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30,000 LOCKED OUT.

THE GREAT STRIKE OF THE BUILDING TRADES IN CHICAGO.

BY JAMES C. BEEKS.

CHICAGO:

PRESS OF THE FRANZ GINDELE PRINTING CO.

1887.

INTRODUCTION.

The attention of the world has been called to the great strike and
lockout in the building trades in Chicago because it rested upon the
question of individual liberty--a question which is not only vital alike
to the employer and the employe, but which affects every industry, every
class of people, every city, state and country. It is a principle which
antagonizes no motive which has been honestly conceived, but upon which
rests--or should rest--the entire social, political and industrial
fabric of a nation. It underlies the very foundation of free
institutions. To antagonize it is to thrust at the beginning point of
that freedom for which brave men have laid down their lives in every
land since the formation of society. With this question prominently in
the fight, and considering the magnitude of the interests affected, it
is not at all surprising that the public has manifested interest in the
agitation of questions which have affected the pockets of thirty
thousand artisans and laborers, hundreds of employers, scores of
manufacturers and dealers in building materials, stopped the erection of
thousands of structures of all classes, and driven into the vaults of a
great city capital amounting to not less than $20,000,000.

The labor problem is not new. Neither is it without its perplexities and
its grievances. Its entanglements have puzzled the brightest intellects,
and its grievances have, on many occasions, called loudly for changes
which have been made for the purpose of removing fetters that have
bound men in a system of oppression that resembled the worst form of
slavery. These changes have come none too soon. And, no doubt, there yet
remain cases in which the oppressed should be speedily relieved of
burdens which have been put upon working men and women in every country
under the sun.

But, because these conditions exist with one class of people, it is no
justification for an unreasonable, or exacting demand by another class;
or, that they should be permitted to reverse the order of things and
inaugurate a system of oppression that partakes of a spirit of revenge,
and that one burden after another should be piled up until the exactions
of an element of labor become so oppressive that they are unbearable.
When this is the case, the individual who has been advocating the cause
of freedom--and who has been striving for the release and the elevation
of the laboring classes--becomes, in turn, an oppressor of the worst
kind. He stamps upon the very foundation on which he first rested his
cause. He tramples upon the great cause of individual liberty and
becomes a tyrant whose remorseless system of oppression would crush out
of existence not only the grand superstructure of freedom, but would
bury beneath his iron heel the very germ of his free existence.

The laborer is a necessity. If this is true the converse of the
proposition is equally true--the employer is a necessity. Without the
employer the laborer would be deprived of an opportunity to engage in
the avocation to which his faculties may have been directed. Without the
laborer the employer would be in no position to carry forward any
enterprise of greater or less magnitude.

All cannot be employers.

All cannot be employes.

There must be a directing hand as well as a hand to be directed. In
exercising the prerogative of a director the employer would be powerless
to carry to a successful termination any enterprise if liberty of
action should be entirely cut off, or his directing hand should be so
fettered that it could not exercise the necessary freedom of action to
direct. At the same time, if the employe should be so burdened that he
could not exercise his talents in a manner to compass the line of work
directed to be done, it would be unreasonable to expect from him the
accomplishment of the task to which he had been assigned. There is a
relation between the two around which such safeguards should be thrown
as will insure that free action on the part of both that will remove the
possibility of oppression, and at the same time retain, in its fullest
sense, the relation of employer and employe. The necessity of the one to
the other should not be forgotten.

That the employer should have the right to direct his business in a
manner that will make it successful, and for his interest, none should
have the right to question. The successful direction of an enterprise by
an employer results, necessarily, in the security of employment by the
employe.

A business which is unsuccessfully prosecuted, or which is fettered by
the employe in a manner which prevents its successful prosecution, must,
of necessity, result in displacing the most trusted servant, or the most
skilled artisan.

An employer, in the direction of his business, should not be denied the
right to decide for himself whom he shall employ, or to select those who
may be best fitted to accomplish his work.

An employe should expect employment according to his ability to perform
the work to be done.

A skillful artisan should not be expected to accept the reward of one
unskilled in the same trade.

An unskilled workman should not receive the same wages paid to a skilled
workman.

Had these rules been recognized by the bricklayers in Chicago there
would have been no strike, no lockout. The fight was against the right
of the employer to direct his own business. It was originated by a
class of men who claimed the right to demand that all bricklayers should
be paid the same rate per hour, regardless of their ability; that none
should be employed except those who were members of The United Order of
American Bricklayers and Stonemasons of Chicago; and that every edict
issued by this union should be obeyed by the Master Masons, including
the last one made viz: That the pay day should be changed from Monday,
or Tuesday, to Saturday.

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION.

The National Association of Builders convened in Chicago March 29th,
1887, and continued in session three days. This convention was composed
of representatives of the building trades from almost every section of
the country. They came together for the purpose of perfecting the
organization of a National Association in pursuance of a call which had
been made by a committee which met in Boston the previous January.
Delegates were present from twenty-seven cities, as follows:

     Cleveland, Ohio: Thos. Simmons, H. Kickheim, John T. Watterson, S.
     W. Watterson.

     Milwaukee, Wis.: Thos. Mason, Garrett Dunck, John Laugenberger,
     Richard Smith.

     Charleston, S. C.: D. A. J. Sullivan, Henry Oliver.

     Nashville, Tenn.: Daniel S. Wright.

     Detroit, Mich.: Thos. Fairbairn, W. E. Avery, W. J. Stapleton, Jas.
     Roche, W. G. Vinton.

     Minneapolis, Minn.: Thos. Downs, F. B. Long, H. N. Leighton, Geo.
     W. Libby, Herbert Chalker, F. S. Morton.

     Baltimore Md.: John Trainor, John J. Purcell, Geo. W. Hetzell, Wm.
     H. Anderson, Wm. Ferguson, Philip Walsh, Geo. Mann.

     Chicago, Ill.: Geo. Tapper, P. B. Wight, Geo. C. Prussing, W. E.
     Frost, F. V. Gindele, A. W. Murray, J. B. Sullivan.

     St. Paul, Minn.: Edward E. Scribner, J. B. Chapman, E. F. Osborne,
     G. J. Grant, J. H. Donahue, J. S. Burris, J. W. Gregg.

     Buffalo, N. Y.: Chas. Berrick, John Feist, Chas. A. Rupp.

     Cincinnati, Ohio: J. Milton Blair, L. H. McCammon, I. Graveson,
     Jas. Allison, H. L. Thornton, J. C. Harwood, Wm. Schuberth, Jr.

     Philadelphia, Pa.: John S. Stevens, Chas. H. Reeves, D. A.
     Woelpper, Geo. Watson, Wm. Harkness, Jr., Geo. W. Roydhouse, Wm.
     Gray.

     Columbus, Ohio: Geo. B. Parmelee.

     St. Louis Mo.: Andrew Kerr, H. C. Lindsley, John R. Ahrens, John H.
     Dunlap, Anton Wind, Richard Walsh, Wm. Gahl.

     Indianapolis, Ind.: John Martin, J. C. Adams, Fred Mack, G. Weaver,
     C. Bender, Wm. P. Jungclaus, Peter Rautier.

     New Orleans, La.: A. J. Muir, H. Hofield, F. H. West.

     Boston, Mass.: Leander Greely, Ira G. Hersey, John A. Emery, Wm.
     Lumb, J. Arthur Jacobs, Francis Hayden, Wm. H. Sayward.

     New York City: A. J. Campbell, A. G. Bogert, John Byrns, John
     McGlensey, Marc Eidlitz, John J. Tucker.

     Troy, N. Y.: C. A. Meeker.

     Albany, N. Y.: David M. Alexander

     Worcester, Mass.: E. B. Crane, O. W. Norcross, Henry Mellen, O. S.
     Kendall, Robt. S. Griffin, Geo. H. Cutting.

     Grand Rapids, Mich.: John Rawson, James Curtis, H. E. Doren, J. D.
     Boland, C. H. Pelton, W. C. Weatherly, C. A. Sathren.

     Sioux City, Iowa.: Fred F. Beck.

     Pittsburgh and Allegheny City, Pa.: Geo. A. Cochran, Saml. Francis,
     Alex. Hall, R. C. Miller, Geo. S. Fulmer.

     Providence, R. I.: Geo. R. Phillips, Richard Hayward. Geo. S. Ross.

     Rochester, N. Y.: Chas. W. Voshell.

     Washington, D. C.: Thos. J. King.

George C. Prussing, of Chicago, presided, and William H. Sayward, of
Boston, was secretary of the convention. Mr. Sayward appointed as his
assistants J. Arthur Jacobs, of Boston, and W. Harkness, Jr., of
Philadelphia.

In adopting a constitution the objects of the organization were set
forth in the following article:

Article II. The fundamental objects of this association shall be to
foster and protect the interests of contractors, manual workmen, and
all others concerned in the erection and construction of buildings; to
promote mechanical and industrial interests; to acquire, preserve and
disseminate valuable information connected with the building trades; to
devise and suggest plans for the preservation of mechanical skill
through a more complete and practical apprenticeship system, and to
establish uniformity and harmony of action among builders throughout the
country. The better to accomplish these objects, this association shall
encourage the establishment of builders' exchanges in every city or town
of importance throughout the country, and shall aid them to organize
upon some general system that will not conflict with local customs and
interests, in order that through these filial associations the
resolutions and recommendations of this National Association may be
promulgated and adopted in all localities.

Not content with setting out the objects of the association in a short
section of a constitution, the convention deemed it advisable that its
objects should be defined in a manner that could not be misunderstood.
The members were aware of the fact that the convention was being watched
by builders everywhere, and that the eye of the public was upon every
movement made. But they more fully understood that the artisans and
laborers connected with the building trades throughout the country would
criticise their every act, and unless their position was definitely and
clearly set out they might be misunderstood. To avoid this, and to place
the objects fairly before the public, the convention unanimously adopted
the following:

     DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES.

     1. This association affirms that absolute personal independence of
     the individual to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ,
     is a fundamental principle which should never be questioned or
     assailed; that upon it depends the security of our whole social
     fabric and business prosperity, and that employers and workmen
     should be equally interested in its defense and preservation.

     While upholding this principle as an essential safeguard for all
     concerned, this association would appeal to employers in the
     building trades to recognize that there are many opportunities for
     good in associations of workmen, and while condemning and opposing
     improper action upon their part, they should aid and assist them in
     all just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental
     principles it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are
     still many points upon which conferences and arbitrations are
     perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it is a
     manifest duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by
     associations to confer together to the end that strikes, lockouts,
     and other disturbances may be prevented.

     When such conferences are entered into, care should be taken to
     state clearly in advance that this fundamental principle must be
     maintained, and that such conferences should only be competent to
     report results in the form of resolutions of recommendation to the
     individuals composing the various organizations participating,
     avoiding all forms of dictatorial authority.

     2. That a uniform system of apprenticeship should be adopted by the
     various mechanical trades; that manual training schools should be
     established as a part of the public school system; and, that trade
     night schools should be organized by the various local trade
     organizations for the benefit and improvement of apprentices.

     3. This association earnestly recommends all its affiliated
     associations to secure, as soon as possible, the adoption of a
     system of payment "by the hour" for all labor performed, other than
     "piece work" or "salary work," and to obtain the co-operation of
     associations of workmen in this just and equitable arrangement.

     4. That all blank forms of contracts for buildings should be
     uniform throughout the United States. That such forms of contract,
     with the conditions thereof, should be such as will give the
     builder, as well as the owner, the protection of his rights, such
     as justice demands. That whenever a proper form has been approved
     by this association, after consultation with the American Institute
     of Architects, and the Western Association of Architects, we
     recommend its use by every builder and contractor.

     5. The legislatures of the various states should be petitioned to
     formulate and adopt uniform lien laws and every organization
     represented in this association is recommended to use its best
     endeavors to secure the passage of the same.

     6. Architects and builders should be required to adopt more
     effectual safeguards in buildings in process of construction, so as
     to lessen the danger of injury to workmen and others.

     7. We recommend the adoption of a system of insurance against
     injuries by accident to workmen in the employ of builders, wherein
     the employer may participate in the payment of premiums for the
     benefit of his employes. Also in securing the payment of annuities
     to workmen who may become permanently disabled, through injuries
     received by accident or the infirmities of old age.

When this declaration was sent out it set the laborer to thinking, and
the public generally to reflecting upon the relation between the
employer and the employe, especially in the building trades.

The first paragraph affirming "that absolute personal independence of
the individual to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a
fundamental principle which should never be questioned or assailed," was
regarded as a declaration of right, justice and liberty that ought to be
universally accepted. And yet it has not been so accepted. It is utterly
rejected in practice, if not in so many words, in almost every case of
strike. In one way or another the strikers prevent others from
exercising that right to work and to employ, or attempt to do so, thus
assuming for themselves superior rights and despotic powers.

While the builders emphatically affirmed the fundamental principle of
right and liberty, they did not condemn associations of workmen. On the
contrary, they recognized the fact that there were "many opportunities
for good" in such associations, and appealed to employers in the
building trades to assist them in all just and honorable purposes. This
was certainly liberal, in view of the fact that labor organizations are
continually used as agencies for interfering with men in the exercise of
their rights.

The convention declared that upon fundamental principles it would be
useless to confer, or arbitrate. The members did not even stoop to
notice the nonsensical notion of compulsory arbitration, or arbitration
under the forms of law, which has found expression in one or two state
laws and in one or two bills that have been introduced in congress, and
which is not arbitration at all. But, while upon fundamental principles
they perceived the uselessness of arbitration, yet they declared that
there were many points upon which conferences and arbitration were
perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it was a manifest
duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by associations to
confer together, to the end that strikes, lockouts, and other
disturbances might be prevented. They did not, however, lose sight of
the fundamental principle first affirmed, but held that the results of
conferences should take the form of resolutions of recommendation, and
that all forms of dictatorial authority should be avoided. They are
evidently willing to meet the men half way when there is really anything
to confer about.

As a whole, the platform of principles upon which the convention planted
itself is unassailable by the most critical objector among the
disturbing element of labor. It was to be hoped that they would be fully
accepted and thoughtfully regarded by the workmen in the building
trades.

But, such was not, generally, the case. The leading element in the labor
organizations has cultivated an antagonistic spirit that rebels against
every proposition or suggestion from any association that is not in
strict accord with their own distorted views. This element watched the
National Association of Builders very closely, and to them the fact that
the constitution and the declaration of principles were eminently just
and fair to the workingman, was the greater reason why they should
exercise toward the whole a spirit of bitter antagonism. Otherwise, that
element of labor which permits others to do their thinking, could not be
moulded in the hand of the leader whose leadership depends upon the
ability to make every act of the employer to appear in a hideous light.
The fairness of the convention, and the justness of the principles
enunciated, stimulated the leaders to renewed efforts to widen the
breach between the employes and the employers in the building trades.
They saw that unless the rebellious, revengeful spirit was nurtured, the
thinking better, more reasonable element, might break away and follow
the "master." New demands were made upon the employer with a full
knowledge that they would not be acceded to, for the purpose of
precipitating a general strike, and it came.

THE CAUSE OF THE LOCK-OUT.

The immediate cause of the great lockout dated to a proposition for
Saturday as a pay-day, which was made April 11th, 1887, by the passage
of a resolution by the United Order of American Bricklayers and
Stonemasons of Chicago, declaring that from and after that date the
contracting masons should pay their employes on Saturday. The
contractors were not asked to change the time of payment--from Monday or
Tuesday, as had been the custom for many years--the union simply
resolved that they should do so. No official notice of the passage of
the resolution was sent to the Master Masons' association. They were not
conferred with to see if it would be convenient, nor were they
_requested_ to change the time. The resolution itself proposed to do the
work for the employer without consulting him in reference to the change.
The first intimation the Master Masons had of the passage of the
resolution came in the shape of a demand of the foreman on each job to
know if they were to be paid on Saturday. This demand was coupled with a
statement that they would not work if they were not paid on that day,
_as the union had changed the pay-day_.

With some employers such a demand would have been a great surprise. It
was not so with the Master Masons of Chicago. They had endured so much
of an arbitrary character from the Bricklayers' union that they were not
surprised at anything, unless it might have been the absence of a demand
upon them for a change of some kind. This demand--had it come in the
form of a request, or had a conference been invited to consider the
proposition for a change of the pay-day--might have been conceded. But
the manner in which it was presented gave notice to the Master Masons
that the time had arrived for them to assert a little manhood, and to
show to the great public that they had some "rights" which should be
recognized.

This--apparently minor--proposition dates back to "a long and
distinguished line of ancestors," whose exactions have been of a
character bordering upon oppression. They had their beginning with the
strike of the bricklayers in the spring of 1883, when there was a
stoppage of building for nine weeks on account of what were believed to
be unreasonable demands of the Bricklayers' union.

Jan. 1, 1883, the Union passed a resolution fixing the rate of wages at
$4 a day, and another that they would not work with "Scabs." Previous to
this the wages had been $3 and $3.50 per day. An attempt was made to put
these resolutions in force the first week in April. The contractors had
not been considered in arranging these questions, and for this reason
they rebelled against what they regarded as arbitrary action. After a
struggle which lasted nine weeks, three prominent architects, Messrs. D.
Alder, W. W. Boyington and Julius Bauer, addressed communications to the
Master Masons and the Union, requesting them to appoint committees to
arbitrate their differences. The request was promptly acceded to by both
sides, and on the 29th of May, 1883, the joint committee made the
following award:

     In order to end the strike of the United Order of American
     Bricklayers and Stonemasons of Chicago (hereinafter designated as
     the union), who quit their work on March 31, 1883, and in the
     belief that, by the establishment of a standing committee of
     arbitration, all differences may be settled satisfactorily, and
     strikes and lockouts prevented in the future, and that this will
     lay the foundation for a better understanding and amicable
     relations such as should exist between employer and employe; now,
     therefore,

     We, the undersigned, Joseph J. Rince, William Ray and Peter Nelson,
     being a committee appointed for this purpose in special meeting of
     the United Order of American Bricklayers and Stonemasons, held on
     Monday evening, May 28, at Greenebaum's hall, and empowered to act
     for and in behalf of said organization, and to bind its members by
     our action, on the one part, and Messrs. George Tapper, George C.
     Prussing and E. F. Gobel, being the executive committee of the
     Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' Association, and who are fully
     authorized to act for the said organization in the premises, on the
     other part, have, and do agree that from and after this 29th day of
     May, 1883:

     1. Foremen shall not be members of the journeymen's union, and when
     a member is made foreman he shall be suspended from active
     membership while employed in that capacity. Foremen may work on the
     wall.

     2. Competent journeymen bricklayers and stonemasons working in the
     city may join the union in the regular way, should they so desire,
     by paying $10 as an initiation fee, but they shall not be compelled
     or forced to join in any way until July 1, 1883, and then only as
     provided in section 3 of article 4 of the by-laws of the union.

     3. Former members of the union who returned to their work on or
     before May 26, 1883, and are for that act expelled, shall be
     regarded and treated in all respects like other outsiders. The
     members who returned to their work on and after May 28, 1883, are
     hereby declared in good standing.

     4. The wages of competent journeymen are hereby declared to be 40
     cents per hour. To such of the members of the union who can not
     earn the wages hereby established, their employer shall certify,
     upon application, this fact and the rate paid them, and the
     presentation of such certificate at the union shall entitle them to
     an "instruction card," and they shall be enrolled as "working
     under instructions" until they produce proof of being full and
     competent journeymen.

     5. In January of each year a joint committee of conference and
     arbitration, consisting of five members of each--the Union and the
     Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' Association--shall be
     appointed and serve for one year. To this joint committee shall be
     referred all questions of wages and any other subject in which both
     bodies are interested, and all grievances existing between members
     of one body and members of the other, or between a member of one
     body and a member of the other. This committee, properly
     constituted and assembled, shall have full power to decide all
     questions referred to them, and such decision shall be final and
     binding on all members of either organization. A majority vote
     shall decide. In case of a tie vote on any question, which
     consequently can not be decided by the committee as constituted, a
     judge of a United States court, or any disinterested person on whom
     the members thereof may agree, shall be elected umpire, who shall
     preside at a subsequent meeting of the committee and have the
     casting vote on the question at issue. All members of the union
     shall remain at their work continuously while said committee of
     arbitration is in session, subject to the decision of said
     committee.

     6. Journeymen shall be paid by the hour for work actually rendered,
     with this exception: From April 1 to Nov. 1 work will be suspended
     at 5 o'clock on Saturdays, and all employes who have worked up to
     this hour on that day will receive pay for an extra hour. And we
     also agree and declare that the article of the constitution and
     by-laws of the union which refers to apprentices is wrong, and
     shall be referred to the joint committee of arbitration hereby
     provided in January next, for amendment, revision, or repeal.

     In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals this
     29th day of May, 1883.

     JOSEPH J. RINCE,
     WILLIAM RAY,
     PETER NELSON,

     Committee of the United Order of American Bricklayers and
     Stonemasons of Chicago.

     GEORGE TAPPER,
     GEORGE C. PRUSSING,
     E. F. GOBEL,

     Committee of the Chicago Master Masons' and Builders' Association.

The bricklayers met May 31, and repudiated the action of the joint
committee. William Ray made the remarkable announcement to the Union
that section four--relating to journeymen under "instructions"--was not
in the original draft, and that he never would have signed the agreement
if it had been. He charged Mr. Prussing with slipping that section in
after the agreement had been signed. On motion of Mr. Mulrany the
agreement, or award, was referred back to the joint committee. In view
of the fact that it was the award of a committee which the Union had
created, its repudiation was a startling act. But, under threats of
violence to the union members of the committee, this action had to be
taken as a precaution of safety.

The Master Masons met the same day and unanimously approved the action
of the joint committee. While they were in session information was
received of the charge made against Mr. Prussing. The charge was not
only denied by Mr. Prussing, but he at once procured affidavits from
William E. Mortimer and two others, who had heard the original draft of
the agreement read, all of whom swore that the document had not been
tampered with, but contained section 4 when the committee signed it.

Even this did not satisfy the Union. They met again June 1, and again
repudiated the action of the joint committee by adopting the following,
which they addressed to George Tapper, president of the Master Masons'
and Builders' association:

     In view of the present difficulties which have arisen from the
     action of a committee appointed May 28 from this Union in acting
     contrary to their instructions, we offer the following for your
     consideration:

     1. On April 1, this year, we asked $4 per day from April 1, 1883,
     to Nov. 1, 1883, and 40 cents per hour from Nov. 1, 1883, to April
     1, 1884, as the minimum wages for all members of this Union, and
     this we strictly adhere to.

     2. We accept the situation as it is, take back all deserters from
     our Union, and deal with all strangers according to article 4,
     section 3, contained in our constitution and by-laws.

     3. We believe in arbitration, and will agree to appoint a committee
     of five for one year to meet a like committee from your
     association, to which joint committee will be referred all
     grievances which may hereafter arise, and for the purpose of
     preventing strikes in the future.

Instead of showing a disposition to confer and adjust differences, the
Union passed upon all question and notified the employers that the
ultimatum must be accepted, as the Union would "strictly adhere to" the
action of April 1, notwithstanding the fact that all differences had
been adjusted by arbitration. In the face of the act of repudiation the
Union made this amendment: "We believe in arbitration" ... "for the
purpose of preventing strikes in the future."

Two days later, June 3, the Union held another meeting which was
enlivened by charging the arbitration committee with treason, and
threatening to lynch them. William Ray, one of the committee, made the
announcement that he had done right in signing the award, and if it was
to do over he would do the same thing again. This statement inflamed the
crowd to such an extent that Ray was attacked and severely beaten. The
other members of the committee escaped without injury. On June 5, at
another meeting of the bricklayers, President Rince was deposed, the
open charge being made that he had "sold them out." A resolution was
then passed directing the men to go to work at $4 a day wherever they
pleased, provided they did not work under a non-union foreman. This
section had the effect of settling the strike. It was a drawn battle.
The men were only too glad to go to work, and took advantage of the
first order made on the subject. They worked by the side of non-union
men for a time, but gradually drove them out of the city or took them
into the Union for the purpose of increasing their strength. They then
cut loose from the International association, made the initiation fee
$25, and shut out every bricklayer who would not join their Union. As
has been frequently remarked, "they built a wall around the city," and
then demanded everything and got it, because the "bosses" were powerless
to refuse their demands.

While the result of the strike of 1883 was referred to as a drawn
battle, it was a defeat for the Master Masons, because they then laid
the groundwork for other demands and strikes, the fruits of which they
have been forced to eat when they were bitter as gall. The battle should
have been won then, and the troubles which have since come might have
been unknown.

During the strike the International union had assisted the Chicago
bricklayers to the extent of $13,000, which had enabled them to hold out
longer than they otherwise could have done. After they recovered from
the effects of the strike they were assessed $4,600 to aid the
Pittsburgh strikers, which sum they repudiated, and then withdrew from
the Internationals, claiming that they were independent of any other
organization, and would pay tribute to no other trade. Their base
ingratitude made them objects of scorn among the honest laborers. Their
assessment to aid Pittsburgh was never adjusted.

Following the strike of 1883 demands were made from time to time by the
union, as follows:

     That the hours of labor be reduced while the pay remained
     unchanged.

     That the wages be increased.

     Cutting down the number of apprentices.

     An apprentice over eighteen years of age must be the son of a
     journeyman.

     Foremen must be members of the Union, "but shall not work on a
     wall."

     No non-union bricklayer shall be employed in Chicago.

     An acknowledgment of the potency of the "Walking Delegate."

     Payment of uniform wages to all, irrespective of their
     qualifications.

     Full pay for all delays, however unavoidable.

     Pay for a discharged employe on a job, or for his time while
     waiting for his pay to be taken to him.

     Time and a half for all work in excess of eight hours.

     Double pay for work on Sunday.

     Establishment of the "Walking Delegate."

These are a few of the more important exactions which have been made,
and to avoid strikes had been granted. There were many others, and they
presented themselves from time to time when least expected.

It was supposed that the entire vocabulary of demands had been
exhausted, and that the season of 1887 would pass without a strike, when
the Saturday pay-day bobbed up as a warning to the contractor that the
striker was not without resources, and that there were more to come.

The demands of the bricklayers had been met from time to time by the
Master Masons, and they were generally met in a weak way. Some were
conceded without question, and others were agreed to, after a mild
protest, in order to prevent the stoppage of some important work. The
striker had always been possessed of the knowledge _when to strike_, and
this had been one of the secrets of his success. The rule has been to
make a demand at a time when it was believed the employer would make the
concession, because he could not afford to do otherwise--that the
interest of the pocket of the employer would move him when his sympathy
could not be enlisted.

In the last strike the strikers were disappointed. They inaugurated
their movement upon the contractors at the opening of the building
season and went at it in the old way, assuming that the bosses, who had
so generally conceded everything, would not dare to refuse a simple
proposition like that which contemplated changing the pay-day. But they
struck a snag which grew to immense proportions, especially when the
manufacturers of and dealers in building material stepped up and said
they would quit manufacturing, and would stop selling material until
there was a settlement of the trouble and the principle of "individual
liberty" was recognized. They became an important and strengthening root
to the old snag. They held the key to the situation, and asserted the
right to handle it. They turned it and thirty thousand employes were
locked out.

THE CARPENTERS.

The strikes of 1887 originated with the carpenters. In January steps
were taken which contemplated getting every carpenter in Chicago into a
union. Notice was given by publication that on and after April 4th,
1887, eight hours should constitute a day, and 35 cents an hour should
be the minimum wages for a carpenter. When the time came for the new
order of things to go into effect the Master Carpenters were expected to
meet the demands without objection. They had not been requested to grant
the concessions, and no official notice was sent to the Master
Carpenters' association of the fact that the carpenters had decided to
change the working hours and the rate of pay per hour. On Saturday,
April 2d, 1887, the carpenters made individual demands upon their
several employers for eight hours a day instead of ten hours, and 35
cents an hour instead of 25 and 30 cents an hour, which had been the
rule. Not receiving favorable answers to their demands a meeting was
called for Sunday, April 3d, at Battery D. At this meeting four thousand
carpenters assembled. Reports were made from one hundred and twenty
"bosses," of whom but twenty favored the proposed changes. Seventy-nine
had positively refused to grant any concession. After a lengthy
discussion of the situation in secret session the question of ordering
a general strike was submitted to a vote, and it was carried by what
was said to have been an overwhelming majority. This was the manner in
which the strike was ordered.

After the meeting adjourned the cool announcement was made that if the
Master Carpenters had any propositions to submit, or desired to
communicate with the striking carpenters, they "would be received" at
room 8, No. 76 Fifth avenue.

An order was issued to the effect that no carpenter should be allowed to
work for any contractor, no matter what wages might be offered, until
permission was obtained from the executive board of the Carpenters'
Council, or the strike had been declared off.

On Monday morning there were six thousand idle carpenters in the city,
and the threat was made by the strikers that if the "bosses" did not
accede to their demands all workmen engaged in the building trades would
be called out, and there would be a general strike.

Before 6 o'clock Monday morning, the following notice was sent out to
every carpenter in the city, it being the intention to officially notify
each one of the action taken before they could reach their work:

     DEAR SIR: The decision of the executive board of the United
     Carpenters' Council, ratified by mass-meeting held April 3d, is
     that no union carpenter be allowed to work on any job whatever
     until the demand is acceded to by the bosses as a body. The
     committee is open to conference with the bosses as a body at their
     earliest convenience.

     J. M. STERLING,
     J. BRENNOCK,
     Committee.

There were hundreds who were willing to work, but they were forced to
obey the mandate of the union. They were receiving good wages, and were
satisfied; but, because every "wood-butcher" would not be paid the wages
which a good carpenter could command, they were forced to leave their
work and suffer the consequences of idleness. If they attempted to work
their lives were in danger.

There were three hundred contracting carpenters in the city who employed
from fifteen to two hundred men each. The number of carpenters in the
city working on buildings was about 7,500, and 5,800 of these belonged
to the union. The wages paid ranged from $2.50 to $3.50 a day. Those who
were receiving the smaller amounts were not satisfied, and the strike
was originated for the ostensible purpose of bringing the so-called
"wood-butcher" up to the standard of a carpenter on the question of
wages.

On Monday, April 7th, the Carpenters' Union met and adopted the
following as their ultimatum:

     These are the conditions upon which we will settle this strike:
     That contractors conduct their work under the eight-hour system and
     pay the regular scale of wages--35 cents per hour, subject to
     discharge for incompetency, said conditions to remain in force
     until April 1, 1888, subject, however, to arbitration in case of
     grievances of any kind on either side.

     EXECUTIVE BOARD, UNITED CARPENTERS' COUNCIL.

On the same day the Carpenters and Builders held a mass-meeting at the
Builders' and Traders' exchange. The first action taken was to agree to
stand together on the questions of wages and hours. A resolution was
adopted that eight hours should constitute a day's work, fixing 30 cents
an hour as the minimum price, and to grade the wages from that price up,
according to the worth of the employe.

The executive board of the United Carpenters' Council made the following
announcement:

     In view of the fact that no communication has been received from
     the bosses, it is ordered that no union carpenter be allowed to go
     to work until further notified. The board will be in session at 8
     A. M., April 7, at room 8, Nos. 76 and 78 Fifth avenue. All
     carpenters not on committees are requested to report at 10 A. M.

The strike of the carpenters had begun to affect labor of all kinds on
buildings. Many walls were advanced as far as they could be without the
intervention of the carpenter. No man, other than a union carpenter,
would be allowed to even set a joist. Any attempt to infringe a union
rule was sure to precipitate a strike in another trade. A nervous
feeling pervaded the building interests generally. Every other trade was
in a state of apprehension. The Master Masons were among these. In order
to guard against complications with the bricklayers and stonemasons the
Master Masons' association had a meeting April 7th and adopted the
following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That a committee of three be appointed with full power
     to represent this body in all matters relating to the Bricklayers'
     union, and with instructions to pave the way for the appointment of
     a standing committee of arbitration, to which all questions and
     controversies shall be referred for settlement, in order to prevent
     pecuniary losses to both sides in the future and foster a friendly
     feeling among the members of both bodies.

There had been a few slight differences between employers and employes
which were not readily adjusted, because there seemed to be nobody with
whom an adjustment could be made. A copy of this resolution was sent to
the Bricklayers' union.

April 8th a few boss carpenters called on President Campbell, of the
carpenters' union, and asked for men in order to finish a little
pressing work. They were refused, the president of the union saying:
"Not a man will be allowed to go to work until the bosses recognize the
union and the demands that have been made."

The announcement was made that two hundred and sixty non-association
bosses had signified their willingness to accede to all the union had
asked, and that they would meet at 3 o'clock in Greenebaum's hall to
organize a new association. None of them arrived until long after the
hour, and at 4 o'clock nineteen of the two hundred and sixty got into
the large hall and were comparatively lost. They adjourned to a small
room where they remained but a few minutes and then dispersed. They
acknowledged they had been misled by the strikers, some of whom had
arranged the meeting for the purpose of ascertaining how much
disaffection there was in the ranks of the employers.

The small attendance was a great disappointment to those in charge of
the strike. But they determined to secure an organization among the
"outside bosses," believing it would weaken the effort of the "bosses"
who were standing out against the demands which had been made.

The United Carpenters' Council held a meeting and adopted a resolution
that no terms should be accepted looking toward a settlement of the
difficulty other than a full recognition of the union and every demand
that had been made.

The Bricklayers met and decided to take a hand in the strike of the
carpenters. They adopted a resolution providing that members of their
union should set no window frames, handle no joists, nor do similar work
on buildings in course of construction until the pending trouble was
adjusted. The carpenters were delighted when they were officially
notified of this action, and once more reaffirmed their determination to
stand out. Similar action was taken by the Hodcarriers' union.

Eight union carpenters were arrested for intimidating non-union men
employed on a building on Canal street. They became so violent that the
patrol wagon was called and they were taken to the Desplaines street
station. They were heavily fined.

Prominent Knights of Labor were of the opinion that the offer of the
Master Carpenters of eight hours and 30 cents an hour should have been
accepted. Believing this, they called a meeting of the Knights of Labor
at Uhlich's hall for the purpose of ordering the carpenters to return to
work. This meeting was held April 10th. The hall was packed by a crowd
that was opposed to conceding anything. Those who called the meeting
soon discovered that they would be mobbed if they presented any
proposition to order the carpenters to go to work. A. Beaudry, who was
one of those who called the meeting, and who strongly favored accepting
the offer of the bosses, presided at the meeting, but he dared not
present such a proposition. Instead of the meeting accomplishing the
object for which it had been called, it reversed the expected order and
advocated unity of action, expressing its sentiments by adopting the
following resolution:

     _Resolved_, That this meeting sustains the action of the United
     Carpenters Council and pledges our individual support in their
     future efforts during the struggle.

The result of this attempt to restore harmony was enough to satisfy
fair-minded men that the demands were not those of reason, but were
backed by an element which was composed of the rule-or-ruin class, and
they were satisfied that it was uncontrollable.

A feeble attempt was made to hold a meeting of the "consulting" bosses
at No. 106 Randolph street for the purpose of settling the strike, but
less than a half-dozen appeared on the scene, and the meeting was not
held.

In the evening the Carpenters' and Builders' association met at the
Builders' and Traders' exchange. Vice-President William Hearson
presided. A delegation of sixty representatives of the Carpenters
council invaded the corridors of the exchange. A committee composed of
Messrs. Frost and Woodard, was sent out to see what they wanted, and
returned with the statement that the carpenters were very pleasant, but
full of fight and disposed to stand out all summer.

William Mavor read a communication from the United Carpenters' Council,
stating that it would stand by its original proposition for 35 cents an
hour, and that the union must be recognized. Mr. Mavor stated that the
latter proposition was the sticker, and a great many voices said that
they would never consent. They were willing to treat with the men as
individuals. The report of the committee was received and laid on the
table by a unanimous vote.

S. H. Dempsey presented the following resolution, which was adopted by a
unanimous vote, followed by loud applause:

     _Resolved_, That the secretary of this association be instructed to
     notify through the newspapers all carpenters who are willing to go
     to work on Monday morning at the rate of wages offered by this
     association to appear at their respective places of work, and that
     they will be protected. Otherwise the Master Carpenters will
     advertise for outside workmen.

The following committee was appointed to look after the general
interests of the association:

Francisco Blair, S. H. Dempsey, J. W. Woodard, Jonathan Clark and John
Ramcke.

Monday, April 10th. The executive committee met and organized by
electing officers as follows: J. W. Woodard, chairman; Jonathan Clark,
secretary; John Ramcke, treasurer. The committee issued the following
notice to the public:

     As a notice has been circulated to-day among the master carpenters
     of this city, calling a meeting of the master carpenters for this
     afternoon, we would respectfully ask you to publish the fact that
     this meeting is in no way authorized by the Master Carpenters'
     association, and we will not in any way voice its sentiments or
     recognize its action. Also, that this association will hold no
     meetings, except those authorized by the president or secretary of
     the executive committee. We would also like to make public the fact
     that there are now 175 members in this association, and they
     represent about seven eights of the carpenters in the city. Because
     incorrect reports are apt to be published, and the public interests
     will suffer if this occurs, we would be glad to receive reporters
     at all meetings and place all information in our possession at
     their disposal.

     An erroneous idea of the present situation, or cause of
     disagreement exists, not through the fault of the press, but rather
     through an inaccuracy in presenting the matter. What we would lay
     down as our statement of principles is the following, which were
     formulated as a part of those adopted by the National Association
     of Builders:

     This association affirms that absolute personal independence of the
     individual to work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a
     fundamental principle which should never be questioned or assailed;
     that upon it depends the security of our whole social fabric and
     business prosperity, and that employers and workmen are equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     While upholding this principle as an essential safeguard for all
     concerned, this association would appeal to all employers in the
     building trades to recognize that there are many opportunities for
     good in associations of workmen, and, while condemning and opposing
     improper action upon their part, they should aid and assist them in
     all just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental
     principles it would be useless to confer and arbitrate, there are
     still many points upon which conferences and arbitrations are
     perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it is a
     manifest duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by
     associations to confer together, to the end that strikes, lockouts,
     and other disturbances may be prevented.

     When such conferences are entered into, care should be taken to
     state clearly in advance that this fundamental principle must be
     maintained, and that such conferences should only be competent to
     report results in the form of resolutions of recommendation to the
     individuals composing the various organizations participating,
     avoiding all forms of dictatorial authority.

     The present question is not one of wages or hours, but is solely
     upon our recognition of the union and our acceptance of the
     conditions proposed by the letter received from the Carpenters'
     Union at the meeting of this association Saturday night and printed
     last week. As our code of principles state, we do not oppose
     unions, as we affirm the right of all individuals to form
     associations. This body has received but one communication--that
     referred to--and that a week after all the carpenters in the union
     had struck work. This communication purported to be from the
     executive committee of the Carpenters' Union, but there was neither
     seal nor letter press on the stationery, and there were no names
     representing the executive committee. This association means to
     treat the present disagreement with all fairness, recognizing the
     entire rights of the journeymen, but claiming that we, as
     contractors, have rights as well. Very respectfully,

     JONATHAN CLARK,
     Secretary Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders'
     Association.

About thirty carpenters met at No. 106 Randolph street and organized an
independent Master Carpenters' Association. Among them were several
members of the union who were bosses in a small way. The new association
at once agreed to the terms demanded by the carpenters, and a list of
the members was sent to the United Carpenters' Council, after which an
order was issued by the council, permitting the employes of the members
of the new association to return to work. This action, it was claimed,
would compel the members of the Carpenters' and Builders' Association to
yield every point demanded, but it had no such effect.

The agitation was kept up, and a mass-meeting was held by the strikers
at No. 311 Larrabee street, at which they were urged to stand out. They
were also told they never could win if the bricklayers did not support
them.

The council expected its action would meet the wishes of the men, but it
did not. They saw that only a very few would be given work, and demanded
that all remain out until the success of the strike was assured. A
mass-meeting was held April 13th, at Twelfth street Turner Hall, at
which the action of the council was severely criticised, and a
resolution was adopted that all should remain out until their demands
were recognized by every master carpenter in Chicago.

The members of the new association of bosses were disappointed at the
reflex action of the carpenters. They regarded it as a breach of faith,
and were on the eve of breaking up their organization, but concluded to
obey the mandates of the union and held together a few days longer.

In the meantime a number of the carpenters had gone to work. These were
immediately taken off by walking delegates, and the little bosses
became satisfied that the fight was all on one side. But, as many of
their members belonged to the union as well, they were forced to remain
in the association and be laughed at.

Many of the workmen were incensed at the breaking of the agreement and
threatened to leave the union and return to their old employers. Some of
them did so, and they took others with them afterwards. They lost
confidence in the council and in the leaders of the strike.

On Thursday, April 14th, the executive committee of the Carpenters'
Council thought to heal all defection by the issuance of the following
form of agreement, which, they said, they would require all master
carpenters to sign before they would settle the strike:

     We, the undersigned contracting carpenters, agree to the following
     terms of settlement, and pledge ourselves to the following
     propositions, which shall be in force and binding upon us from this
     date until the 1st day of April, 1888, with the understanding that
     the carpenters' council pledges that there shall not be another
     demand for increase of wages or reduction of hours before said
     date--April 1, 1888.

     1. We agree to pay as the minimum rate of wages to carpenters 35
     cents per hour.

     2. We agree that eight hours shall constitute a day's work.

     3. We reserve the right to employ men of our own selection and to
     discharge anyone for reasons of incompetency, intemperance, or
     disorderly conduct, and we will co-operate with the carpenters'
     council in all their efforts to elevate the mechanical and moral
     standard of the craft.

     4. We indorse the principle of arbitration as preferable to
     strikes, and will co-operate with the carpenters' council for the
     establishment of a board of arbitration.

     5. The probable number of men each of us will require, at once on
     resumption of work is set opposite our respective names.

Two hundred members of the Carpenters' and Builders' association met
April 14th. William Hearson presided. Seventy new members were
admitted. The executive committee submitted a basis upon which it was
proposed to settle the strike. It was unanimously adopted, as follows:

     _Resolved_, That the Master Carpenters will, as a preliminary to
     any negotiations with the carpenters now on strike, require that
     the men now on strike without notice to their employers agree to
     resume work at the following scale of wages, to be agreed to by
     employer and employes--viz.: eight hours to constitute a day's
     labor, the wages to be 30 cents an hour and upward.

     _Resolved_, That the Master Carpenters lay down the following rules
     as a declaration of principles as the unquestionable rights of
     employers and employes, upon which there can be no arbitration or
     question. These rights to be conceded by both parties before any
     further action is taken looking toward a final settlement of
     differences for the future:

     Rule 1. The right of the employer to employ and discharge employes
     whether belonging to carpenters' unions or not.

     Rule 2. The right of the employe to work or not to work with
     non-union men.

     Rule 3. The right of the employer to hire unskilled labor that will
     best suit his purpose at any price at which he can get it.

     Rule 4: The right of the employe to get the wages he demands or not
     to work.

     Rule 5. The right of individuals to associate for all honorable
     purposes.

After the meeting adjourned, the executive committee delivered a copy of
the report to the Executive Council of the carpenters. The document was
respectfully received, Mr. Parks remarking that the Master Carpenters
would have to "come again," but the communication would be carefully
considered.

The resolutions and rules were also sent to the new carpenters'
association. A motion was made to fully endorse them, especially in view
of the recent action of the union in repudiating their agreement. The
proposition was unanimously voted down.

On Friday, April 15th, the Executive Council prepared a lengthy reply
to the action of the Carpenters and Builders. It contained an extended
statement of the situation, concluding as follows:

     In conclusion, we will agree with rule No. 1 in your document if
     the words "the right to discharge rests in and is confined to the
     individual employer and not the associated employers," were added.
     And you understand that under your own rule, No. 2, union men would
     have a right to refuse to work with non-union men, and to quit any
     job where such were employed, unless they were discharged when the
     request was made.

     Rule No. 3 must have the words: "But no unskilled man shall be
     allowed to do work which properly belongs to the trade of
     carpentering, or which necessitates the use of carpenter's tools,"
     before we can accept it.

     The other rules in your document are immaterial and do not need
     review.

     Now, for a few words. We will state the terms upon which the
     journeyman carpenters of this city will return at once to work.

     There must be an agreement made and signed by the contractors,
     individually or collectively, through an authorized committee, and
     signed by the executive committee of the United Carpenters council
     on the part of the journeymen, and in addition to the two rules
     given as amended the following:

     The minimum rate of wages paid to journeymen carpenters shall be 35
     cents per hour.

     Eight hours shall constitute a working day; overtime shall be paid
     as time and a half and double time for Sunday work.

     There shall be an arbitration board for the settling of grievances.

     The agreement shall be in force until the 1st day of April, 1888,
     and notices of desired changes at that time must be given by the
     party so desiring to the other party to the agreement on or before
     March 15, 1888.

     Hoping you will look at this communication from a business as well
     as humanitarian standpoint, and that you will keep in mind the fact
     that we are as desirous as you can possibly be of ending the
     strike, and that nothing is here set down in malice, every word
     being uttered in the spirit of harmony and justice.

The statement was signed by J. B. Parks, Ed. Bates, Alfred A. Campbell,
M. S. Moss, William Kliver, John H. McCune and William Ward, Executive
Committee of the United Carpenters' council.

The Executive Committee of the Carpenters' and Builders' association
carefully considered the document and at once formulated and transmitted
to the headquarters of the striking carpenters the following reply:

     TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CARPENTERS NOW ON STRIKE--
     _Gentlemen_: Your communication has been respectfully received and
     carefully considered by the executive committee of the Master
     Carpenters' association. We respectfully inform you that we can not
     in any manner deviate from the action of the association of
     Thursday night, which was embraced in the report delivered to you,
     and there is nothing in your communication which in the opinion of
     this committee justifies the calling of a meeting of the Master
     Carpenters' association. Very respectfully yours,

     J. W. WOODARD,
     JONATHAN CLARK,
     FRANCISCO BLAIR,
     JOHN RAMCKE,
     S. H. DEMPSEY,
     Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders' Association of
     Chicago.

The new association of bosses became exasperated at the action of the
Carpenters' Council with regard to their agreement, and sent the council
notice that unless the proposition for a settlement of the strike was
agreed to by noon of April 16th, the association would not consider
itself bound to pay 35 cents an hour, recognize the union, or make eight
hours a day's work. They demanded that their employes be directed to
return to work on Monday, April 18th.

Early Saturday morning, April 16th, the executive committee of the
Carpenters' and Builders' Association issued an address, as follows:

     Believing that the great majority of you are fair and honorable,
     the executive committee of the master carpenters take this means to
     address an appeal to you, as we believe you can not be reached in
     any other way, plainly, calmly, and without a coating of
     socialistic ideas being spread over by your so-called leaders,
     whose business it is to be agitators and disturbers of our mutual
     interests, and whose occupation would be gone if they could not
     find a constituency gullible enough to listen to and support them.
     It is impossible to say how much farther we would be advanced in
     material prosperity in this free country if we were free from the
     antagonistic feeling caused by this class of agitators, who are
     really out of their element here, and should be confined to the
     source of the oppression of labor, on the ground and among the
     institutions which support class distinction. Now we are all
     workers with you, our business is not speaking or writing, and we
     venture to say that nineteen-twentieths of the men who employ you
     started in from your body, and did not get where they are by
     listening to or following these imported ideas, but did the work
     they found to do, made the most of their opportunities, and we hope
     the same course will be left open to yourselves, and that the same
     spring will furnish more of the same stock, and that
     notwithstanding the foothold these perverted maxims (each for all
     and all for each) have gained among us, in the long run our plain
     judgment will lead us away from them and each will make his own
     endeavor to rise as high as his opportunities will allow him, and
     by doing so will stimulate his brother to follow in his footsteps.
     Is not this better than "each for all and all for each," which will
     load you down heavier than you can bear, so that none can rise, and
     a class will have to be furnished from some source to employ you
     who will surely not have your interests more at heart, and, in that
     event, we would be back again to whence we sprung from, or some
     other, where we can not tell. You surely will not be improved in
     your condition by wasting your time in contending with your
     employer for more than there is in existence to give you, for he
     can not give you what he has not got, nor can he give you wasted
     time nor the advance he has offered without risking a present loss
     in the hope of being able in the future to gradually increase the
     cost of production to cover his outlay.

     Men, go to work; form associations if you will; better your
     condition by that means if you can, but do not risk the driving
     away from this fair city that which supports you, nor listen,
     except to learn, to those born contenders who have no other gifts
     than "gab."

     Think of the $20,000 at least you are losing every day in wages,
     besides what you are spending, and think of those who are likely to
     suffer most by it. The wife and children, who have no voice in the
     matter, and also believe that your employers are not doing any
     better.

     Boys, this advice is from a committee of five who got every penny
     they possess from hard knocks and the work of their own hands and
     brains.

     J. W. WOODARD,
     JONATHAN CLARK,
     FRANCISCO BLAIR,
     JOHN RAMCKE,
     S. H. DEMPSEY,
     Executive Committee Carpenters' and Builders' Association of
     Chicago.

The firmness of the employers and the disaffection among the carpenters,
after two weeks of fruitless agitation, had produced no good results. No
agreement was reached between the bosses and the strikers. The strike
was simply declared off by what was regarded by the carpenters as
competent authority. The edict which settled the strike was as follows:

     TO ALL ORGANIZED CARPENTERS--_Brothers_: You are ordered to report
     to your various jobs Monday at 8 A. M., and if your employer
     accedes to your demands for eight hours a day and 35 cents an hour,
     go to work, but on no account are you to work if your demands are
     not granted, neither will you work with scabs.

     You will make it your duty to see that every man has the working
     card issued by the United Carpenters' council for the months of
     April, May and June, and consider as a scab anyone who is not in
     possession of one.

     If your employer objects to the conditions do not stop to argue the
     question, but immediately report to headquarters.

     Some of you may not work the first nor the second day, but we will
     without fail win this battle if you follow instructions.

     Every brother in distress shall be assisted, and we pledge
     ourselves that not one of you shall want if only brought to our
     notice.

     Carefully take note of all jobs working more than eight hours, or
     employing scabs, and report to your headquarters. Also, any boss
     who defrauds brothers of their pay, with evidence necessary for
     prosecution.

     It shall be the duty of every man, especially foremen, to bring all
     influence they can to bear on their employers to induce them to
     join the new Builders' association.

     Now, brothers, with joy we say to you, go to work. You will get
     your demands. And we beseech you not to work for less. If you do,
     you will be found out. There are enough to watch those who will not
     do their duty, and you must be subject to a call when it is
     necessary.

     EXECUTIVE BOARD UNITED CARPENTERS' COUNCIL.

When the news of the collapse of the strike reached the executive
committee of the contracting carpenters at the Builders' and Traders'
exchange it was at first discredited. When it was confirmed Chairman
Woodard said he was glad such action had been taken, and that he knew
the bosses would put the men to work Monday. "But," said he, "the
members of the Carpenters' and Builders' association will not deviate
from the action of Saturday night. We recognize eight hours as a day,
but reserve the right to employ union or non-union men, and will pay
from 30 cents an hour upward. We shall not hesitate to pay 35 cents, or
more, to carpenters who are sufficiently skilled to earn such sums, but
we must not be expected to employ men who are not able to earn more than
25 or 30 cents an hour. Our association has a membership that employs
fully seven-eighths of the working carpenters, and we shall claim the
right to employ competent men at fair wages and to discharge incompetent
men at any time. I think it will be but a short time until nearly all of
the carpenters will be at work, but not at 35 cents an hour."

Francisco Blair said it would be unjust to require the bosses to
discharge competent non-union men who had stood by them during the
strike. He was satisfied that no member of the association would do so.
There were plenty of bosses who would pay skilled workmen 35 cents an
hour--a few men would receive 40 cents, as they had before the strike.

Many of the assemblies of the carpenters met Saturday afternoon and
evening and heartily endorsed the order directing them to return to
work. They were tired of enforced idleness which had lasted sixteen
days, and were ready to go to work on almost any terms.

The following Monday--April 18th--four thousand of the striking
carpenters returned to work, many of them secretly accepting the terms
of the Carpenters and Builders, working for 30 cents an hour and upward,
and pushing a plane or a saw by the side of a non-union carpenter who
had not seen an idle day.

AMALGAMATION.

Trade organizations of almost every character had experienced difficulty
in securing all they demanded from time to time, because of a want of
co-operation--in their semi-tyrannical efforts--from kindred
organizations. If the carpenters made a demand which was refused by the
bosses, and non-union men should thereafter be employed on a building,
they wanted the union employes in all other trades, working on the same
job, to lay down their tools and walk out--a boycott must at once be
established. If an employer assumed the right to carry on his own
business in a manner which was distasteful to one or more employes in
one trade, he must be forced to quit business until he was ready to obey
the mandate of the trade affected. If he interposed an objection to such
interference, he should be taught a severe lesson under the tyrannical,
barbarous rule of the boycott.

In order to lay the foundation for joint action in the direction
indicated, a meeting was held April 10th, at which a plan of
organization of the building trades was discussed. It was then deemed
advisable to secure the consent of the various trade organizations in
the city to the creation of a council for what was called "mutual
protection." The proposition met with most hearty approval by ten trade
organizations, the members of which saw at once how much more tightly
the rein of tyranny could be drawn over a contractor who might be able
to successfully vanquish one trade, but would have to accede to anything
when employes in ten building trades were arrayed against him.

Delegates were appointed to what it was proposed to call "The
Amalgamated Council of the Building Trades of Chicago," from the
following trade and labor organizations: Carpenters, Painters,
Derrickmen, Hod-carriers, Steam-fitters, Lathers, Gas-fitters,
Galvanized-iron and Cornice workers, Slaters and Stair-builders.

A meeting was held at Greenebaum's hall on Sunday, April 17th. A
constitution and by-laws were adopted and officers were elected as
follows: President, J. H. Glenn; Vice-President, P. A. Hogan; Secretary,
Ed. Bates; Financial Secretary, J. Burns; Treasurer, V. Carroll;
Sergeant-at-Arms, J. Woodman.

As soon as the organization was perfected it affected dictatorial
powers, assuming the right to regulate nearly everything of any
consequence for the unions which were represented. The objects of the
Council were declared to be "to centralize the efforts and experience of
the various organizations engaged in the erection and alteration of
buildings, and, with common interest, prevent that which may be
injurious, and also to properly perfect and carry into effect that which
they deem advantageous to themselves. When any organization represented
in the Council is desirous of making a demand for either an advance in
wages or an abridgement of the hours of labor, it is required to make a
report thereon to the Council, through its delegates, prior to the
demand being made, when, if the action is concurred in by a two-thirds
vote, it is to be declared binding."

In effect, the Council became an offensive and defensive body, the
principal business of which was to take advantage of every employer in
the building trades. If one should refuse to yield a point demanded by
one trade, however unjust the demand might be, it was the business of
this boycott Council to "carry into effect that which they deemed
advantageous to themselves," which, on ordinary occasions, would result
in a stoppage of work of every kind upon a building until the employer
should yield. They also expected to be in a position to compel all
non-union men to obey the mandates of the organization.

At a meeting of the Council, April 23d, the constitution was amended by
adding the following section:

     It shall be the special duty of this Council to use the united
     strength of the organizations represented therein to compel all
     non-union men to conform to and obey the laws of the organizations
     to which they should properly belong.

This stroke at personal liberty was strictly in furtherance of the
"advantage" sought to be taken of the employer. The same power was to be
brought to bear upon the workmen, who assumed the right to be
independent, by seeking to "compel" them to "obey laws of the
organizations to which they should properly belong." Not content with
boycotting the employer, they must arrange a boycott upon a
fellow-workman, because he might decline to join one of their unions. As
if to "compel" a free man to do that against which his manhood revolts!

HODCARRIERS AND LABORERS.

There was comparative quiet for a week, during which time the carpenters
were pushing their work rapidly. But the smooth order was soon broken.
The first week in April the Hodcarriers' union had passed a resolution
changing their pay from 25 to 30 cents an hour, and that of laborers
from 22 to 25 cents an hour, and demanding recognition of their union.
This order--for it was nothing less--was directed to take effect the
first Monday in May. On Saturday, April 30th, the Hodcarriers and
Laborers were instructed to make their demands, and report to a meeting
to be held on Sunday, in order that the union might determine whether a
strike should be ordered and the men called off on Monday.

The bosses decided that under no circumstances would they recognize the
Hodcarriers' union, maintaining that they were fully justified in so
doing because the Bricklayers' union had refused to aid any proposition
on the part of the Hodcarriers and Laborers to strike. The employers
expected nothing less than a strike, as they universally refused the
demands, claiming they could at once fill the places made vacant from
the ranks of idle men in the city. In order to make their cause appear
stronger the laborers claimed that numbers of bosses had acceded to
their demands, but this was not true.

Laborers in the stone yards took up the cause, concluding it was an
opportune time to make some demands. They insisted upon eight hours a
day, and two gangs of men when required to work overtime.

The Stone-Cutters association met at once and put an end to the
proposition for a strike by adopting the eight-hour day, resolving to
work overtime and pay one-fourth extra for it--but not work two gangs of
men--and at the same time refused to obey the dictation of the union by
resolving that they would "employ men whether they belong to a union or
not." This prompt action ended the strike of the laborers so far as the
Stone-Cutters were concerned.

The Bricklayers union met Friday night, April 29th, and discussed the
proposed strike of the Hodcarriers and Laborers, and in a very peculiar
manner lent assistance to their weak brethren. They passed a magnanimous
resolution that "in the event of a strike no bricklayer should consent
to do a hodcarrier's work." But further than this no action was taken.

On the afternoon of Sunday, May 1st, four thousand hodcarriers and
laborers assembled in the vicinity of Taylor street hall, near Canal
street. At 3 o'clock the proposed meeting was held, but not more than
one-half of those present could gain admission to the hall. The men
inside and outside of the hall were discussing their grievances and
"rushing the can" in a manner that promised a famine in beer on the
following day. Patrick Sharkey presided at the meeting, at which there
was a decided sentiment in favor of a strike. Speeches in English,
German, Polish, and Bohemian were made to this effect, and a resolution
was passed for a committee to wait on the contractors to see what they
would do in answer to the demands that had been made. It was decided to
allow men to work where the bosses acceded to the union demands, but no
union man should work where there was one man employed who was not
receiving the full scale of wages.

It was decided that no man who could get the union wages should be
asked to leave his work, but he would be asked to aid in supporting
those who were compelled to take part in the strike. It was claimed,
before the close of the meeting, that four thousand of the seven
thousand Hodcarriers and Laborers in the city would remain at work,
while the other three thousand would "be forced to strike."

On Monday morning, May 2d, the promised strike of the Hodcarriers and
Laborers began. More than four thousand quit work because their demands
for 25 and 30 cents an hour, and recognition of their union, were not
met. The men had reported at their respective jobs where they made their
demands. When they were refused they were grievously disappointed, and
sat and stood around waiting for the arrival of the "Walking Delegate,"
or for orders from the bosses to go to work at the increased rate of
wages. In many instances they had to stand aside and see their places
taken by non-union men. This was galling, but they remained, almost
universally, quite orderly. What irritated them more than anything else
was the fact that union Bricklayers offered no objection to working with
non-union laborers. They had confidently expected that one union would
support another, but the Bricklayers refused to recognize them as
members of a union. They appeared to be too common for an aristocratic
Bricklayer.

Eight Walking Delegates paraded the city and endeavored to persuade
non-union men to quit work and join the union. They were successful in
but few instances. Non-union Laborers who had secured a good job were
disposed to stick to it, and it seemed to require more than persuasion
to draw them away from their work.

In the treasury of the Hodcarriers' union there was the sum of $12,000,
but that amount would not reach very far in a general lockout of five
thousand members, each of whom was entitled to receive $5 a week while
unemployed. They could expect no assistance from the Bricklayers, who
had snubbed them; or the Carpenters, who had exhausted their treasury
while on a strike lasting sixteen days; or the plasterers, who were not
strong in numbers or finances, and had business of their own to look
after. Their cause was helpless from the start, especially in view of
the fact that there were thousands of idle laborers who were only too
glad to step into the places made vacant without asking any questions
about wages.

On Tuesday the places of the four thousand strikers had been so nearly
filled that but three hundred vacancies were reported. This was a hard
blow to the union, but they stubbornly refused to yield a single point.

A special meeting of the Master Masons' and Builders' association was
held Tuesday night, May 3d, at the Builders' and Traders' exchange, at
which a resolution was unanimously adopted to not accede to the demands
of the Hodcarriers' and Laborers' Union for an increase in wages. There
were eighty-seven of the members present, only thirty being absent.
Expressions were taken from those present in regard to the course that
should be pursued in reference to the strike, and there was not a
dissenting voice on the proposition to refuse the demands made. The
absentees were all heard from, and the president of the association said
they were all of the same opinion. It was a quiet, earnest meeting, at
which the members exhibited their determination to stand together, no
matter what the result might be. On inquiry as to the number of Master
Masons who needed laborers it was ascertained that there were but six
members of the association who were without laborers, while less than a
dozen others needed a few men. It was agreed that the members who had
laborers to spare should lend some of them to those who most needed them
until they could secure as many as they required. An executive committee
was appointed, composed of Joseph Downey, Thomas E. Courtney, and Herman
Mueller. This committee was instructed to hold daily sessions at the
Builders' and Traders' exchange for the purpose of hearing complaints
from members and supplying them with laborers, and to have a general
supervision of the labor question pending a final settlement of the
strike. They had no difficulty in securing all the men they wanted, the
laborers being perfectly satisfied with the wages paid.

On Thursday, May 5th, the Master Masons' association learned that a
number of cases of intimidation had been attempted with their non-union
laborers, but they passed them over because the battle had already been
won.

A STRIKE CLAUSE.

On Friday, May 6th, Joseph Downey, President of the Master Masons'
Association, sent the following communication to D. Adler, President of
the Illinois Association of Architects. It was sent for the purpose of
endeavoring to secure the co-operation of the Architects of the city--in
view of a general strike in the building trades, which it was plain to
be seen was impending:

     TO THE ARCHITECTS OF CHICAGO--_Gentlemen_: Owing to incessant and
     unreasonable demands being made upon us from time to time by our
     employes, causing incalculable delays, which mean disaster to those
     signing time contracts, the members of this association have,
     therefore, unanimously agreed to sign no contracts after May 1,
     unless the words "except in case of strikes or epidemics" are
     inserted in the time clause.

     Very respectfully,
     JOSEPH DOWNEY, President.

PAY ON SATURDAY.

The Master Masons' Association unofficially received information that
the Bricklayers' union had passed a resolution fixing Saturday as
pay-day, instead of Monday, or Tuesday, which had been the rule for many
years. This action was not taken by the union because it was believed
greater good could be accomplished, or because it was a necessary
change; but was for the purpose of further testing the temper of the
employers and notifying them that they were subject to the dictation of
the union.

On Friday Mr. Downey sent the following unofficial communication to A.
E. Vorkeller, President of the Bricklayers' union, hoping to secure a
rescinding of the Saturday pay-day resolution, and avoid a strike:

     TO THE UNITED ORDER OF AMERICAN BRICKLAYERS AND STONEMASONS--
     _Gentlemen_: It has come to the knowledge of the Master Masons' and
     Builders' association that at your last meeting you passed a
     resolution that the members of your union should hereafter be paid
     on Saturday, instead of Monday and Tuesday, as is now and has been
     the custom.

     There has been no official action by the Master Masons' and
     Builders' association, but I have conferred with a number of them,
     and am impelled to write this letter to notify you of the fact that
     while we might prefer to comply with your request, we find it will
     be impossible to make up our pay-rolls in time to pay on Saturday,
     especially in the busy season, when some of us have from two
     hundred to three hundred men employed.

     We trust, gentlemen, that you will reconsider the action taken
     which resulted in the adoption of the resolution mentioned, as we
     are particularly anxious that the good feeling which has prevailed
     between your union and our association shall be continued without
     interruption. Very respectfully yours,

     JOSEPH DOWNEY.

A DECLARATION.

The evening of the same day a meeting of the Hodcarriers was held at
West Twelfth street Turner Hall, at which a resolution was passed
declaring it to be the duty of all employes in the building trades to go
out in a body in order to support the strike which they had inaugurated,
and in which they had been unsuccessful.

GOING SLOW.

A result of the strikes and unsettled state of affairs was to be seen in
the disposition of contractors to go slow in bidding for new work,
fearing they might be stopped by a strike and prevented from completing
a building after the work had gotten well under way. Similar experience
in past years had made them wary.

THE BRICKLAYERS' STRIKE.

Saturday, May 7th, was the first pay-day after the passage of the
resolution by the Bricklayers' union fixing that day for payment. When
the hour arrived for quitting work demand was made of the foreman on
each job for payment in accordance with the resolution. It was refused,
the Master Masons having determined that if the men were to strike
because their demand was not conceded, they should be given an
opportunity to do so at once. This general demand was taken as official
notification that the resolution had passed. There was a universal
expression of opinion among the Master Masons that they would refuse the
demand--because of the spirit and manner in which it was made--and that
they would stand firmly together upon the question.

On Monday, May 9th, about two hundred bricklayers quit work because they
had not been paid on the previous Saturday, but they were returned to
work by President Vorkeller, of the union, because, he said, the rule
for Saturday pay-day did not take effect until May 14th. Mr. Vorkeller
called on President Downey and asked that a conference be held on the
question of Saturday pay-day. In view of the action of the union in
first resolving that the pay-day should be changed, this request was
looked upon as very strange. But Mr. Downey notified him that he would
present the question to the Master Masons' association.

In referring to the situation Mr. Thomas Courtney voiced the sentiments
of the builders when he said the only way to settle the prevailing
uneasiness would be to stop all building at once and let it remain
stopped until the strikers were tired of it. This seemed like a harsh
measure, but it was the only sure way to success. All were tired of this
labor agitation, and as the building of residence property especially
was overdone, it was the best time he ever saw for a lockout. The
workmen were not only fixing their own hours for work and their own pay,
but now they wanted to fix their own pay-day. With so much labor
disturbance it was a marvel to him that there was any disposition to
erect a building in Chicago.

A committee from the Amalgamated Trades Council called at the Builders'
and Traders' exchange to see the executive committee of the Master
Masons' association for the purpose of talking about the strike of the
Hodcarriers. The committee was composed of Messrs. Brennock of the
Carpenters, Carroll of the Stonecutters, and McBrearty of the
Hodcarriers. They found President Downey, to whom they stated that they
had called to see if the differences could be adjusted. Mr. Downey
stated that the members of the executive committee were out paying their
employes, and that another time would have to be fixed for the
conference. He hoped the result of the conference would be satisfactory
to all, and that at its conclusion they could say the strike was ended.
The committee said that was what they wanted. Mr. Downey wanted to know
what authority the committee had in the matter, and was told that they
represented twelve of the building trades, and had the power to order
every union man in those trades off a building where the union scale of
wages was not paid or where non-union men were employed. But, they did
not desire to exercise that power, as it was more the business of the
Council to arbitrate and effect settlements than to encourage strikes.
It was agreed that a conference should be had Tuesday morning, at which
time the entire situation with reference to the Hodcarriers would be
discussed.

In order to exhibit the venomous spirit of some of the strikers an
effort was made by the union Hodcarriers and Laborers to make the life
of non-union Laborers a burden. A scheme was started for dropping mortar
and pouring water on them in order to drive them away from any job where
union men were at work.

On Tuesday evening, May 10th, the Master Masons' association met.
President Downey read a letter from the Bricklayers' Union which
contained an unqualified statement that the union would not rescind the
resolution making Saturday the pay-day.

Mr. George C. Prussing submitted the draft of a communication to be sent
to the Bricklayers' Union, and stated that he thought it was highly
proper to send it, in the hope that by courteous treatment the
differences would be settled with less difficulty. The proposition to
send the communication was unanimously adopted. The communication was as
follows:

     TO THE UNITED ORDER OF AMERICAN BRICKLAYERS AND STONEMASONS--
     _Gentlemen_: Notice of your resolution fixing pay-day every
     Saturday two weeks has been laid before this association.

     We submit to your consideration that a subject of this kind can
     hardly be "fixed" by a resolution in a meeting of employes, but
     should be referred to and properly discussed by a joint committee
     of both employers and employes before action is taken.

     Thus far the rule has been to pay up to and including Saturday on
     the following Tuesday among the members of this association, and as
     far as heard from no complaint of any irregularity in paying
     workmen has been made. In a city as large as this, covering such
     immense area, and where it is not infrequent for the same firm to
     be engaged upon work on the North, South, and West sides at the
     same time, two days at least are necessary to make up pay-rolls
     and envelope money properly. If, therefore, the change of pay-day
     from Tuesday to Saturday should be adopted, it would necessitate
     the closing of pay-day on Thursday night preceding. This, we
     submit, would not serve either you or us as well as to pay to the
     end of the previous week. You have not given us any reasons for
     your arbitrary demand for a change, and we have failed to find any
     in our judgment good and sufficient. If any such reasons exist we
     shall be pleased to know them. Until then we shall continue to pay
     as before, regularly every second Tuesday, up to the preceding
     Saturday night.

     By order of the
     CHICAGO MASTER MASONS' ASSOCIATION.

The communication was at once taken to the Bricklayers' Union by C. P.
Wakeman, it having been stated that the union was in session and would
receive any communication that should be sent. In about thirty minutes
Mr. Wakeman returned from his visit to the Bricklayers, and reported
that he had been received in grand shape. The hall was packed full, and
when he took his place on the platform to read the communication he was
loudly cheered. He asked the Bricklayers to lay the question of pay-day
over and appoint a committee to see if the matter could not be settled.
He was satisfied that two-thirds of those present were in favor of a
compromise. They agreed to telephone the Builders' and Traders' exchange
as soon as a conclusion was reached.

The telephone was not used, but a committee from the Bricklayers' union
called at 10:30 o'clock and notified Mr. Wakeman that the union had
unanimously passed a resolution making Saturday the pay-day, and that it
would not recede from it, but was willing to allow two days in which to
make up the pay-roll, closing it on Thursday night. The report was
received, after which a motion was made to lay the report on the table,
but it was withdrawn.

William O'Brien said the demand for pay on Saturday, if acceded to,
would result in another demand for pay at noon on Saturday and give the
men the afternoon, and then the contractors would have "blue Monday" in
fact. He was in favor of acting like men and standing firmly by their
principles, and they would command the respect of everybody. [Applause.]

Mr. Charles W. Gindele said if the bricklayers had done the fair thing
they would have conferred with the contractors before passing the
resolutions, but they had made the demand arbitrarily. The community and
the material men were watching the action of the association, and were
ready to stand by it if it stood by its members. It was only a matter of
time until the strike would have to burst, and he was in favor of
bursting it then. If it was not done the community could not be expected
to stand by them. If all building was stopped there were enough vacant
buildings in the city to house everybody. [Applause.]

A motion to not concur in the report of the committee was unanimously
adopted, which was equivalent to a refusal to accede to the demands of
the bricklayers in regard to making Saturday the pay-day.

A resolution was then adopted refusing to comply with the demands of the
bricklayers in regard to Saturday as a pay-day, fixing Monday or Tuesday
of every other week as the day of payment, and agreeing to shut down all
work if the bricklayers should strike on account of this action. There
was but one opposing vote.

President Downey submitted an agreement which had already been signed by
a large majority of the members of the association. It embraced a
proposition to stand together upon the question of pay-day, and to all
stop work, if it should be necessary, in order to maintain their rights
against unjust exactions of the laboring men. After the agreement was
read an opportunity was given for members to sign it who had not done
so, and twenty names were added to the list. The association then voted
to approve the sentiments expressed in the agreement, the vote being
unanimous.

The Executive Committee submitted a report of the doings of its members
in regard to the labor troubles. It was as follows:

     TO THE CHICAGO MASTER MASONS' ASSOCIATION--_Gentlemen_: Your
     executive committee does respectfully report that a committee of
     three, claiming to be appointed by and to represent the Amalgamated
     Trades council, and to be clothed by it with power to settle the
     existing laborers' strike, did call by appointment this morning at
     the exchange and met us, together with a number of members of this
     association whom we asked to join us for this particular purpose.
     After quite a lengthy and exhaustive discussion of the situation
     said committee of three insisted:

     Firstly, on the establishment of a minimum rate of wages for all
     masons' laborers at 23½ cents per hour.

     Secondly, one time and one-half to be granted for all work done
     over and above eight hours per day, no matter during which hours
     such work may be performed.

     Thirdly, for double pay for Sunday work, and,

     Lastly, on the recognition of their union.

     The first three propositions are debatable and might have been
     acceded to by your committee and this body, and if the fourth had
     been understood to mean an acknowledgement of the fact that a union
     of masons' laborers more or less numerous has been formed, and is
     now in existence, your committee would have been ready to go to
     that length. But the gentlemen wanted more--far more. They informed
     us that a recognition of their union means that the members of this
     association pledge themselves to employ henceforth none but
     laborers belonging to their union, to grant to it the practical
     control of the labor market, and to drive every laborer now
     employed from our buildings, and in reality out of the city all who
     have not now, or do not in near future, join the ranks of their
     union. In other words, to make ourselves the whippers-in of said
     union. It means that we sanction and support the aim and object of
     said union, which is that none shall work in Chicago at their
     calling except upon surrender of his manhood into its keeping and
     at its beck and call. It means that we sanction the employment of
     brute force to coerce men into their ranks. It means that we
     sanction and approve of the outrages committed daily against men
     now at work upon terms mutually satisfactory to themselves and
     their employers.

     We, the members of this association, must plead guilty, in common
     with the entire community, to suffering the fundamental principles
     underlying the very fabric of our government, and guaranteed by our
     constitution--principles called inalienable rights of man--to be
     overridden and practically abrogated by lawless bodies throughout
     the land.

     Thus far are we equally guilty with all other citizens in
     neglecting our duty as such. To uphold this government and
     constitution is the duty of all citizens. We are part of this
     community, and comparatively a small fraction.

     This community will awake from its lethargy and to its duty when
     that time comes, and God speed the coming. The voice of this
     association will give no uncertain sound. In the meantime, let us
     never voluntary do or sanction wrong. We may suffer, but we can not
     cope against it without the active support of the community. But
     never let it be said that we approved of the methods employed
     recently by trades-unions.

     Your committee would not make you liable to such charge by its act,
     and reports the whole matter to you for final action.

     Respectfully.
     JOSEPH DOWNEY,
     H. MUELLER,
     Executive Committee.

     We, the undersigned members, who were present at the committee
     meeting this morning do join in the report.

     G. C. PRUSSING,
     GEORGE TAPPER,
     C. P. WAKEMAN.

The report was adopted by a rising vote, followed by prolonged applause.

President Downey stated that he had recently seen a great many of the
brick manufacturers and the officers of the stone pool in regard to
selling materials in case of a lockout, and they had assured him that
they would stand by the contractors in case of a general strike, and not
sell a dollars' worth of building material while the strike lasted.

The pulse of the manufacturers of and dealers in building materials was
felt, and it was ascertained that they fully realized they were standing
on a volcano that was likely to burst at any time and stop them. One of
them covered the case fully when he said they were practically dependent
upon the contractors, and if it became necessary for the Master Masons
to shut down, the brick manufacturers and stone men would support them
by shutting down their yards and stopping the manufacture of brick and
the production of building stone. They were on the eve of a strike among
their own employes, instances of discontent cropping out almost every
day, and if the producers of building materials should elect to stand by
the contractors he was satisfied the strike questions would not only be
settled for the season, but for all time.

The committee from the Amalgamated Building Trades Council, composed of
Messrs. Brennock, Carroll and McBrearty again met the executive
committee of the Master Masons' association and made its demand for the
Hodcarriers. The Master Masons were asked to recognize the union, pay 25
cents an hour and agree to employ none but union hodcarriers and
laborers. The executive committee of the Master Masons, composed of
Messrs. Downey, Courtney and Mueller, with Mr. Prussing added, told the
council committee that they would not accede to the demand. They
insisted that they could not pay 25 cents an hour to laborers, and under
no circumstances would they discharge the army of non-union laborers, as
it would be an injustice to poor men who were dependent upon their labor
for support. Mr. Courtney told them these men were not able, if
inclined, to join the union, and it would be almost inhuman to throw
them out of employment when they were faithful employes. Mr. Carroll
admitted that the Council was not ready to order the union laborers to
stop work, as there were too many non-union hodcarriers and laborers in
the city, and until these were brought into the union a general strike
would not accomplish what was wanted. He also remarked that the Council
had decided to call off all union men on jobs where non-union men were
employed, but he could not say whether it would carry out the
declaration. The hodcarriers had inaugurated the strike, and might
conclude to drop it until they were in better shape by having more
non-union men in their assemblies.

TWO THOUSAND BRICKLAYERS QUIT.

On Monday, May 11th, the strike of the Bricklayers materialized. Two
thousand members of the union dropped their trowels because the
employers refused to recognize their edict in regard to Saturday
pay-day. This act threw out of employment an equal number of Hodcarriers
and Laborers, many of whom were not in sympathy with the movement of the
Bricklayers. President Vorkeller of the Bricklayers' union, insisted
that no strike had been ordered, but the men would not work unless the
Saturday pay-day was granted. No "strike had been ordered," but the men
were striking as fast as they could. Upon being informed that the
pay-day would not be changed they stopped at once, all understanding
that they must quit. Yet, according to the president of the union,
"there was no strike ordered." They were simply "standing by the
resolution." Some of the men quit work very reluctantly, remarking that
it was the height of nonsense to strike on such a frivolous proposition.
But they had to obey orders, and did so with military precision. The
Walking Delegate was promptly on hand to see that every man obeyed
orders, and the snap of his finger did its work on a great many jobs
where the men were in no hurry to quit work.

The president of the union claimed that they could endure a long
lockout, as they had real estate and cash representing $75,000, and
could make it $100,000 by assessments. But the Bricklayers were not
Knights of Labor, and were not amalgamated with any other labor
organization, and consequently were not in a position to give to or
receive assistance from any other labor union.

At the Builders' and Traders' exchange there was considerable bustle
among the contractors. They realized that the strike for which they had
been looking had commenced, and they put their heads together as if they
were preparing for a long and hard fight. There was not a dissenting
voice to be heard in regard to the question. Everyone who entered the
exchange wore an earnest look, and expressed determination to not yield
on the question of pay-day if the building business of the city was to
stop a whole year. They had wrestled with the strike problem in almost
every aspect in which it could be placed, until it had become a burden
too heavy to bear. A period had been reached when the trouble could be
settled for all time, and they were determined to settle it in a manner
that would be effective. They realized that they might lose thousands of
dollars while engaged in the effort, but with the co-operation of the
material men they could reach a conclusion that would be lasting.

It was not a question of hours or wages, as those had been conceded with
many other exactions. It had become a question whether the contractor
was to allow his employes to domineer over him and dictate everything,
or whether he should have a little to do with the management of his own
affairs. The building interests had been hampered for years by demand
after demand, nearly all of which had been of an arbitrary character. It
was more convenient for the contractors, and better for the men, that
they should be paid on Monday or Tuesday. A majority of the Bricklayers
did not object to the pay-day, but the leaders demanded the change, and
they were forced to submit. Labor unions are generally managed by the
leaders for their own interests.

The Bricklayers were the best organized body in the city. They had no
affiliations with other unions. If a Bricklayer entered Chicago with a
card from another union in his hand he would not be permitted to work
until he paid the Chicago Union $25. The result was that Bricklayers
were driven from the city and the United Order of American Bricklayers
and Stonemasons dictated for years rules, not only for their own
government, but for the control of every Master Mason that attempted to
fill a contract.

Among the contractors the fight had become one for principle, and every
element that was in sympathy with the maintenance of the right was
invited to unite with the contracting Masons in their effort put forth
to attain that object.

In furtherance of the movement a committee was appointed by the Master
Masons' association to confer with dealers in building materials and
procure their signature to an agreement that they would not sell and
deliver building material to any one pending a settlement of the labor
troubles, except upon the authority of Joseph Downey, president of the
Master Masons' associations. The agreement was as follows:

     _Whereas_, We believe the position taken by the Chicago Master
     Masons' association in the present building trade strike to be
     correct; and,

     _Whereas_, We believe that the more complete the cessation of all
     building work during the strike can be made, the shorter will be
     the interference with business.

     _Now_, _therefore_, Do we, the undersigned, hereby agree with and
     among one another not to sell or deliver materials to any building
     in Chicago or suburbs during the continuance of this strike, except
     as may be allowed or requested by the executive committee appointed
     by the Chicago Master Masons' association in charge of the strike.

The committee was composed of Joseph Downey, president; Thomas Courtney,
treasurer, (who went to Europe June 1st, and his place was filled by E.
Earnshaw); Herman Mueller, secretary. A sub-committee was appointed,
composed of C. W. Gindele, Daniel Freeman and E. S. Moss. The three
divisions of the city were created "districts," and were put in charge
of the following members: South side, William O'Brien; North side, John
Mountain; West side, William Iliff. Visitors were then appointed and the
city was thoroughly canvassed and patrolled in order to secure full
co-operation of the material dealers, and to protect the interests of
the members generally.

Dealers in stone, brick, lime, cement, sand, architectural iron, tile,
and every other class of building material, flocked to the exchange and
appended their signatures to the agreement. They were only too glad to
lend their assistance to break the backbone of a species of tyranny
under which they had been oppressed for years. The committee reported
that nearly every important dealer had signed the agreement. Backed by
this element the contractors were relieved. They felt assured of
success.

There was joy in the camp of the Hodcarriers when it was announced that
the Bricklayers had gone out. Their joy was not on account of the
strike, but because it would result in throwing out of employment the
non-union Hodcarriers and Laborers who had stepped into their places
when they struck for an advance in pay, and were locked out. The idle
men who were needy drew on the treasury of the Hodcarriers' union and
took out of it nearly every dollar it contained.

The Amalgamated Building Trades' Council met and attempted to order a
general strike of all building trades, but discovered that they were
powerless to do so, because the delegates had not been given "power to
act" by their respective unions. The desire to order the general strike
was present, but the authority was absent. There was no lack of
willingness on the part of the leaders. They are always ready and
willing to keep their positions at the sacrifice of anything and
anybody.

The leaders of the striking bricklayers were quietly, but actively
engaged in laying plans for the future. They claimed to be ready to meet
any emergency that might come. At the same time the contractors claimed
to hold the key to the situation, and said they would never give up
until they could have a little to say in the management of their own
business.

The executive committee of the Master Masons' association decided that
there should be a general shutting down of all work on which bricklayers
and stonemasons were engaged, and in pursuance of this decision the
following notice was issued May 10th.

     Notice.--The members of the Master Masons' association now working
     men are hereby requested to stop work Friday night, May 13th, and
     to report to the executive committee.

     JOSEPH DOWNEY,
     President.

On Friday, May 13th, the idle army was largely increased. Of
bricklayers, stonemasons, hodcarriers, laborers, teamsters, helpers,
carpenters, and a few in other trades, there were fifteen thousand out
of employment. Many of these were willing to work, but they were forced
to be idle because of the strike of the bricklayers.

The strikers threatened to bring into the city building material from
Michigan, thinking by such a proceeding they could force the bosses to
give in. The proposition was laughed at.

In support of the Master Masons the North and Northwest Brick
Manufacturers' association met and resolved that from May 14th no brick
should be delivered from any of the yards in the association until the
strike was ended, and that the yards would stop manufacturing brick May
18th. The association yards had a capacity of 1,250,000 brick per day,
and employed 1,300 men.

The bricklayers attempted to hold a meeting at Greenebaum's hall Friday
night to discuss what they termed "the bosses' lockout." Every member
of the union was on hand, and at least half of them were prepared to
express their views on the subject. Over five hundred men were unable to
gain entrance to the hall owing to its crowded condition, and finding
themselves thus cut off from debate proceeded to interrupt those who
were inside, so that it was impossible for anyone to hear what was said.
A good many who were on the floor were determined to express
disapprobation at the trivial demand that had precipitated the trouble,
and to request that something be done to settle the dispute, but finding
that the malcontents outside were bent on stopping all discussion it was
determined to close the meeting. Upon a motion to this effect another
noisy faction began to oppose it, and the shouting and stamping of feet
became deafening. The floor quivered under the tumultuous mob, and many
left the hall for fear it would give way. President Vorkeller could not
control the men, and after two hours' labor to bring order out of chaos
he made a proposition that battery D, or the cavalry armory, be secured,
and thus obtain room for all. This met with favor, and the meeting
adjourned with the understanding that the men assemble at battery D at
10 o'clock Saturday morning, May 14th.

REVOLUTIONARY TALK.

In order to inflame the strikers and keep them together they were
frequently regaled by such poisonous talk as the following:

     "In a week the men will begin to get uneasy. They will assemble on
     the streets. The Internationalists [red-flag bandits] will be among
     them, notwithstanding the fact that they are alleged to have
     disbanded. Do you suppose that 50,000 or 100,000 men are going to
     starve and allow their families to die before their eyes without
     lifting a hand? It is against human nature. I am going to leave
     Chicago. It is not safe for men of my views to be around in times
     like these. If the lockout is continued, the people will arise and
     overthrow a system which permits a few men to starve the vast
     majority into slavery."

It was of little use to point out to angry and ignorant men the
absurdity of these revolutionary predictions of their worst enemies. It
availed nothing to tell them that Capital had not refused to give them
employment; that Capital was ready and more than willing to employ them,
and was suffering loss every day and hour of their idleness; that
Capital was the best friend they have in the world, a friend that
respected their rights and required of them only that they should have
equal respect for its rights; and that to maintain its rights against
their annoying and persistent attacks was its sole aim in meeting them
on their own ground and fighting them in their own fashion. Their
blatant demagogues asserted the contrary, and they continued to listen
to their blatant demagogues.

PECULIAR METHODS.

The Bricklayers' union was such a close corporation that it not only
failed and refused to affiliate with bricklayers who were members of the
International union, but proposed to debar every other mechanic from
earning a living and force them to assist in securing a benefit for its
own members. It was attempting to oust from employment all other
building trades in order to carry a trivial point for its own benefit. A
meeting of the Amalgamated Trades' Council was held May 14th, at which
the action of the Bricklayers was discussed. Expressions of sympathy
were made for the Hodcarriers--who were represented in the Council--and
condemnation of the Bricklayers,--who were not represented,--and the
following resolution was unanimously adopted:

     _Resolved_, That the Bricklayers' union be requested to send a
     delegation to this Council and take part in its work, and failing
     so to do that this Council consider itself purposely ignored, and
     at liberty to support such members of the International Union of
     Bricklayers as may seek work in Chicago, and that the hodcarriers
     may supply said International men.

A committee was appointed to convey the resolution to the president of
the Bricklayers' union.

When asked if he had received the resolution President Vorkeller at
first emphatically denied it. But when James Brennock, Secretary of the
Council, exhibited a reply to it from Vorkeller, he changed his manner
of expression, and admitted that he had decided to send a committee to
meet the members of the Council, but the union would not send delegates.
He said he would have nothing to do with amalgamation, as the union was
independent, and able to take care of itself. He afterwards changed his
mind, however, and the Bricklayers' union, which was so independent, so
powerful, so well organized--under a threat by the Hodcarriers to bring
International bricklayers to Chicago--sent delegates to the Council and
amalgamated.

WALLING THE STRIKERS IN.

The executive committee of the Master Masons' association busied itself
in securing signatures to the agreement to not sell or deliver any
building material pending the strike, and they were eminently
successful. It divided the city into districts and appointed
sub-committees to visit each job to see who were working and if any
disposition was shown to violate the agreement. They daily added
signatures to the document, fully realizing that by procuring a hearty
co-operation from the material men they could build a wall so high that
there would be no question of success in combatting the tyrannical acts
of the union. The question of individual liberty was brought home to
them in such a manner that they could not ignore it.

A NEW PROPOSITION.

Saturday, May 14th, a large meeting of representatives of the building
trades met at the Builders' and Traders' exchange. The spacious rooms
were crowded to their full capacity. George Tapper presided. The
sentiments of the meeting were fully expressed in the following
statement and resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:

     The members of the Builders' and Traders' exchange of Chicago, in
     special meeting assembled, in their capacity as citizens and as
     employers of labor, believe the time ripe to protest against the
     arrogant interference of labor organizations with business and the
     rights of man as guaranteed by the constitution of the United
     States. From year to year this evil of foreign importation has
     grown worse and worse, because the people, whose duty as citizens
     it is to uphold and enforce the laws, have not taken the time to
     oppose actively the aggressions and outrages committed in the name
     and by the instigation of the various labor organizations. We have
     seen this evil brought to and planted in our soil; we have allowed
     it to sprout and grow, and put forth new and stronger shoots every
     year, until now it is plain that it must either be stamped out by
     the active co-operation of all law-abiding citizens or it will
     overwhelm and destroy our very form of government. The dividing
     line between the permissible and objectionable, between right and
     wrong, should be clearly and unmistakably drawn, and the voice of
     the community should be heard with proper earnestness and
     determination, saying to the ignorant as well as the vicious, "thus
     far shall you go, but go no farther." We believe that the large
     majority sin from ignorance. Others have seen the wrong exist and
     tolerated, and wrong-doers prosper, until their moral perceptions
     are dulled and blunted. Those who know better, whose opportunity
     and education is superior, have neglected their duty to their
     misled fellow-citizens full long enough. A crusade must be
     inaugurated, and should be participated in by each and all who love
     and desire the perpetuation of this government, founded, in the
     words of the immortal Lincoln, "of the people, for the people, by
     the people." Let all unite and stand shoulder to shoulder in solid
     phalanx for the right and frown down the spirit of anarchy now
     rampant, and ere long the rights of the individual shall again be
     respected, and this country shall again and in fact become the
     "home of the free."

     _Whereas_, We recognize that the Master Masons' and Builders'
     association has taken a proper stand in its opposition to the
     arbitrary dictates of organized labor, and that its battle is our
     battle, and in the belief that the more complete the cessation of
     all building work during the present strike the shorter will be the
     interference with business; now, therefore, be it

     _Resolved_, That we indorse the action of said Master Masons'
     association and make its position our own, and will actively aid
     and assist it in and during this strike.

     _Resolved_, That while we condemn and oppose improper actions by
     trades unions, we still recognize that there are many opportunities
     for good in associations of workmen, and shall aid and assist them
     in all just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental
     principles it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are
     still many points upon which conference and arbitration are
     perfectly right and proper, and that upon such points it is a
     manifest duty to take advantage of the opportunities afforded by
     associations to confer together to the end that strikes, lockouts,
     and other disturbances may be prevented.

     _Resolved_, That this exchange do, and it does hereby, call upon
     all contractors and builders, be they members of this exchange or
     not, for co-operation and active assistance; it calls upon all
     architects; upon the owners of buildings in course of construction
     or about to be started; upon the press and pulpit; upon each and
     every citizen, and particularly upon all mechanics and laborers who
     believe that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employer and workman should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     Each association in the building trades, and the Illinois State
     Association of Architects, and the Chicago Real Estate board were
     requested to appoint three delegates to be present at a conference
     of building trades on Monday, May 19th.

Mr. Prussing was asked to state the position of the Master Masons. In
doing so he said: "It is no more walking delegate! [Cheers.] No more
interference with the boy who wishes to learn a trade that he may earn
an honest living. [Cheers.] But why ask for particulars? We ask that the
wrongs and outrages perpetrated by the trades unions be wiped out, and
we ask every minister in his pulpit and every editor in his chair to aid
us. If we present a solid and united front the victory will soon be won.
* * * * The spirit of anarchy is rampant and must be put down, or it
will put you down." [Applause.]

Just as the meeting adjourned a telegram was received from Boston,
signed by William H. Sayward, secretary of the National Association of
Builders. The assembly waited to hear it. It read as follows:

We are watching your course with great sympathy and interest. Individual
liberty must be preserved at any cost.

It was received with a burst of applause, followed by three cheers and a
"tiger."

PRACTICAL WORK.

A meeting of the directors of the Chicago stone pool was held, at which
there was a full attendance. The building situation was carefully and
thoroughly discussed, and without a dissenting voice it was agreed to
sustain the Master Masons in the action taken relative to the strike. A
resolution was adopted not to sell or deliver stone to anybody pending a
settlement of the labor troubles. It was also agreed to stop work at the
twenty-two quarries controlled by the pool if it should become
necessary.

The key to the situation was held by the stone pool, and when this
action was taken the cause of the Master Masons was strengthened in a
manner that caused a feeling of relief. Without stone building could not
go on for any great length of time.

PERMITS--ARCHITECTS.

There was some work under contract which had to be done in order to
protect it, or to avoid violating an agreement, and in such cases
President Downey arranged for the issuance of permits for the sale of
such material as was needed to complete the work.

The Architects met and expressed approval of the course of the Master
Masons, and the following resolution, presented by W. L. B. Jenney, was
unanimously adopted:

     _Resolved_, That the secretary be and he is hereby instructed to
     send to the Builders' and Traders' exchange, through its president,
     the announcement of our sincere co-operation.

WHIPPING THE GERMANS INTO LINE.

A mass meeting of the Bricklayers was held on the same day at Battery D,
ostensibly for the purpose of discussing the strike, but really for the
purpose of anathematizing the employers and forcing into line the
dissatisfied and discontented Germans who had been forced to strike
against their will. There was a majority of the Germans present, and if
they had not been frightened into following the leaders, they could have
rescinded the resolution making Saturday the pay-day. But they were
timid and unorganized. Mr. Richter spoke in favor of rescinding the
resolution, but his own German friends were not brave enough to accord
him a cheer, while the opposition howled him down.

When the orators thought they had the meeting in proper temper the
following resolution was presented by George Childs:

     _Resolved._ That we strictly abide by the resolution that was
     passed by our Union as to a Saturday pay-day every two weeks, and
     refuse to work on any other terms.

It was read in six different languages that it might be understood by
the "congress of nations." President Vorkeller then requested those who
favored its adoption to take a position on the right of the hall. A rush
was made and but one man voted against the resolution. The objecting
Germans had been intimidated to such an extent on that and previous
occasions that they feared to vote against the edict of the leaders. A
viva voce vote was then taken and the resolution was adopted without a
dissenting voice.

When the result of the meeting at Battery D was announced in the
committee-room of the Master Masons there was a significant smile on the
faces of those present. President Downey stated that a rescinding of the
Saturday pay-day resolution by the bricklayers was not expected, and if
it had been done it would not have restored the building interests to
their normal condition. The contractors had been forced into a fight
which they had staved off for years by making concessions, but now that
they were in it they would not stop short of a permanent settlement of
every grievance which had been borne until they were no longer to be
endured.

On Monday, May 16th, there were 18,000 mechanics locked out, and 1,100
laborers were being supported by the Hodcarriers' union. Four hundred
bricklayers left the city to look for work.

A PLATFORM OF PRINCIPLES.

Tuesday evening, May 17th, the Master Masons' association met and
unanimously adopted the following platform of principles:

     Your committee does respectfully report in favor of the
     reaffirmation of the following planks from the platform of the
     National Association of Builders as fundamental principles upon
     which must be based any and all efforts at settlement of the now
     existing lockout in building trades:

     We affirm that absolute personal independence of the individual to
     work or not to work, to employ or not to employ, is a fundamental
     principle which should never be questioned or assailed; that upon
     it depends the security of our whole social fabric and business
     prosperity, and that employers and workmen should be equally
     interested in its defense and preservation.

     We recognize that there are many opportunities for good in
     associations of workmen, and, while condemning and opposing
     improper action upon their part, we will aid and assist them in all
     just and honorable purposes; that while upon fundamental principles
     it would be useless to confer or arbitrate, there are still many
     points on which conference and arbitrations are perfectly right and
     proper, and that upon such points it is a manifest duty to take
     advantage of the opportunities afforded by associations to confer
     together to the end that strikes, lockouts, and other disturbances
     may be prevented; or, in other language, that "the walking delegate
     must go;" that the laws of the state shall prevail in regard to
     apprentices and not the dictates of labor organizations; that
     "stewards" in control of the men employed at buildings will not be
     recognized, and that "foremen," as the agents of employers, shall
     not be under the control of the union while serving in that
     capacity.

     We report in favor of the above, and believe that no time should be
     wasted now in the discussion of details which can readily be
     adjusted by arbitration when an association of workmen shall be in