I must request that you
would try a very simple calculation: Supposing the three per Cents at
eighty, your landed estate, after deducting every possible outgoing,
would pay you as good interest as your money in the funds. Is such an
equality reasonable? Should you pay nothing for the solid security of
land? Is the National Debt less exposed than the Sussex acres to be
swallowed in the Ocean? The calculation is easy.

                                              £     _s._    _d._
  Clear rent of Newhaven after deducting
    Land-tax and quitrents                   234     17      10

  Interest paid by the Tenant on £154 at
    4 per cent.                                6      0       0

  Casual profits on an average                19     13       4
                                            -------------------
                                            £260     11       2
                                              28
                                           £7280, of which

                        £            £
                      4000 mortgage 160
                      3280 annuity  273
                                   ----
                                   £433

Suppose we reduce this sum to £7000 and divide it equally, the
produce will be £430 (£140 for the Mortgage, £290 for the Annuity).
I cannot think my expectations quite unreasonable, but I leave the
final arbitration to yourself, as if we were treating with a third
person, and I authorize you to conclude with Lord Sheffield on such
conditions as I ought to ask and he will be disposed to give. The
farm itself will never answer for the Mortgage, and you will obtain
a good and sufficient security for the annuity. In the meanwhile I
should be glad to know when I may expect the payment of some rent,
and from what date it will begin to accrue to me.

N.B.--Your own offer is £4200, the Mortgage; £280 Annuity. But
arithmetic is erroneous: 3052 divided by 12 do not produce 280 but
only 254. You are a pretty man of business. So much for Newhaven.

Since we are talking of Wills, I must request that you would commit
mine to the flames. By the first opportunity I will send you the
duplicate of another which I have constructed on more rational
principles. You will not disapprove the preference which I now give
to the children of Sir Stanier Porten: they are the nearest, the most
indigent and the most deserving of my relations.

*The whole sheet has been filled with dry selfish business; but I
must and will reserve some lines of the cover for a little friendly
conversation. I passed four days at the castle of Copet with Necker;
and could have wished to have shown him, as a warning to any aspiring
youth possessed with the Dæmon of ambition.[157] With all the means
of private happiness in his power, he is the most miserable of
human beings: the past, the present, and the future are equally
odious to him. When I suggested some domestic amusements of books,
building, &c. he answered, with a deep tone of despair, "Dans l'état
où je suis, je ne puis sentir que le coup de vent qui m'a abbattu."
How different from the careless chearfulness with which our poor
friend Lord North supported his fall! Madame Necker maintains more
external composure, _mais le Diable n'y perd rien_. It is true that
Necker wished to be carried into the Closet, like old Pitt, on the
shoulders of the people; and that he has been ruined by the Democracy
which he had raised. I believe him to be an able financier, and know
him to be an honest man; too honest, perhaps, for a minister. His
rival Calonne has passed through Lausanne, in his way from Turin;
and was soon followed by the Prince of Condé, with his son and
grandson;[158] but I was too much indisposed to see them. They have,
or have had, some wild projects of a counter-revolution: horses
have been bought, men levied, and the Canton of Berne has too much
countenanced such foolish attempts which must end in the ruin of the
party.

[Sidenote: PRAISE OF BURKE'S _REFLECTIONS_.]

Burke's book[159] is a most admirable medicine against the French
disease, which has made too much progress even in this happy country.
I admire his eloquence, I approve his politics, I adore his chivalry,
and I can forgive even his superstition. The primitive Church,
which I have treated with some freedom, was itself at that time
an innovation, and I was attached to the old Pagan establishment.
The French spread so many lyes about the sentiments of the English
nation, that I wish the most considerable men of all parties and
descriptions would join in some public act, declaring themselves
satisfied with and resolved to support our present constitution. Such
a declaration would have a wonderful effect in Europe; and, were I
thought worthy, I myself should be proud to subscribe it. I have a
great mind to send you something of a sketch, such as all thinking
men might adopt.

I have intelligence of the approach of my Madeira, and on its receipt
will despatch a draught for the payment. I accept with equal pleasure
the second, now in the torrid zone. Send me some pleasant details of
your domestic state, of Maria, &c. If my lady thinks that my silence
is a mark of indifference, my lady is a goose. I _must_ have you
all at Lausanne next summer.* Apropos, I must have £3000 on Annuity
and £3000 on Mortgage: the surplus you may divide as you like best.
I wish you would not enclose your letters to Paris. I have no longer
any connections with Lessert, and they desire not to be troubled with
them.

  [157] "Mr. Gibbon writes that he has seen Necker, and found him
  still devoured by ambition, and I should think by mortification
  at the foolish figure he has made" (Walpole to the Miss Berrys,
  February 28, 1791).

  [158] Louis Joseph, Prince de Condé (1736-1818), was the son of
  the Duc de Bourbon who was minister to Louis XV. He had served in
  the Seven Years' War, and commanded the _émigrés_ on the banks
  of the Rhine, who were known as the _armée de Condé_. Both his
  son and grandson died by violence. His son, the Duc de Bourbon
  (1756-1830), was found hanged in his room. Suspicion, probably
  without reason, fell on his mistress, Madame de Feuchéres. With
  him was extinguished the family of Condé, for the grandson here
  mentioned was the Duc d'Enghien (1772-1804) who was shot at
  Vincennes in 1804.

  [159] Burke's _Reflections on the Revolution in France_ were
  published in October, 1790. "Gibbon admires Burke to the skies,
  and even the religious parts, he says" (Walpole to the Miss
  Berrys, February 28, 1791).

559.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Downing Street, 5th Feb., 1791.

We remained in the country to the last moment, & I came to Town
furious against you on account of your neglect of writing, but on
reaching Lord Guilford,[160] I learned that you had been very ill, &
I was completely softened and no longer abusive. His information came
from Major Frank North, who added that you were recovering.

Now are you not a damned good-for-nothing fellow for not recollecting
that we might hear you were ill, & therefore not desiring De Severy
to write a line to mention that you were recovering? I have for a
long time exhorted my Lady to write to him. I think she will now
favour him with a Philipick. What has been the matter? for my account
does not say whether it has been the gout only or something more.
I shall be really sulky if you do not write one line. We are much
annoyed. I went to Elmsley & he knew nothing.

[Sidenote: THE CORN LAWS AND SLAVE TRADE.]

I will not write to you on business until a fragment arrives from
you, except to say the Business has stopped in hopes of information
from you relative to the amount of Hugonin's debt to you. You know
I had nothing to do with the affairs between you and him, and of
course could not make out the ballance. Andrews has stated it to me
at £347 2_s._ 3_d._ I supposed it to be more, therefore waited to
hear from you; but I have an Affidavit ready prepared to make before
a Master for that amount; that operation is necessary before any
further progress can be made. In addition to my other occupations I
am more busied than ever I was in my life about a Corn Bill[161]
now depending, (as great a business as I have ever undertaken).
I examined it well during the Recess, and made ample notes on my
arrival; I have shewn them to Batt and Sir Joseph, and they recommend
strenuously that I should publish them with my name. They say it is
too argumentative, it requires too much consideration, for a speech.
They think it will do me great credit. They add it is impossible even
for a very able man in the art of speaking and in the habit, to do it
justice in a speech. In short, I am obliged to undertake publication
in such an hurry as will not produce your commendation. The question
comes on in a week. I find the first Edition of my _Observations on
the Project for Abolishing the Slave Trade_[162] was not sent to you.
I have delivered the second Edition to Elmsley to be forwarded when
there is an opportunity. I learned from him that you had not received
Burke's _Pamphlet_.

If you had not been ill I should have talked to you as you deserve
about the addition to your History. It is as it should be, that I
am to hear of that addition for the first time from Newspapers or
accidental correspondents. I did not believe the circumstance until
everybody was convinced of it, and Mr. Cadell's information was
general. It is intolerable.

  [160] The Earl of Guilford (1704-1790) died August 4, 1790, and
  was succeeded by his eldest son Frederick, better known as Lord
  North.

  [161] Lord Sheffield's _Observations on the Corn Bill now
  depending in Parliament_ was published in 1791. The Corn
  Regulation Bill was introduced early in that year. The House went
  into committee on the Bill on February 22, 1791, Lord Sheffield
  protesting against its principle, but not dividing the House.
  Lord Sheffield twice beat Pitt (March 11 and April 11) on the
  question of warehousing foreign corn. He also argued for 52_s._
  instead of 48_s._ as the lowest price at which, in the interest
  of farmers, it was possible to admit foreign corn (April 4).

  [162] Lord Sheffield opposed Wilberforce's motion (April 18,
  1791) for the Abolition of the Slave Trade on the ground that the
  West Indian Assemblies alone could deal with the question fairly
  in all its bearings.

560.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Downing Street, 15th March, 1791.

Your manuscript at last received exhilarated us very considerably. We
heard you were better, but did not exactly know the state of things.
We had almost made up our minds to go to see you in a snug party for
a month or two in the summer, but now you are well we do not care so
much about you. Maria says the allowance of a year's purchase is a
fair offer, and my Lady is still more eager to go than Maria.

I know not how I made the mistake in saying the annuity should be
£280 instead of £254, but on the receipt of your letter, I desired
Woodcock to make out the conveyance for £3000 in an annuity at 12
years' purchase (£250) and £4000 on Mortgage at 4 per cent., £160
together with £410. You will observe that I have somewhat diminished
the sum to be laid out on an annuity and encreased the sum on
Mortgage, thinking it better for you. Unfortunately for you, since
the above arrangement, I have discovered that besides the outgoings I
mentioned to you there is a Fee Farm rent of £5 8_s._ 0_d._ payable
out of the Estate, which at 28 years' purchase makes a deduction of
£151 4_s._ 0_d._ Be assured that you are a damned Jew, otherwise you
would have been content with the £6700 which I profferred to you,
and I think you ought still. I propose that the annuity and mortgage
interest shall begin from Lady-day ensuing, and the Deeds shall be
sent to you whenever I can prevail on Woodcock to prepare them. The
Annuity shall be payable out of certain farms at Sheffield, and
the £4000 mortgage shall be on the Newhaven Estate. The Mortgage
Deeds, &c., shall be left in Batt's hands for your account. It is
observable that I am paying you £4000 for the reversion of the
Estate, and in the meantime more than the annual clear income of it.
I am purchasing Lord Heathfield's House and Estate in Sussex, 14
miles from Sheffield, for Sir Henry Clinton. Only 25 years' purchase,
deducting every outgoing, is asked, and the timber (which will be
very advantageous) is rated very moderately.

You have often remarked how singular your ill-luck is as to sales
and titles to Estates. Be it known to you that the conveyance of
the Newhaven Estate to your Grandfather is lost. All the other old
writings belonging to it were found carefully tyed up and transmitted
to me by Mr. Law. The Lawyers say, as I know the circumstances of
the Estate and Family, it is such a title as I may take if I please.
Yet that I should not be able to sell it again but to disadvantage.
I answer that I do not wish it to be sold again. Thus it appears you
could not easily sell to anybody but me. As to the Buriton business,
I have been almost afraid to tell you that it is still hung up. It is
again referred to a Master in Chancery. However, there is no step
neglected that can bring it to a conclusion, and I hope it cannot
hold on much longer. I have made out that Hugonin was indebted to you
to the amount of a year and a half of Buriton. I have sworn to the
account, and you will receive at least ten shillings in the pound.
Hugonin, his Mistress and daughter are all dead within two years. You
will have £8000 on Mortgage in Hampshire, £4000 in Sussex, and £4000
in Yorkshire. All good strings to your bow.

[Sidenote: THE LABOURING OAR IN THE HOUSE.]

The account of your undergoing a drain equal to fifty blisters
furnishes me with some satisfaction, as we think it will be
serviceable to your fat carcase. You have proven me busy, but I was
comparatively at leisure. I have illuminated the Corn Laws. The
subject was not understood. The Pamphlet written in a few days is in
great repute. You will abuse it because I only attended to the sense
in writing it. I have the labouring oar in the House of Commons. I
shall write again soon. In the meantime you must write by return of
post, if you wish any other distribution of the money.

I am on a Committee every day from ten to four.

561.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  Lausanne, April 9th, 1791.

I _will_ say no more, because I can say no more on the unfortunate
subject of Buriton, the most unlucky because the least expected of
all my worldly embarrassments. Tell me fairly whether you suspect
any secret management, or any legal chicanery, &c., on the side of
the purchasers. If they are sincere and willing as ourselves, what
hinders that we should give possession, we of the land and they of
the money, and let the Master in Chancery make his report whenever
it may amuse him? If such a scheme be impracticable, goad, I conjure
you, the lawyers and fix a day, a definite day, a short day for the
final conclusion, for my release from a state of suspense which keeps
me hanging between heaven and earth.

You say nothing of what rent may be due from Newhaven, and of the
payment of my wretched legacy. My repairs and improvements have now
run away with a great deal of money, and my cash account with the
Goslings has seldom been so low. It would, however, suffice to pay
for the Madeira which is arrived in perfect health: but with my usual
accuracy I have lost the account.

After mature consideration I accept your terms of £250 annuity
and four thousand mortgage with the security which you propose;
the former on some farms at Sheffield (doubtless of a more ample
produce), the latter on the Newhaven estate, the imperfect title of
which it will not become me to dispute. Notwithstanding your recent
discovery of a fee farm rent, I think you will still have a very good
bargain; but if you are obstinate, you may strike off ten pounds a
year from the Annuity, for your chance of getting back any money
would be a very poor one indeed.--With regard to the writings, I
have no objection to the method which you propose of lodging them
in Batt's hands. I do not recollect anything more on the subject
of business, since I have already approved of the distribution of
the purchase money. £8000 on Buriton, £4000 in Yorkshire, the loose
residue, if any, in the funds. We may therefore proceed to more
interesting and less interested topics.

*First, of my health; It is now tolerably restored: my legs are still
weak, but the animal in general is in a sound and lively condition;
and we have great hopes from the fine weather and the Pyrmont waters.
I most sincerely wished for the presence of Maria, to embellish a
ball which I gave the 29th of last month to all the best company,
natives and foreigners, of Lausanne, with the aid of the Severys,
especially of the mother and son, who directed the œconomy, and
performed the honours of the _Fête_. It opened about seven in the
evening; the assembly of men and women was pleased and pleasing, the
music good, the illumination splendid, the refreshments profuse:
at twelve, one hundred and thirty persons sat down to a very good
supper; at two, I stole away to bed, in a snug corner; and I was
informed at breakfast, that the remains of the Veteran and young
troops, with Severy and his sister at their head, had concluded
the last dance about a quarter before seven. This magnificent
entertainment has gained me great credit; and the expence was more
reasonable than you can easily imagine. This was an extraordinary
event, but I give frequent dinners; and in the summer I have an
assembly every Sunday evening. What a wicked wretch! says Lady
Pantile.

I cannot pity you for the accumulation of business, as you ought
not to pity _me_, if I complained of the tranquillity of Lausanne:
we suffer or enjoy the effects of our own choice. Perhaps you
will mutter something of our not being born for ourselves, of
public spirit (I have formerly read of such a thing), of private
friendship, for which I give you full and ample credit, &c. But your
parliamentary operations, at least, will probably expire in the month
of June; and I shall refuse to sign the Newhaven conveyance, unless
I am satisfied that you will execute the Lausanne visit this summer.
On the 15th of June, suppose lord, lady, Maria, and maid, (poor
Louisa!) in a post coach, with Etienne on horseback, set out from
Downing-street, or Sheffield-place, cross the Channel from Brighton
to Dieppe, visit the national assembly, buy caps at Paris, examine
the ruins of Versailles, and arrive at Lausanne, without danger or
fatigue, the second week in July; you will be lodged pleasantly and
comfortably, and will not perhaps despise my situation. A couple of
months will roll, alas! too hastily away: you will all be amused by
new scenes, new people; and whenever Maria and you, with Severy,
mount on horseback to visit the country, the Glaciers, &c., My lady
and myself shall form a very quiet tête-à-tête at home. In September,
if you are tired, you may return by a direct or indirect way; but I
only desire that you will not make the plan impracticable by grasping
at too much. In return, I promise you a visit of three or four
months in the autumn of ninety-two: you and my booksellers are now
my principal attractions in England. You had some right to growl at
hearing of my supplement in the papers: but Cadell's indiscretion was
founded on a loose hint which I had thrown out in a letter, and which
in all probability will never be executed. Yet I am not totally idle.
Adieu.*

562.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Downing Street, 21st April, 1791.

[Sidenote: A BARGAIN WITH THE SHEFFIELDS.]

At length the Buriton business is almost concluded, and all your and
my cares on that subject will be at an end, the moment I receive the
Deeds which were sent to you early this morning for signature. The
Masters in Chancery are the Devils, and I should not have expressed
myself much more amiably of the Master of the Rolls, if he had not
been at last particularly attentive to my exhortations to dispatch.
All difficulties are at end, the conveyances, &c., engrossed, and one
part of them are gone to you, because Lord Stawell's Lawyers wish you
to sign that part, notwithstanding they drew up the Power of Attorney
which you signed to enable me.

At the same time are gone the Deeds which convey Newhaven from
Ed. Gibbon to Lord Sheffield, reciting the £4000 on Mortgage and
the annuity of £250 per Ann. The conveyance is to J. T. Batt to
the use of Lord Sheffield. Batt is Trustee; and the Deeds, when
returned with the other writings belonging to the Estate, must be
left in his hands as such, not only on account of the Mortgage of
£4000, but also because the Newhaven Estate is made subject to the
Annuity, notwithstanding a greater proportion of the Sheffield
Estate is chargeable with it than is necessary to pay the whole. It
was unnecessary to send you the Deed which grants the Annuity of
£250 chargeable on Sheffield and Newhaven. It is signed by me and
left in Batt's hands. He has perused and examined the drafts of the
Conveyance and of the grant of the annuity before they were engrossed.

There are four deeds sent for your signature--and with them
directions as to the parts where to be signed, which parts are marked
with pencil. It is also mentioned that you should have English
witnesses. Frank North might be one, and I suppose you may find at
any time another fit English witness at Lausanne. You will despatch
as soon as you can and return the writings immediately. If you give
me a line of notice as soon as they are signed it will be still
better, and will forward, and in reality conclude, matters.

[Sidenote: SNUGNESS OF GIBBON'S AFFAIRS.]

We have not been able to get any intelligence of the conveyance of
the Newhaven Estate to your Grandfather, which is somewhat strange.
I mentioned in my last that I had given directions for forming the
conveyance from you to me, previous to the discovery of a Quit-rent,
and that I thought you had better pay me the value of that Quit-rent
than alter the even sum of £4000 Mortgage or £250 annuity. I must
therefore take 28 years' purchase for the Quit-rent, and I flatter
myself you are too much of a gentleman and too little of the Jew to
make any objection. You have a good bargain, and I would sooner have
seen you at the Devil than have given you so much, if you did not
seem to be under my direction in these matters.

I almost envy you the snugness of your affairs. You will be a rich
fellow. What a damned long letter on such matter, to make things easy
to the meanest capacities.

Perhaps I may write soon on the Russian War, the Slave Trade, and
the Corn Bill. The first has been an extraordinary business. On the
second I was a considerable prop to good sense against nonsense and
the most eloquent declamation on humanity. What think you of shutting
the Ports of the West Indies? It would not have succeeded better than
the experiment at Boston. I have beaten Pitt 3 times on the Corn Bill.

563.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Downing Street, 13th May, 1791.

Nothing could be more unfair and insidious than the proposition
that you would come here in 1792, if we would go to you in 1791.
It raised the whole Family, and everybody one knows, against me.
It raised me against myself. It is true in a weak season, when we
supposed you poorly, I exhibited a disposition to go to you, but
when you recovered _insurmountable_ difficulties occurred. The
Great Navigation in Sussex which is at its crisis depends on me,
and a thousand other matters, besides expence when I have not got
a shilling to spare. However, the Idea is entertained. I am much
conciliated, as I should be to anything that binds you to a compact
to be here in 1792. I cannot prevail on myself at once to say--I
will, altho' I apprehend I must. Therefore say by the return of the
post, whether you can accommodate the Louisa, if she should make
a fifth in the Coach with My Lady, her woman, Maria and myself. I
suppose she might, if necessary, sleep with Maria or the Woman. I
have not mentioned this letter to the Ladies, but Maria is anxious
that Louisa should go, and we think she is at an age to receive
improvement even in a visit for a couple of months. I cannot go
sooner than the beginning of July, and I must be here early in
October. Desire our Friend De Severy to write detail to me on the
subject of the journey.

It just occurred to write this letter. A Committee is waiting for me,
but to make you amends, I send you Woodfall's account of one of the
most extraordinary debates in Parliament.[163]

  Yours ever,
  S.

  [163] This was probably the debate of May 6, 1791, when Burke
  declared that, even if loss of friends were the consequence,
  he would still, with his latest breath, exclaim, "Fly from the
  French Constitution!" "There is no loss of friends," said Fox.
  "Yes, there is," retorted Burke. "I know the price of my conduct!
  I have indeed made a great sacrifice: I have done my duty, though
  I have lost my friend." Burke's speech was made on the Quebec
  Bill, and Lord Sheffield moved, and was supported by Fox, that
  dissertations on the French Constitution were not pertinent to
  the question before the House. Fox's panegyric on the French
  Revolution, to which Burke's speech was a reply, was delivered on
  the treaty between Russia and the Porte.

564.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  Lausanne, May 18th, 1791.

[Sidenote: DANGER OF RUSSIAN WAR.]

*I write a short letter, on small paper, to inform you, that the
various deeds, which arrived safe and in good condition, have
this morning been sealed, signed, and delivered, in the presence
of respectable and well known English witnesses,* though out of
compliment to you I inserted one Irish evidence, a protégé of
Sarah's, and considering all things a very pretty gentleman. I
am very well behaved to him. *To have read the aforesaid acts,
would have been difficult; to have understood them, impracticable.
I therefore signed them with my eyes shut, and in that implicit
confidence, which we freemen and Britons are humbly content to yield
to our lawyers and ministers. I hope, however, most seriously hope,
that every thing has been carefully examined, and that I am not
totally ruined. It is not without much impatience that I expect an
account of the payment and investment of the purchase-money,* and am
somewhat afraid of the high charges of auctioneers and attornies.
The writings well secured are delivered to a trusty carrier, who
promises to begin his Journey Monday next, the 23rd instant, and to
deposit them in Downing Street about a fortnight afterwards. *It was
my intention to have added a new edition of my Will: but I have an
unexpected call to go to Geneva to-morrow with the Severys, and must
defer that business a few days, till after my return. On my return
I may possibly find a letter from you, and will write more fully in
answer: my posthumous work, contained in a single sheet, will not
ruin you in postage. In the meanwhile, let me desire you either never
to talk of Lausanne, or to execute the journey this summer; after
the dispatch of public and _private_ business, there can be no real
obstacle but in yourself, and if you deceive me I shall insist on
the additional year's purchase for Newhaven, which I had given up in
consideration of the visit. Pray do not go to War with Russia:[164]
it is very foolish: I am quite angry with Pitt. Adieu.* Pray inform
Mrs. G. of our conclusion and her security. I write to her this post
after a long pause. I am a sad dog.

  [164] In the spring of 1791 war with Russia seemed probable.
  Catharine had in the preceding year concluded peace with Sweden,
  and the winter campaign of 1790-91 placed the Ottoman Porte
  at her mercy. Great Britain endeavoured to secure favourable
  terms for Turkey, and made active preparations to enforce her
  efforts. The king's message to the House of Commons (March
  28, 1791) asked for an increase to the navy in order to bring
  pressure to bear on Russia. But Great Britain was without allies.
  Prussia was irresolute, Sweden exhausted, Denmark unwilling to
  quarrel with Russia, Austria intent on recovering the Austrian
  Netherlands. Her protest was, however, not without effect.
  Catharine refused to recognize Great Britain as a mediator or to
  recede from her demands. But she made peace with Turkey at Galacz
  in August, 1791, restoring all her conquests except Otchakov
  and the surrounding territory between the Bug and the Dniester.
  The strong opposition to war with Russia doubtless influenced
  Pitt. But it is said that the opinion of the Dutch Admiral,
  Kingsbergen, that Sebastopol, not Otchakov, was the real danger
  to Turkey, finally changed his view. The Duke of Leeds resigned
  the Secretaryship of State on the question, and was succeeded by
  H. Dundas.

565.

_To his Stepmother._

  Lausanne, May 18th, 1791.

  DEAR MADAM,

*As much as I am accustomed to my own sins, I am shocked, really
shocked, when I think of my long and most inexcusable silence; nor do
I dare to compute how many months I have suffered to elapse without
sending a single line--(Oh shame! shame!)--to the best and dearest
of my friends, who indeed has been very seldom out of my thoughts.
I have sometimes imagined, that if the opportunities of writing
occurred less frequently, they would be seized with more diligence;
but the unfortunate departure of the post twice every week encourages
procrastination, and each short successive delay is indulged without
scruple, till the whole has swelled to a tremendous account. I will
try, alas! to reform; and although I am afraid that writing grows
painful to you, I have the confidence to solicit a _speedy line_,
to say that you love and forgive me. After a long experience of the
unfeeling doubts and delays of the law, you will probably soon hear
from Lord S. that the Buriton transaction is at last concluded, and
I hope you will be satisfied with the full and firm security of your
annuity. That you may long continue to enjoy it is the first and most
sincere wish of my heart.

[Sidenote: LIKE ADAM ALONE IN PARADISE.]

In the placid course of our lives, at Lausanne and Bath, we have
few events to relate, and fewer changes to describe; but I indulge
myself in the pleasing belief that we are both as well and as happy
as the common order of Nature will allow us to expect. I should
be satisfied, had I received from time to time some indirect, but
agreeable information of the general state of your health. For
myself, I have no complaint, except the Gout; and though the visits
of my old enemy are longer, and more enfeebling, they are confined
to my feet and knees; the pain is moderate, and my imprisonment to
my chamber, or my chair, is much alleviated by the daily kindness of
my friends. I wish it were in my power to give you an adequate idea
of the conveniency of my house, and the beauty of my garden: both of
which I have improved at a considerable expence since the death of
poor Deyverdun. But the loss of a friend is indeed irreparable, and
I sometimes feel, that like Adam I am alone in Paradise. Were I ten
years younger, I might possibly think of a female companion; but the
choice is difficult, the success doubtful, the engagement perpetual,
and at fifty-four a man should never think of altering the whole
System of his life and habits. The disposal of Buriton, and the death
of my aunt Hester, who has left me a small estate in Sussex, makes me
very easy in my worldly affairs; my income is equal to my expence,
and my expence is adequate to my wishes. You may possibly have heard
of litterary projects which are ascribed to me by the public without
my knowledge: but it is much more probable that I have closed the
account: and though I shall never lay aside the pleasing occupations
of study, you may be assured that I have no serious settled thoughts
of a new work. Next year I shall meditate, and I trust shall execute,
a visit to England, in which the Belvidere is one of my powerful
loadstones. I often reflect, with a painful emotion, on the imperious
circumstances which have thrown us at such a distance from each other.

In the moving picture of the World, you cannot be indifferent to the
strange Revolution which has humbled all that was high, and exalted
all that was low, in France. The irregular and lively spirit of the
Nation has disgraced their liberty, and instead of building a free
constitution, they have only exchanged Despotism for Anarchy. This
town and country are crowded with noble Exiles; and we sometimes
count in an assembly a dozen princesses and dutchesses. Burke, if I
remember right, is no favourite of yours; but there is surely much
eloquence and much sense in his book. The prosperity of England forms
a proud contrast with the disorders of France; but I hope we shall
avoid the folly of a Russian War. Pitt, in this instance, seems too
like his father.*

  I am, My Dearest Madam,
  Ever most affectionately Yours,
  E. GIBBON.

566.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  Lausanne, May 31st, 1791.

*At length I see a ray of sunshine breaking from a dark cloud. Your
Epistle of the 13th arrived this morning, the 25th instant, the day
after my return from Geneva; it has been communicated to Severy; we
now believe that you intend a visit to Lausanne this summer, and
we hope that you will execute that intention. If you are a man of
honour, you shall find me one; and, on the day of your arrival at
Lausanne, I will ratify my engagement of visiting the British isle
before the end of the year 1792, excepting only the fair and foul
exception of the Gout. You rejoyce me by proposing the addition
of dear Louisa; it was not without a bitter pang that I threw her
overboard, to lighten the vessel and secure the Voyage: I was fearful
of Mrs. Moss, a second carriage, and a long train of difficulty
and expence, which might have ended in blowing up the whole scheme.
But if you can bodkin the sweet creature in the coach, she will
find an easy welcome at Lausanne. The first arrangements which I
must make before your arrival, may be altered by your own taste,
on a survey of the premises, and you will all be commodiously and
pleasantly lodged. You have heard a great deal of the beauty of my
house, garden, and situation; but such are their intrinsic value,
that, unless I am much deceived, they will bear the test even of
exagerated praise. From my knowledge of your Lordship, I have always
entertained some doubt how you would get through the _French_
society of a Lausanne winter: but I am satisfied that, exclusive of
friendship, your summer visits to the banks of the Leman Lake will
long be remembered as one of the most agreeable periods of your life;
and that you will scarcely regret the amusement of a Sussex Committee
of Navigation in the dog days. You ask for details: what details?
a map of France and a post-book are easy and infallible guides. If
the Ladies are not afraid of the Ocean, you are not ignorant of the
passage from Brighton to Dieppe: Paris will then be in your direct
road; and even allowing you to look at the Pandæmonium, the ruins of
Versailles, &c., a fortnight diligently employed will clear you from
Sheffield-place to Gibbon Castle. What can I say more?

As little have I to say on the subject of my worldly matters,
which seems now, Jupiter be praised, to be drawing towards a final
conclusion; since, when people part with their money, they are indeed
serious. I do not perfectly understand the ratio of the precise
sum which you have poured into Gosling's reservoir, but suppose
it will be explained in a general account;* as that reservoir is
unproductive, I hope the Yorkshire mortgage will soon be in motion. I
had not a doubt of the Law's (in either sense of the word) delaying
to the last moment the payment of Hester's paltry legacy, but I
conceive that you are in possession of Newhaven, and that you have
obtained for me the year's or at least the nine months' rent to
which I must have been entitled last Lady-day. I do not perfectly
understand whether my share of Hug, or to what amount, has actually
been paid. By this time you must have received the Deeds.--_Act._

[Sidenote: BURKE A RATIONAL MADMAN.]

*You have been very dutiful in sending me, what I have always
desired, a cut Woodfall on a remarkable debate; a debate, indeed,
most remarkable! Poor Burke is the most eloquent and rational madman
that I ever knew. I love Fox's feelings, but I detest the political
principles of the man, and of the party. Formerly you detested them
more strongly, during the American War, than myself. I am half afraid
that you are corrupted by your unfortunate connections. Should you
admire the National assembly, we shall have many an altercation,
for I am as high an Aristocrate as Burke himself; and he has truly
observed, that it is impossible to debate with temper on the
subject of that cursed Revolution. In my last excursion to Geneva I
frequently saw the Neckers, who by this time are returned to their
Summer residence of Copet. He is much restored in health and spirits,
especially since the publication of his last book,[165] which has
probably reached England. Both parties who agree in abusing him,
agree likewise that he is a man of virtue and Genius: but I much fear
that the purest intentions have been productive of the most baneful
consequences. Our military men, I mean the French, are leaving us
every day for the camp of the princes at Worms, and support what is
called ----[166] representation. Their hopes are sanguine; I will
not answer for their being well grounded: it is _certain_, however,
that the emperor had an interview the 19th instant with the Count of
Artois at Mantua; and the Aristocrates talk in mysterious language
of Spain, Sardinia, the empire, four or five armies, &c. They will
doubtless strike a blow this summer: May it not recoil on their own
heads! Adieu. Embrace our female travellers. A short delay.*

  [165] Probably his treatise _De l'administration de M. Necker,
  par lui-même_.

  [166] The words in the original letter are torn out by the seal.

567.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  Lausanne, June 12th, 1791.

*I now begin to see you all in real motion, swimming from Brighton
to Dieppe, according to my scheme, and afterwards threading the
direct road which you cannot well avoid, to the turbulent capital
of the late Kingdom of France. I know not what more to say, or what
further instructions to send; they would indeed be useless, as you
are travelling through a country which has been sometimes visited
by Englishmen: only this let me say, that, in the midst of Anarchy,
the roads were never more secure than at present. As you will wish
to assist at the national assembly, you will act prudently in
obtaining from the French in London a good recommendation to some
leading member; Cazalès,[167] for instance, or the Abbé Maury.[168]
I soon expect from Elmsly a cargo of books; but you may bring me
any new pamphlets of exquisite flavour, particularly the last works
of John Lord Sheffield, which the dog has always neglected to send.
You will have time to write once more, and you must endeavour, as
nearly as possible, to mark the day of your arrival. You may come
either by Lyons and Geneva, by Dijon and Les Rousses, or by Dole and
Pontarlière. The post will fail you on the edge of Switzerland, and
must be supplied by hired horses. I wish you to make your last day's
journey easy, so as to dine upon the road, and arrive by tea-time.*
I rejoyce in the approaching conclusion of my affairs, though the
residue of the purchase money has suffered and will suffer most heavy
evacuations.

*The pulse of the contre-Revolution beats high, but I cannot send you
any certain facts. Adieu. I want to _hear_ My lady abusing me for
never writing. _All_ the Severys are very impatient.

Notwithstanding the high premium, I do not absolutely wish you
drowned. Besides all other cares, I must marry and propagate, which
would give me a great deal of trouble.*

  [167] Jacques Marie de Cazalès (1752-1805), whom Madame Roland
  called, for his ability, the "astonishing" Cazalès, was an
  eloquent defender of the Monarchy. Suspected of conniving at the
  king's escape from Paris in June, 1791, he was arrested, and was
  possibly in prison at the time when Gibbon's letter reached Lord
  Sheffield. After the capture of Louis XVI. at Varennes, he left
  France, and, as an _émigré_, took part in the campaign of 1792.

  [168] The Abbé Maury (1746-1817), one of the supporters of the
  Church and the Monarchy in the States-General, left France
  in September, 1791, after the dissolution of the Constituent
  Assembly. Made by Napoleon Archbishop of Paris (1810-14), he was
  deprived of episcopal authority by the Pope, who had previously
  given him a cardinal's hat. At the fall of the Empire he was
  summoned to Rome, and confined for some months in the Castle of
  St. Angelo.

568.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Downing Street, Tuesday, 14th June, 1791.

Your letter of May 31 was received last Friday. As soon as this
letter is finished the Family is to set out for Sheffield Place,
and from thence we shall move as soon as we can towards Lausanne.
We are pressed to pass through France before the Confederation or
Commemoration of the 14th July, and if possible we shall be with you
before that day. I have much to do in Sussex, but I shall hasten.
I shall wish to pass one day at Rouen and three or four at Paris.
I hope to quit Sheffield Place about the 28th instant. We expect
the Borders of France to be troubled, perhaps Besançon may not be
perfectly tranquil. Take care to send a few lines to meet me at the
Post Office, Paris.

Louisa is delighted with your _empressement_ to see her. All My
Lady's sagacious friends have assured her that it is absolutely
necessary to have two men servants on our Travels. Etienne was
dismissed six months ago on account of his indecorous conduct towards
My Lady's woman. A Swiss was hired in his place, in Livery, another
is now hired out of Livery, both of them of the neighbourhood of
Lausanne. One may be dismissed when we arrive there, if we can get a
place for him.

The chief disagrement I experience is a disappointment about your
£4000 mortgage in Yorkshire. The owner sold the Estate. However I
insist on compensation, he having engaged the money. I am in treaty
about a mortgage near my Yorkshire Estate for £3000. I must do the
best I can with the other £1000. It will be extravagant to buy into
the Stocks. They never will be higher, and are likely to be lower. If
I could get £1000 Subscriptions in the Lewes Navigation at 5 pr. Ct.,
it would be well secured and well paid, but money is too plentiful; I
fear I shall not be able to get it.

[Sidenote: LORD SHEFFIELD AN ANTI-DEMOCRAT.]

You exceedingly mistake my Politicks. I am as great an Anti-Democrat
as Mr. Burke, and so are most of the party; but you are deceived by
Burke's speeches. I hold the French proceedings in such abhorrence
and dislike as an English Politician, that I shall be in danger of
the Lantern.

Remember us with many thanks to de Severy.

  Yours ever,
  S.

The Ladies are impatient for their voyage. The writings were not
received till three days ago, and it is impossible for the greatest
Philosopher to have signed them with a greater degree of ignorance,
&c. Especially those relating to Buriton I must carry to you again.

569.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Sheffield House, 27th June, 1791.

Your letter of the 12th June was graciously received two days ago,
and notwithstanding the intelligence we received yesterday morning
of the Royal Escape,[169] and notwithstanding the probable confusion
and warfare that will take place in France, the ardour of the Ladies
to go to you is redoubled. My Lady seems scared lest prudence should
induce me to halt for intelligence, and cannot endure a delay even
for the packet, which will sail on Saturday. No, we must set out
after dinner for Brighton, and sail from thence to-morrow for Dieppe.
This I should not have undertaken if I had not received a letter from
Pelham dated Paris, two days after the elopement, which mentioned
that on the second day all was quiet, the National Assembly cool
and united, but that he should take care a letter should meet me at
Rouen, which would inform me whether it would be advisable to pass
thro' Paris. He thinks it may not be easy to get from thence. It is
probable I shall be glad to avoid Paris, if so, I may be at Lausanne
in a very short time, especially if I find a tolerable road from
Rouen to Fontainebleau. From thence I have travelled to Dijon and
Besançon to Lausanne. I think there is most danger of difficulty in
passing thro' a considerable garrison such as Besançon. If we can
approach you we shall wish to arrive in the evening at the time you
mention.

Finally, such an undertaking just at this moment will not allow us to
be deemed by our acquaintance _compos mentis_, but we are going to
you and may arrive sooner than this letter. I shall write from Rouen
however, where I shall stop one day at least.

  Yours ever,
  S.

Alas! just after I had finished I heard the King and Queen are
captives. I must go to Rouen before I determine, but I incline to a
rapid pass thro' France.

  [169] On Saturday, June 25, news reached London that Louis XVI.,
  his wife and children, had on the previous Tuesday escaped from
  Paris. They travelled with a passport made out for the Baroness
  de Korff, obtained at the request of M. Simolin, the Russian
  Ambassador, who was ignorant of the use to which it was to be
  put. The king intended to reach Montmédy, and there place himself
  under the protection of the Marquis de Bouillé, who commanded the
  army of the Meuse and Moselle. At Ste. Menehould the fugitives
  were recognized by the Postmaster Drouet, arrested at Varennes,
  and brought back to Paris.

570.

_To Lord Sheffield._

  Lausanne, July 1st, 1791.

[Sidenote: FLIGHT AND ARREST OF LOUIS XVI.]

*In obedience to your orders, I direct a flying shot to Paris,
though I have not any thing particular to add, excepting that our
impatience is increased in the _inverse ratio_ of time and space.
Yet I almost doubt whether you have passed the sea. The news of the
King of France's escape must have reached you before the 28th, the
day of your departure, and the prospect of strange unknown disorder
may well have suspended your firmest resolves. The Royal animal is
again caught, and all may probably be quiet. I was just going to
exhort you to pass through Brussels and the confines of Germany; a
fair Irishism, since if you read this, you are already at Paris. The
only reasonable advice which now remains, is to obtain, by means of
Lord Gower,[170] a sufficiency, or even superfluity, of forcible
passports, such as leave no room for cavil on a jealous frontier. The
frequent intercourse with Paris has proved that the best and shortest
road, instead of Besançon, is by Dijon, Dole, Les Rousses, and Nyon.*
As my larder cannot always be furnished for the doubtful day of your
arrival, I must desire that you would make your first appearance, not
at dinner time, but at the hour of tea; you may dine at Rolle or
Morges. *Adieu. I warmly embrace the ladies. It would be idle now to
talk of business.*

  [170] The ambassador at Paris.

571.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Paris, Tuesday, 5th July, 1791.

[Sidenote: THE CRISIS IN PARIS.]

Neither the Royal Flight or Capture prevented or even interrupted
for a day our travels to the Historian. We passed two nights at
sea, and we have passed two nights at the Castle of Navarre with
the Duke of Bouillon, near Evreux, much more to our satisfaction.
Nothing could be more handsome than our reception there. I was glad
of the opportunity of shewing to the Ladies, the style of living of
one of the first men in France, and at one of the finest places.
I came here last night. I have already had an opportunity of good
intelligence. Matters of the highest consequence are _this moment_
in agitation.[171] _They_ are determined to get rid of the King, but
how, is not so easy a business. Many of his enemies are sorry he was
retaken, because they know not what to do with him (a Council will
be appointed). I believe they would be glad to let him go, if they
did not fear the Parisian mobility. The Judges agree that the Gardes
de Corps,[172] who acted as couriers, cannot be tried. They will be
suffered to depart whenever it will be safe. As to the Queen, when
I said I was surprised they did not send her home (that is to the
Pais Autrichiennes) to avoid mischief to her Person, and also to
avert a disagreeable demand, I was told there is no doubt that she
will be allowed to go if she pleases. De Bouillé[173] has emitted
an invitation to Officers and Soldiers to join him. His letter to
the National Assembly might have been well enough for a Captain
of Grenadiers, but it does not smell of the grand Politician. I
understand that scarce a General Officer remains with the Army on
the Austrian Border towards ----, and that numbers, even whole corps
of officers, have deserted, but this I know not with any precision.
I think we may go from hence in 4 or 5 days. Matters are coming to
a Crisis--therefore you may be sure I shall not stay long lest we
should be stopped and not suffered to go from this city, but I expect
an introduction to Cazalès, La Fayette, and some others.

Lausanne has the honour of containing Lady Webster[174] before this
time. People are apt to spoil her. I desire you will not, because it
gives me a great deal of trouble to set her right afterwards. Milady
writes to her. She and her daughters are well and entertained. We are
just come from the Comédie Francoise.

  Yours ever,
  S.

I shall not write again before our departure.

  [171] On June 26, 1791, a plan was presented to the National
  Assembly for the prosecution of the king and of those who
  assisted him in his escape. After a warm debate, commissioners
  were nominated to inquire into the events of June 20-21, and
  three commissioners were separately appointed to take the signed
  declarations of the king and queen. The proposal to distinguish
  the case of the king and queen from that of inferior persons was
  unsuccessfully opposed by Robespierre.

  [172] The three Gardes du Corps, brought back on the top of
  the royal carriage, bound with ropes, were MM. de Valery, de
  Moustier, and de Malden. The two former published accounts of the
  flight to Varennes.

  [173] François Claude Aymour, Marquis de Bouillé (1739-1800),
  born at the Château de Cluzel in Auvergne, died at London in
  1800. He had distinguished himself both in the Seven Years'
  War and in the American War of Independence. In 1790 he became
  governor of the provinces of les Trois Évêchés, Alsace, Lorraine,
  and Franche Comté, and commander-in-chief of the army of the
  Meuse, Sarre-et-Moselle, with his head-quarters at Metz. His
  letter to the National Assembly was written, as he states, to
  divert the wrath of the Assembly from the king to himself. In it
  he assumed the whole responsibility for the affair. His letter,
  says M. Feuillet de Conches (_Louis XVI., Marie Antoinette
  et Madame Elisabeth_, vol. iv. pp. 469-471), produced a deep
  impression throughout Europe. Three autograph letters, addressed
  by Louis XVI., and the Kings of Sweden and Prussia, to the
  marquis, are there quoted. After the arrest of Louis XVI. at
  Varennes he fled to Coblentz, summoning officers and men to join
  him. He served in the army of the Prince of Condé in 1791, and
  in that of the Duke of York in 1793. He afterwards retired to
  England, where his _Mémoires sur la Révolution_ were published in
  1797.

  [174] Elizabeth Vassall, a West Indian heiress, married, May 27,
  1786, Sir Godfrey Webster, Bart., of Battle Abbey, Sussex. She
  was divorced from her husband on July 3, 1797, and, three days
  afterwards, married the third Lord Holland.

572.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Paris, July 8th, 1791.

The system of getting rid of the King will not do. The night before
last the principal men of the Committees, the Chiefs of the National
Assembly, about 100 in number, met, and after a considerable debate,
they resolved that the Constitution should be maintained, and that
the person of the King is inviolable. Only two of them, Messrs.
Dumont and Petier, were of a different opinion, and they argued for
a tryal. La Clos,[175] the friend of the Duke of Orleans, the night
preceding the Jacobins, vigorously insisted on a Tyral and a Regency,
but it is known that a great majority of the National Assembly wish
to restore the King and to put him in the situation he held before
his flight, and to give him a Council. The Queen not being a part of
the Constitution, they do not intend to take any notice of her; much
management is necessary to keep the people quiet, and the Chiefs dare
not as yet bring forward moderate measures. The National Guard wish
to get rid of the King. The resolution I mention in the beginning of
this letter is intended to be kept secret as much as possible for the
present. The measure will be carried with some difficulty. I have
scarce a moment. On Monday we attend the Apotheosis of Voltaire.[176]
On Tuesday next we go to the National Assembly for the last time
(having the President's Box), and on Wednesday we talk of setting out
for La Suisse, but I must stop a day or two at Dijon and one or two
perhaps at Besançon. We suppose the Websters lost, because we have
not heard from them.

  Yours,
  S.

  [175] François Choderlos de Laclos (1741-1803), novelist, poet,
  and soldier, was at this time editor of the _Journal des amis de
  la Constitution_. He helped Brissot to draw up the petition for
  the deposition of Louis XVI., July 17, 1791.

  [176] Voltaire died at Paris in May, 1778. His body, lest burial
  should be refused, was carried to the Abbey of Scellières. Thence
  the remains were brought, Sunday, July 10, 1791, to the ruins of
  the Bastille, and placed the next day in the Pantheon.

573.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Paris, 13th July, 1791.

[Sidenote: LORD SHEFFIELD AT THE JACOBINS.]

We are going at 8 o'clock this morning to the Assembly, lest we
should be too late for places to hear the report and debate on the
King's Flight.[177] It is not likely to finish in one day, but we
are not disposed to stay more than 2 or 3 days longer on any account.
It will be proper to remain here a day or two just to see whether
they really will cut one another's throats. I do not expect it.
It does not seem to be their genius to do more than Fishwomen, to
scratch and tear one or two to pieces in a cattish fury. Since my
last the Democratic _enragé_ seems to have gained ground. I have been
placed high on a chair next the President at the Jacobins, having
been introduced by Noailles as a good English Patriot amidst much
_applaudissement_. Brissot de Warville[178] made (as _on m'a dit_)
the greatest speech that ever was heard. It was well calculated to
inflame Frenchmen, but he forgot to use any argument, and utterly
omitted to shew that the King had committed any crime against the
Law, and finished by moving that the King should be tried. The word
_enragé_ does not half describe a French Democrate. The modern men
think the speech has made a great impression, and think matters are
not in so good train for the King as they were. I have not a moment
to say more than that I have seen men and things to great advantages,
and I shall write again.

  Yours,
  S.

  [177] On Wednesday, July 13, 1791, the report of the seven
  committees on the affairs of the king was read before the
  National Assembly, detailing the circumstances of the king's
  escape, and stating the manner in which, by the laws of the
  Constitution, the Assembly should conduct itself towards the
  king. Practically, the report was in favour of the inviolability
  of the king's person. In this sense it was adopted on July 15,
  1791, and against it was held the meeting of the Champs de Mars
  on July 17.

  [178] J. Pierre Brissot (_de Warville_) (1754-93) was at this
  time a supporter of the Duc d'Orléans. He afterwards led the
  _Brissotins_ against the _Montagnards_, and was guillotined with
  the Girondists in October, 1793.

574.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

  Berne, Oct. 7th, 1791.

The truth is, that I attempted to write to you, the day we arrived
here, & found myself unequal to a longer account of things, than
just to say--we are eighteen Leagues from Lausanne, & I have made
the family lift up their hands & eyes in astonishment, by wishing
to walk back that distance. I ought to express my Gratitude for all
the kindness and attentions we have met with, during our stay in
Switzerland, & if I was less sensible of it, I could compose a fine
speech--but I can only say, I can feel, & I hope you will never find
me ungrateful. Tuesday we slept at Avenches & arrived here at two
o'clock on Wednesday. If you wish to know how we amused ourselves
on the Road, I will tell you, by Meditation & Silence. If you wish
to know what was the Subject of our Meditations I will answer for
myself--Lausanne. Indeed, my Thoughts have not quitted that place,
for five minutes, & I begin to wonder, whether I shall ever think of
any thing else. Our horse, that had one Wooden & one broken Leg, fell
down, & rather damaged a third Leg--so that, as Papa thought if any
accident should happen to the fourth, we might find some difficulty
in proceeding on our journey, & being rather indignant at their slow
method of moving, he has dismissed them, rather too precipitately, as
we are now uncertain whether we shall leave this Town to-morrow or a
fortnight hence. No horses to be had at present.

Yesterday we went to the Lac de Thun--the day was very fine, & we
crossed the Lake to Mr. Fischer's house, where we found his Lady
and Mother. We stopped at Mr. de Mulhinen's house in our return--&
saw Mad^{e}. de Mulhinen, who is a very pleasing Woman. Papa was so
much pleased with the Lake that he lamented very much that he had
not persuaded you & Severy to come with us there & stay two or three
days. Perhaps you might have been inexorable, but I wish the other
part of the scheme had been thought of a little sooner. I liked
the expedition upon the lake very well, but it was not the Lake of
Geneva, nor was the Boat St. J. Legard's; & yet, as there was a Lake
& a Boat, there was resemblance enough, for me to make comparisons,
to the disadvantage of the present time. Mr. Coxe gave Papa a Letter
to Mr. Wyttenbach; he has been here, & walked about the Town with us
on Wednesday evening, & has made me very happy by promising to send
me a Collection of Alpine Plants. He is to take us this morning to
shew us the World. Papa is gone with Mr. Fischer on horseback to see
Farms. After dinner we are to go to the library, & to-morrow, if we
can get horses, we shall go to Bienne. Mon^{r}. Fredennick was here
this morning, & every body seems to try who shall pay most attention.
I wish they would try & be disagreeable, to make me rejoice at being
on my return to England. Mon^{r}. Wyttenbach is come & prevents me
adding any more, than to assure you that I am your ever obliged &
affec.

M. T. HOLROYD.

575.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

  Strasbourgh, Thursday, Oct. 13th, '91.

[Sidenote: SAFE IN THE LAND OF LIBERTY]

I felt a strong inclination to write from Basle, but as you said,
Berne _or_ Basle & not Berne _&_ Basle, I was afraid of being
troublesome. However I take the first moment of my arrival at the
next station from whence you desired to hear from me, to tell you we
are safe in the Land of Liberty, where the People may sing _Ça ira_
all day & all night, if they like it. Friday, the day I wrote from
Berne, we went to Wyttenbach's house, to see his curiosities--& he
has made me _Wild_ again about Botany, by giving me a Collection of
Alpine Plants--so that now, instead of admiring Nature in general, I
have no eyes but for Weeds, & I have made a considerable Collection
in my Journey from Lausanne here. The Advoyer came before dinner, &
from his suit of Black Powdered Wig & Gold headed cane, I began to be
afraid I was ill, & that the Physician was come to give his Opinion.
Mr. Fischer dined with us, Mr. Fredennick came after dinner, and they
went with us to the Library & walked upon the ramparts. In a part
of the Ditch we saw two of the Sovereign Lords of the Pays de Vaud.
Their Excellencies were very quiet and rather Rheumatic, but there
were two young ones very frisky and playful.

Saturday. We were rather unfortunate in a very rainy Day--& in one
of the Springs of the Carriage breaking near Arberg, which delayed
us some time. If it had been a fine day, we should have been very
disagreeable, but as it was impossible to go to the Island of St.
Pierre[179] that day, we made up our minds very tolerably. Sunday.
The Weather was very favorable, & we went upon the Island, wrote our
names in Rousseau's Bed chamber, returned to Bienne to dinner, &
went to Moutier the same day. Mama had an opportunity of shewing her
heroism--for the last three Leagues we performed by moonlight, &
Coxe describes the Road as so narrow, that one Wheel rubs against the
Rocks & the other hangs over the Precipice--though this description
is poetical, yet there is some foundation for it. We regretted
passing thro' such picturesque scenes in the dark, but the next day
the Country we passed thro' from Moutier to Basle was exactly the
same. I thought after the Tour to the Glaciers, that I should think
nothing equal to that part of the World, but the Valley of Munster
pleased me more than anything I have seen. Tuesday, we saw the
Gardens of Arlesheim, the Library & the dance of death. Mr. Ochs was
the only one of Mr. Levade's friends who was at Basle--the others
were both in France. The _higgledy-piggledy_ Party came to Basle on
Tuesday & were very much in our way on the Road. Papa determined to
go to Strasbourgh on the french side of the River, as the Horses on
the other side are quite knocked up by transporting Aristocrates to
Coblentz. The Craven family with their Guardians, Lord Molyneux and
Mr. Nott, took all the horses at the first Post, & tho' they left
Basle two hours before us, when we got to St. Louis we were obliged
to wait an hour and a half, for the return of the horses--during
which time we amused ourselves by walking to Huningue--which I was
very glad of, as it gave me a better Idea of Scarps & Counter-Scarps,
Ravelines & Bastions, than I should have had without it.

[Sidenote: STRANGE CHARM IN SWITZERLAND.]

This day's journey was rather long. We left Basle at eight o'clock
& we arrived at Krafft, where we slept, at ½ past eleven--quite
in despair at the dirt of the French Inns; having met with such
excellent ones in Switzerland, we had quite forgot what a bad Inn
was. We are just arrived here to breakfast, & expect to meet with
some information as to the superiority of Navigation over Land
carriage. Papa was so much out of humour with the delay, occasioned
by want of horses upon the road yesterday, that he is very much
inclined to take a Boat here. The people at Lausanne, judging I
suppose by themselves, assured me I should forget that place by the
time I got to Basle. I am at Strasburgh, which is still farther;
and I can say from Experience, which is the only thing that ever
convinces me, that notwithstanding the variety of Scenes that I have
passed through, & the amusement I have found on the road, I _still_
regret the Terrace & the Pavillion. I do not know what strange Charm
there is in Switzerland that makes everybody desirous of returning
there; you know I did not go there with any prejudice in its favor.
As to Mama, she owes it such a Spite for fascinating you, that she
will never do it common Justice, till the Democrates have obliged you
to be content with our little Island; then perhaps her obligations to
them will change her sentiments.

Indeed I am ashamed of myself, to have taken up so much of your
time. You will, I am afraid, repent of our Engagement, & think that
reading my Letters is even more tremendous than answering them. I
live in hopes, that we shall hear something of, or from, you at
Coblentz. Remember us all, but me in particular, to every one of
the Severy family. _Et dite à ma chère Angletine que je pense bien
souvent d'elle & du dernier jour que nous avons passées ensemble._
I dread exposing even that short sentence to your criticizing eye,
but I wish to shew her that, in promising to write to her, I have
undertaken what I am very unequal to perform, in order to keep up
some remembrance of me. I cannot bear the thoughts of being forgot by
those I love. Mama desires to be most affectionately remembered to
you.

  Believe me,
  Ever sincerely & affec^y yours,
  MARIA T. HOLROYD.

I just find I am too late for the Post to-day, & that my Letter must
wait till Saturday. To-morrow we stay here. Papa is happy in the Idea
of seeing the Troops exercise.

  [179] On the Island of St. Pierre, in the Lake of Bienne, J. J.
  Rousseau lived in 1765.

576.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

  Coblentz, Oct. 21st, 1791.

Our Adventures since I wrote from Strasbourgh have been very
numerous, & if every body had been equally disposed with myself to be
entertained with them, they would have lost much of their unpleasant
circumstances. Papa had determined to go from Strasburgh to Manheim
by Rastadt; but the Inn keeper advised us to go on the other side
of the Rhine, as we should find the Inns all full in Germany & the
Post horses very bad. The Rain was incessant all day & had continued
for two days before. We found the Roads very bad & lost our way in a
large forest; quite dark; amidst many ejaculations from Mama. When
we at last arrived at Girmenheim, where we were to sleep, we found
the Inn quite full. A Commission was there from Manheim to keep the
Rhine in order, who has heard so much lately of Liberty on both
sides, that he had a mind to make the experiment, & has strayed over
the neighbouring meadows, unmindful of the excellent Caution given
to a Brother River--"Thames, ever while you live, keep between your
banks." We were put into a small room, where a Company had just
finished supper. Travellers are not often, I imagine, so unfortunate
as to go that road, if I may judge from the astonishment and, I hope,
admiration our Appearance caused. The Doors were opened and the Room
was lined with Spectators, who gazed at us in silence for near a
quarter of an hour--more to my amusement than Mama's. There was only
one Room where we could sleep--& we _all_ arranged ourselves in three
Beds, after having quieted some delicate scruples of Papa's, who
proposed sleeping in the Coach--however by putting out the Candles
nobody found it necessary to blush.

We left this charming place very early, breakfasted at Spire and
arrived at Manheim early enough to see all the Lyons before dinner.
I was much entertained with the Gallery of Pictures in the Elector's
Palace. It was much superior to anything I had seen. The Library
is very handsome. Papa went to the Play in the evening & made an
acquaintance there, who he brought home with him, & talked Commerce
and Agriculture, till near one in the morning. The next day we went
to Mayence, & the day after saw the Castle, the Provost's house, the
Cathedral, &c., and left Mayence at two o'clock in a very tolerable
Boat. But the Wind was quite contrary, & it was very late when we
arrived at Bingen. Mama did not take a fancy to Navigation in the
least. For my part I enjoyed it very much, as the Banks of the Rhine,
particularly from Bingen to Coblentz, are very picturesque. The great
number of Castles made me imagine myself in the Age of Chivalry, &
I almost persuaded myself I was a distressed Damsel carried away
against my Will. The next thing, of course, was to expect a brave
Knight to set me free, but as none made their appearance, I was
obliged to quit my romantic Ideas, & my _Castles in the Air_, of
which I had plenty, as well in my head, as around me. In plain
English, I was much pleased with the day's journey, & Mama was pretty
well reconciled to seeing Water all round her, which was at first a
great grievance.

[Sidenote: COBLENTZ AND WHITE COCKADES.]

Our famous Adventures begin here. We arrived at Coblentz[180] at
five o'clock last Wednesday, & found every Inn in the Town full
of _Panaches blancs_. After staying three hours in the Boat, with
difficulty Papa found one Room, with one Bed, without Curtains & no
other furniture of any kind in it. We preferred this to sleeping
in the Boat, the only alternative, & accordingly we females slept
on Mattresses upon the ground. As there were no curtains it was
impossible to admit Papa of the Party, & he remained all Night in
the Boat. The Account that was brought us of the Room we were to
sleep in, was that between forty and fifty Officers were in two
Rooms at each end of ours, which opened with Folding Doors. Upon a
nearer enquiry, the number was reduced between 10 & 20--but they
are tolerably quiet, considering they are _Frenchmen_. Yesterday
was passed enquiring for Lodgings, & by the help of the Duc de
Guiche,[181] the Woman of the house was prevailed upon to give us
three Garrets, perfectly unfurnished--but this we considered as
charming accommodation compared to the _higgledy piggledy_ Style we
had been accustomed to--but the Ground is still our Bed.

Papa has found out a great deal of amusement for himself. He was
presented yesterday to the Elector,[182] Monsieur,[183] Madame, the
Comte d'Artois, the P. of Condé and his Son; to-day he dined at
a very large dinner at the Prince of Nassau's[184]--& is now at
the Play in Mad^{e}. de Nassau's Box, who was very desirous of our
Company, but Mama is not fond of _violent measures_. The Comte de
Romanzov[185] is here, Ambassador to the Princes from the Empress
Cat. The Bishop of Arras[186] is not here; but the Duc de Guiche is
every thing that is delightful, & Papa has not been at a loss for
the Bishop. Our amusements may be mentioned in very few words. We
have seen the citadel. We go from here early to-morrow morning--in
our Boat. The Weather is very unfavorable to us. Only that you might
justly make the Observation, "If you are sensible of your fault, why
do you continue to offend?" I would apologize for the length of my
Letter. But while you allow me to write to you, I do not think I have
quite left Lausanne--& I never know how to leave off. Distribute our
Love and comp^{ts} properly.

  Believe me
  Ever affec. yours,
  MARIA T. HOLROYD.

I forgot to say we found our Letters here. Mama desires her Love to
Severy & many thanks for his Letter. I have taken a great deal of
pains to persuade her to write to him; but she has not resolution
enough to take up her pen. I must whisper to you we were disappointed
at not hearing a few lines from you.

  [180] After the meeting of the Emperor of Austria and the King
  of Prussia at Pilnitz, Coblentz became the rallying-point of the
  _émigrés_--"a small extra-national Versailles: a Versailles _in
  partibus_."

  [181] The family of Guiche were descended from _la belle
  Corisande_, who, left a widow at twenty-six by the death of her
  husband, the Comte de Guiche, became the mistress of Henry IV.,
  then only King of Navarre. The Duc de Guiche (afterwards Duc
  de Grammont) married, in 1779, a daughter of the Duchesse de
  Polignac, and to her interest he owed his place as captain of the
  Villeroy Company of the Gardes du Corps. He was also colonel of
  the _Dragons de la Reine_. The duke is a "good-natured young man"
  (_Lord Auckland's Journal and Correspondence_, vol. i. p. 412).

  [182] Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria and of the Palatinate.

  [183] Monsieur, the title given to the eldest brother of the
  reigning King of France, was the Comte de Provence, afterwards
  Louis XVIII. (1755-1824). Madame, his wife, was Maria Josephine
  Louisa, daughter of Victor Amadeus III. of Sardinia. They escaped
  from Paris on the same night as Louis XVI.

  [184] The Prince of Nassau-Siegen sailed round the world with
  Bougainville (1766-69), served in the Spanish army at the siege
  of Gibraltar, then entered the service of the Empress Catharine,
  and, as an admiral, commanded the Russian fleet against Turkey
  and afterwards against Sweden.

  [185] Count Nicholas Romanzov, son of the distinguished Russian
  general.

  [186] Marc Hilaire de Conzie (1732-1805), Bishop of St. Omer,
  became, in 1769, Bishop of Arras. With his brother, who succeeded
  him as Bishop of St. Omer, he administered the province of
  Artois. He followed the Comte d'Artois in his flight to Italy,
  and at London was afterwards his chief political adviser.
  He was a friend of Madame du Deffand, who writes of him
  enthusiastically. The Duc de Lévis (_Souvenirs et portraits_)
  speaks of him less favourably: "Il ne fit que du mal à son parti."

577.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

  Brussels, October 29th, 1791.

It is probable that this my fourth Letter may remain unopened in your
Pocket, but I shall leave that to Fate, & only think of convincing
you, that I still remember Lausanne & my promise. I like to let
People know how _unreasonable_ I am, & therefore I will tell you
I had faint hopes of finding a few Lines here, either written or
dictated by you. I frequently ask Mama, do you think they are talking
of us at Lausanne? & she generally answers--I daresay not; so I
should have had a great deal of satisfaction in shewing her, that you
thought so much of us as to make a _violent effort_ to tell us so.
We have proceeded on our journey with great success from Coblentz to
Brussells, & to-morrow go to Antwerp. We arrived here on Thursday
from Louvain--the Road was so bad & the Post-horses moved in such a
_Swiss_ manner, that we were four days coming from Cologne.

The first day we slept at Juliers, the second at Liège, the third
at Louvain, & the fourth (as I had the _honour_ of telling you) we
came to Brussells, & fortunately arrived at 'L'Imperatrice,' the only
Hotel where there was a single Room unoccupied, just as the Princesse
de Salms was moving off--& took possession of her apartments with
great satisfaction, as we expected Coblenz accomodations.

[Sidenote: THE SIGHTS OF BRUSSELS.]

We stayed but one night at Cologne, as the Maréchal de Castries was
not there, & the Town possessed no other Charms to tempt us to stay,
for it is the most dismal place I have seen. The Maréchal is here,
& Papa has had a long conference with him. Luckily for us, Papa has
neither met with a Quarter Master nor a Commercial man, nor a Farmer
here, so we have seen a great deal and been very much amused. We saw
the Palace of the Archduchess, a league out of Town, yesterday--&
it is fitted up with more Taste than any thing we have seen in
our travels. The rest of our time has been spent in Churches, the
Arsenal, & some good Collections of Pictures. I have not time to be
_prolix_ in my narration, which you will perhaps not be sorry for, as
you are not as fond of a long letter as I am. Mama is pretty well,
but will not be sorry to find herself at her own fire side again.

Remember us to those who remember our existence--you will not have
much trouble, for I suppose you will only deliver the message to
yourself--I suspect nobody else of thinking of us. Louisa desires I
will not forget her best Comp^{ts} to _M. Mentrond_; she does not
choose to suppose he can _forget her_. I expect to hear a great deal
of _Mrs. Wood_--or if any body else has supplied her place in your
_heart_. When you do write, if such an unlikely event should ever
take place, pray tell me something of everybody; I shall like to
see the names of those I was acquainted with, & while I read y^{r}
letter, shall fancy myself at Lausanne.

  Believe me,
  Ever sincerely y^{rs},
  MARIA T. HOLROYD.

I write in such haste that you must excuse faults of Style, Writing,
&c.

578.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Calais, 5th Nov., 1791.

After various and sundry embarrassments, here we are safe. The
pleasure of the visit being over and the sorrow of departure come
on, it naturally occurred in aid of my concern what a damned Fool
I was to undertake such an operation. To correct such cogitation,
the _distractions_ of the Rhine were some relief. The state of its
neighbourhood is at this time very interesting. It was curious to
find the Princes and prime Nobility of France thankfull to be allowed
to exist on a small angle formed by the Moselle and the Rhine. An
army of officers, but not a common man. For the sake of visiting
the Garrisons of Alsace, I went the whole length of that Province.
Levade's letters were of essential service to me. I thankfully wrote
to him when I had proceeded far down the Rhine. Probably I furnished
some details, with which he probably has furnished you. I know not
whether I mentioned that Huninge and Brisach are in good condition.
An incompleat Regiment of two battalions in each place and some
Dragoons, not sufficient garrisons, but some cantoned Troops might be
thrown in if required.

[Sidenote: MILITARY FORCES ON FRENCH FRONTIER.]

The Regulars at Strasburgh are 6760, including 1100 Horse and 1300
artillery. They say they have some 7000 National Guards, I doubt
it. They are the best I have seen; and yet they are very poor stuff
for Soldiers, and many are not cloathed. I dined with the Colonel
of Carbineers, and saw the finest regiment of France in detail,
and also a Swiss Regiment (Viguier), one of the best. Some of the
regiments are not more soldier-like than the National Guards. The
Democrates say that the officers, being Aristocrates, neglect the
men on purpose, and wish the regiments to be ruined; 40 officers had
quitted one regiment in Alsace. In short, only seven remained with
it, including the Colonel. The Park of Artillery at Strasburgh seems
very compleat. It is the second in the Kingdom. A Train is ready for
40 Battalions. The Province of Alsace is at least half Aristocrate.
I passed the evening and supped at the Mayor's while at Strasburgh.
He and his Lady (a clever dame) thorough Republicans. Observe the
Regulars in the two departments of the Rhine are commanded by a
German,[187] and the National Guards by a Lt.-Colonel who is a
Livonian. Mirabeau's Corps seems a miserable collection; several
deserters came from it while I was at Strasburgh. Finally I flattered
myself there would be a compleat _Brouillerie_ between the regulars
and the National Guards before I left that place. The officers of the
latter are naturally disposed to be very absurd. The double pay of
these troops _soldès_ is likely to have an excellent effect on the
_Troupes de ligne_. I found about 100 French officers at Manterin.
Towards 900 at Worms. Bouillé and a certain number are at Mayence.

Including upwards of 900 of the Gardes du Corps and near 20 Generals,
there are 2500 Officers at Coblentz. I was very graciously received
by the Princes. They give a supper every night, where I had the
amusement of being introduced to Marshal Broglie,[188] &c., &c. The
Prince of Condé and Duc de Bourbon were there on a visit. Romanzov
has brought credentials and two millions of livres French from
the Empress; Calonne is at Baths not far distant for his health;
Burke's son had been sometime at Coblentz and was gone to England
with Cazalés. Our King has written a very amicable letter to the
Princes promising neutrality. I went to Cologne to see the Marshal de
Castries. He was gone to Brussels, where I found him. At every inn I
found 20 or 30 French Officers, the road is covered with them from
Brussels to Coblentz. Nothing can be worse timed than this desertion.
It is a Phrenzy and was like wildfire. They would be much better
with their regiments and ready in the country to protect Friends
and to avail themselves of circumstances. The most sensible of the
French disapprove this migration. The officers leave their Regiments
without concert with the Princes, who have not lately encouraged it.
There seems to be no particular plan at present but to wait events. I
unfortunately missed the Abbé Maury passing to Coblentz. I wished to
know him. He is a Cardinal _in petto_. He is to have the Arch-Bishop
of Sens's Hat. The regular regiments were long ago ordered to be
completed to the war establishment, but on an average they have
not above half their complements, and on the frontier of the Low
Countries there is not an officer left except Soldiers of Fortune.

_L'Esprit de Revolution_ is not likely to flourish again for some
time in the Pais Bas. I found Imperial and Electoral troops in
possession of Liège, and new taxes laid to pay expenses, viz. on
Dogs, Servants, bachelors, &c. The Discontents in the Austrian
Netherlands are not likely to be of much consequence, a great part
of the country was miserably duped and the whole thrown into such an
execrable state, that none but the lowest of the creation can wish
for another experiment at a Revolution. The leading party among the
enemies of the House of Austria being Clergy and Aristocrates cannot
coalesce easily with the Democrates of France. All the Provinces
except Brabant are content. Many say a counter-revolution in France
is impossible, because the Mass of the People are of one mind. Not
near so much as the Austrian Netherlands were. There almost every
man was a Patriot, yet the moment an army appeared there was not a
struggle. The different extent of country, &c., prevent a correct
comparison.

However, it may be observed that France has not a neighbour that is
not unfriendly to the Revolution. I have the worst opinion of the
French Army. The National Guard behaved execrably at Nancy, where
alone they have been tried. We indeed were told the contrary. Some
Swiss officers (Democrates) who acted against the regiment of Chateau
Vieux[189] have given me details. You may be sure that the Regulars
and National Guards will not agree. I am satisfied that of those
officers who remain with the Regiments, almost all except soldiers of
fortune are aristocrates. The soldiers do _not desert_, but they say
they will go to Paris. They will enter into the _Gardes Nat. soldès_,
and they go where they please; nobody can stop them. Yet with such a
King the situation of the Aristocrates is very difficult. Divisions
will naturally take place, the Kingdom is _en traine_ to be torn to
pieces. A foreign army on the Frontier or advancing to Paris might
unite them, therefore it may be better to wait events. At the same
time I have not a notion that a French army would fight under its
present circumstances.

[Sidenote: THE MEETING AT PILNITZ.]

It was a comfort to see the excellent Bohemian and Hungarian Infantry
in the Austrian Netherlands. They are in fine order. The Treaty of
the 23rd of July last between the Emperor and the King of Prussia has
been well concealed.[190] It is defensive. The supposition is that
Prussia is dissatisfied with England. If Russia should accede to the
Treaty (which is not thought unlikely), we shall be compleatly left
in the lurch.

Maria has been alert and well-disposed to your correspondence. She
seemed pleased with the office, but she will expect an answer. She
has saved me from writing sooner. From Brussels we went to Antwerp,
Ghent, Bruges, Ostende, and Dunkirk to this place. Mi Ladi continues
the same. I should have stopped more than three days at Brussels if I
had not been afraid of the division of Mrs. Maynard. Say everything
kind for us to the de Severy family. If Mi Ladi does not reply
soon to the Fils, I shall. I found letters at Brussels by which I
learn that your £2000 is accepted by the Navigation Society, that
Mr. Taylor has found a mortgage for £5000 in Yorkshire. He says
somewhat of its being more convenient if the money is not paid till
a little time hence, and I also learn that my worldly affairs, and
the Navigation, have gone on as badly as might be expected from my
absence.

Remember us to Mrs. Grevers.

  [187] The Baron de Luckner (1722-1794), a Bavarian, entered the
  French service after the Seven Years' War, was made a marshal in
  1791, and guillotined in 1794.

  [188] The Duc de Broglie (1718-1804), one of the most
  distinguished of the French generals during the Seven Years' War,
  was made a marshal in 1759. Louis XVI. appointed him in 1789
  Minister of War; but he was among the earliest of the _émigrés_.
  He entered the Russian service in 1794.

  [189] In August, 1790, the Swiss Regiment of Château-Vieux
  mutinied at Metz, demanding arrears of pay. They fired upon
  the National Guard, seized the regimental treasury, and killed
  Desilles. The outbreak was quelled by Bouillé. Of the survivors
  of the Regiment of Château-Vieux, twenty-three were hanged,
  and forty-one sent to the galleys. These galley-slaves were
  subsequently released; a _fête_ in their honour was decreed by
  the Assembly; their chains hung up as trophies in the Jacobin
  Club at Brest, and the men carried through Paris in triumph on
  April 15, 1792.

  [190] The meeting of the King Frederick William of Prussia and
  the Emperor Leopold of Austria at Pilnitz in 1791, excited the
  greatest interest in Europe. It was supposed at the time that the
  second partition of Poland was there concerted. But no definite
  declaration in common seems to have been signed at that time
  by the two sovereigns, except an engagement to make certain
  representations to the French Government as to Louis XVI., the
  Monarchy, and the restoration of property to the _émigrés_, and
  to invite an European concert for the purpose of enforcing these
  representations.

579.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

[Incomplete in original.]

The increase of Mi Ladi's woman, and apprehensions thereon, made it
necessary to shorten my visits. You have heard of the little accident
on board the Packet. You know dear Puff has a great dislike to cats.
About midnight, midway between France and England, an hideous noise
like that of a cat in the act of being strangled was heard. Puff
barked and was furious. I looked out of my den, and beheld it was
an human kitten that proceeded from Mrs. Maynard who was prostrate
on the floor. My Lady also incumbent there. Maria contemplative and
Louisa astonished. Not a creature on board the Packet but ourselves
and the crew. We never know what we may come to, and above all we
should not have guessed that Mi Ladi was to become a mid-wife. The
mother and child could not have been better, (and have continued
so,) if all the obstetric Faculty of Paris and London had attended.
The mother was so well that she expressed the greatest anxiety to go
with us the day following above 80 miles across the country to this
place. We left her in good lodgings and in good care. The want of her
prevented the Ladies from passing two days at Lord Guilford's. We
found two letters from him at Dover and a dozen messages. I went and
had a pleasant dinner with him, and returned at night to the Ladies.

I must now come to the unpleasant part, your business. Immediately on
my return I wrote to Taylor about the £5000 mortgage. I have a letter
full of disappointment. The person to be paid off has accepted low
interest. He complains of being frequently thus treated. Don't bother
yourself. I still hope soon to settle the business.

I wrote you a long letter from Calais.

580.

_The Hon. Maria Holroyd to Edward Gibbon._

  Sheffield Place, Nov. 13th, 1791.

It is with a mixture of satisfaction & regret, that I complete my
part of our engagement in writing this Letter. I find great pleasure
in being returned to dear, precious Sheffield, & in telling you so,
because I am sure you will be glad to hear we are safe and well;
but writing to you the last letter is like a second taking leave,
& tho' I have been near six weeks upon the journey from Lausanne,
that moment is still as fresh in my memory as it was the next day,
& the recollection of it as unpleasing. If I _dared_ I would ask to
be allowed to tell you we were alive, now & then when Papa & Mama
were in an idle mood, & to be allowed to _hope_ for an answer _once_
in _two_ or _three years_, in your own hand or not, as you thought
proper or found convenient.

[Sidenote: DISTRESSES UPON THE SEA.]

I was very glad Papa wrote a long letter from Calais, as his
information about things in general would be more interesting to you
than mine, as I suppose he gave you a full account of our route from
Brussells to Calais. I will only tell you that I was very much amused
at Antwerp, & that I _catch_ myself, now & then, _making believe_ to
know a good Picture from a bad one--having seen so many excellent
ones lately. We left Calais last Sunday at 9 in the morning, having
waited three days for a favorable wind, & at last in despair, set off
in a perfect Calm, which prolonged our passage 24 hours--which was
uncommonly tedious, & very bad luck, as our Passage from Brighton was
as tiresome in coming over. However to pass the time, or to diversify
the amusements of the Passage, which from the sickness of the Company
would have preserved some degree of sameness, Mrs. Maynard with
Mama's assistance, half way between Calais & Dover, presented the
cabbin boy with a _Sea Nymph_; which with its Mother are now _as well
as can be expected_, at Cap^n Sampson's house at Dover. I have heard
that Sailors, when they come from a voyage, find great pleasure in
talking of & recollecting Toils & Dangers past--such is our case;
for we have laughed very heartily here, at our Distresses upon the
Sea--which certainly at the time was no laughing matter.

We found the inhabitants of S. P. in excellent preservation & quite
rejoyced to see us returned--most of them, when we left England,
being convinced we should be all massacred by the National Assembly
in a very short time. I hope the quiet life of this place will soon
restore Mama's health & spirits, who desires her kindest remembrances
to you & those we love at Lausanne. Do not let anybody forget us, for
we forget nobody.

  Ever much y^{rs},
  M. T. HOLROYD.

581.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Sheffield Place, 13th Dec., 1791.

My Lady is getting quite well. Bratts very fond of their Swiss Tour.
I have passed a week very pleasantly in London. King apparently
quite well. Lally a great favourite with Lord Loughborough. He
assisted at a copious dinner at Batt's, and said he never enjoyed
one more interesting. He saw Lord Guilford on his passage through
London, who was well pleased with him, as also is Douglas. Tell Mr.
Trevor good care will be taken of him. La Comtesse de Lally seems
to preserve a strict incognito. Lady Loughborough visits her. I
can only collect that she doth not appear to like to go out. It
is said, she has not confined her practices to Lally. Introduced
him to Burke, who says the said Lally persists in his errors, and
justifies all his mischievous conduct in the beginning, and the said
Burke is as ridiculous and as absurd as may be imagined.[191] I have
been presented to Cazalés (who resides with Burke), but I had not
an opportunity of seeing anything of him. England has supplied and
has been paid for 36,000 stand of arms for the Emigrants. The Corps
Diplomatique at London says that Spain has sent 5 millions of livres
to the Princes, and Portugal 4 millions--Berlin 2 millions.

I have expectation of seeing Batt and Lally here at Christmas. Tell
Levade I have only just learned where to find his son-in-law. I hope
also to see him here. People begin to talk of 3½ per Cent. for
money.

  [191] In his _Letter to a Member of the National Assembly_, dated
  January 19, 1791 (_Works_ (1855), vol. ii. pp. 546, 547), Burke
  spoke severely of Mounier and Lally. He took up the position of
  a French aristocrat, and treated the English Constitution as
  unsuited to France. Lally replied to him in his _Lettre au très
  hon. Edm. Burke, membre du parlement d'Angleterre_ (June 20,
  1791), and in his _Seconde lettre_ in 1792. In these letters he
  defended the aims of the constitutional reformers in France.

582.

_Lord Sheffield to Edward Gibbon._

  Sheffield Place, 25th Dec., 1791.

I am obliged to write to you, otherwise it would not be proper,
because we are determined to starve you into a more decent
deportment; not a fragment from you except the medley to Maria.
She has been so zealous in your service, that she deserved more
notice. The obligation to write is that a pipe of Madeira (which has
travelled and is very good) is ordered to set out for Lausanne by the
same consignment and way as the last, _ergo_ you must give notice to
your correspondent at Basle, &c.

[Sidenote: MARRIAGE, BATTLE, FIRE, AND SCANDAL.]

Nothing extraordinary has occurred in this family since my last.
My Lady is better. We expect Batt to-morrow, probably Lally, and
also Mr. Levade's son-in-law, with whom I have corresponded. The
Duchess of York[192] almost smothered the French Revolution in this
country; Lord Cornwallis's operations[193] almost suppressed the
Duchess of York, and I daresay the Duke of Richmond's fire[194]
has afforded some relief to Lord Cornwallis. I should be happy to
furnish you with as much scandal as possible, but I know of no event
of the kind worth record, unless Lady Belmore's[195] trip to the
Continent incontinently with Lord Ancrum should be deemed so, and
Lady Tyrconnell's[196] Flight to Glamis Castle with Lord Strathmore.
These amiable women have left behind them grown daughters. May the
Mamas----

I have secured for you the famous Shakespear; Boydel[197] is
satisfied that I subscribed for two setts. It is by far the finest
book ever printed. I have your first number and 5 large and 5 small
prints in my possession, but I shall not send them--you must come for
them.

As you care nothing about the good of the nation, it is almost
unnecessary to mention that the gross produce of the Permanent
Revenue last year, including Land and Malt, amounted to £20,355,380
exclusive of fines, forfeitures, Taxes on Places, First Fruits,
&c., amounting to £125,476 and the profit of the Lottery. The Gross
Excise last year £9,054,850, encrease this year £1,200,000, of which
£800,000 are old and £400,000 new Duties. The British Shipping has
increased 318,522 tons since 1773. The whole tonnage of France is not
much more than a fourth more. Their tonnage in 1787 was little more
than a fifth of ours.

Lord Cornwallis[198] has been marching about in Tippoo's country
for six weeks to prove that it was not the monsoon that obliged
him to quit Seringapatam. Was it not a curious omission to have
neither a minister nor a spy in the Maratta Camp, and was it not
an extraordinary folly to risk an engagement for the purpose of
besieging Seringapatam 9 days before there was an absolute famine
in the English Camp? Abercrombie's cattle were all swept away by
Tippoo's General, and neither Abercrombie nor any of his officers
have a second coat or shirt.

We never had cavalry in an Indian Army before. It was the great
strength of this famous army. It is all ruined.

  [192] On October 1, 1791, the Duke of York was married at Berlin
  to the Princess Frederica of Prussia. On November 23 they were
  remarried, at seven o'clock in the evening, at "the Queen's
  house" in London.

  [193] In India against Tippoo. See note at the end of the letter.

  [194] Between 9 and 12 a.m. on December 21, 1791, the Duke of
  Richmond's house in Privy Gardens, now called Whitehall Gardens,
  was almost completely destroyed by fire.

  [195] Henrietta, daughter of John, second Earl of Buckinghamshire
  (born 1762), married, in 1780, Armar Corry, Earl of Belmore, from
  whom she was divorced in 1792. She afterwards, April 16, 1793,
  married William, Earl of Ancram.

  [196] The Countess of Tyrconnel, the second wife of the Earl
  of Tyrconnel, was the youngest daughter of Lord Delaval, and
  therefore a niece of the notorious Sir Francis Delaval. Rumour
  had coupled her name with that of the Duke of York (Wraxall's
  _Posthumous Memoirs_, vol. iii. p. 192).

  [197] John Boydell, in 1786, began to prepare his illustrated
  edition of Shakespeare, and built a gallery in Pall Mall for the
  exhibition of the pictures painted for the work. The work was
  published in eighteen parts, of which the first appeared in 1791,
  and the whole was completed in 1802.

  [198] The third Mysore war began with the invasion of the
  protected district of Travancore in 1789 by Tippoo, who laid
  waste the Carnatic almost to the gates of Madras. The war lasted
  for three years. Lord Cornwallis, in April and May, 1791,
  advanced from Bangalore to Seringapatam, and drove Tippoo's
  army before him into the capital (May 15). General Abercromby,
  advancing towards the same point from the west, reached
  Periapatnam. But, owing to the difficulty of crossing the swollen
  Cavery, the two forces could not unite. A few days later, the
  heavy rains and want of provisions compelled Cornwallis (May
  26) to retire, leaving the greater part of his heavy artillery.
  At the same time Abercromby retreated to Tellicherry on the