William to be a king or was he merely to continue the office of
Stadholder which his fathers had held? Van Hogendorp's first plan to
revive the old oligarchic republic had failed at once. The regents had
played their rôle for all time. They had showed that they could not come
back. They had lost those abilities which for several centuries had kept
them at the head of affairs. The plan of Falck to create a government on
the half and half principle--half regent, half Patriot--had not been a
success, either. The Patriots as a party had been too directly
responsible for the mistakes of the last twenty years to be longer
popular as a ruling class. A new system must be found which could unite
all the best elements of the entire country. Surely here was a
difficult task to be performed.

The country to which Prince William was restored consisted at that
moment of exactly two provinces. The army numbered 1,350 infantry and
200 cavalry. The available cash counted just a little under 300,000
guilders. The only thing that was plentiful was the national debt. To
start a new nation and a new government upon such a slender basis was
the agreeable task which awaited the Prince, and yet, after all, the
solution of the problem proved to be more simple than had been expected.
The old administrative machinery of the Napoleonic empire was bodily
taken over into the new state and was continued under the command of the
Prince. The higher French dignitaries disappeared and their places were
taken by Hollanders trained in the Napoleonic school. The army of
well-drilled lower officials was retained in its posts. Except for the
fact that Dutch was once more made the official language, there was
little change in the internal form of government. The modern edifice of
state which had been constructed by Napoleon for the unwilling
Hollanders was cleaned of all Frenchmen and all French influence, but
the building itself was not touched, and after the original architect
had moved out, the impoverished Dutch state continued to live in it with
the utmost satisfaction.

But now came the question of the title and the position of the new head
of the household. Was it possible to place the state, which for so many
years had recognized an outlandish adventurer as its emperor, under the
leadership of a mere Stadholder? Was it fair that the Prince of Orange
should rule in his own country as a mere Stadholder where the country
had just recognized a member of a foreign family as its legitimate king?
The higher classes might have their doubts and might spend their days in
clever academic disputations; the mass of the people, however,
instinctively felt that the only right way out of the difficulty was to
make the son of the last Stadholder the first king of the resurrected
nation.

Before this popular demand, William, who himself in many ways was
conservative, and might have preferred to return merely as Stadholder,
had to give way. With much show of popular approbation he set to work to
reorganize the country as its sovereign ruler and no longer as the
subordinate executive of its parliament.

The first task of the sovereign, when on the 6th of December he took the
government into his own hands, was to abolish the most unpopular of the
old French taxes. The government monopoly of tobacco was at once
suppressed and joyous clouds of smoke spread heavenward. The press was
freed from the supervision of the police, under which it had so severely
suffered. The law which confiscated the goods of political prisoners and
which had been so greatly abused by the French authorities disappeared,
to the general satisfaction of the former victims. The clergy, which for
many years had received no salary at all and had been supported by
public charity, saw itself reinstated in its old revenues. But the time
had not yet come in which William could devote himself exclusively to
internal problems. The question of the moment was the military one. The
French still occupied many Dutch fortifications. They must first of all
be driven out. For this purpose the three thousand odd men were not
sufficient. But no further volunteers announced themselves.

The first two weeks of enthusiasm had been followed by the old apathy.
Neither men nor money was forthcoming. Everything was once more left to
an allwise Providence and to the allies. During eighteen years the
people had paid taxes. Now they kept their money at home. For almost ten
years their sons had been in the army. They were not going to send them
to be slaughtered for yet another king. The allies might do the fighting
if they liked. And it was impossible to get Dutch soldiers. Not until
the old government had begun to enforce the former French law upon the
conscription was it possible to lay the foundations of a national army.
After a year 45,000 infantrymen and 5,000 cavalrymen were ready to join
the allies. Then, however, they were no longer needed. Napoleon was
drilling his hundred rustics on the Island of Elba, and the Congress of
Vienna had started upon that round of dinners and gayeties which was to
decide the future destinies of the European continent.

After the army came the question of a constitution. This problem was
settled in the following way: A committee of fourteen members was
appointed to make a constitution. These fourteen gentlemen represented
all the old parties. A concept-constitution, drawn up by Van Hogendorp
long before the revolution took place, was to be the basis for their
discussions. On the 2nd of March this committee presented the sovereign
with a constitution which made him practically autocratic. There was to
be a sort of parliament of fifty-five members elected by the provincial
estates. But except for the futile right of veto and the exceptional
right of proposing an occasional bill, this parliament could exercise no
control over the executive or the finances. This was exactly what most
people wanted. They had had enough and to spare of popular government.
They were quite willing to leave everything to an able king who would
know best what was good for them.

On all sides the men of 1813 were surrounded by the ruins of the
failures of their inexperienced political schemes. The most energetic
leaders among them were dead or had been forced out of politics long
ago. Of the younger generation all over Europe the best elements had
been shot to pieces for the benefit of the Emperor Napoleon. The people
that remained when this scourge left Europe were the less active ones,
the less energetic ones, those who by nature were most fit to be humble
subjects.

On the 29th of March six hundred of the most prominent men of the
country were called together at Amsterdam to examine the new
constitution and to express their opinion upon the document. Only four
hundred and forty-eight appeared. They accepted the constitution between
breakfast and luncheon. They did not care to go into details. Nobody
cared. People wanted to be left in peace. Political housekeeping had
been too much trouble. They went to board with their new king, gave him
a million and a half a year, and told him to look after all details of
the management, but under no circumstances to bother them. And the new
king, whose nature at bottom was most autocratic, assumed this new duty
with the greatest pleasure and prepared to show his subjects how well
fitted he was for such a worthy task.

XXV

WILLIAM I

On the 20th of July, 1814, Russia, Austria, and Prussia, together with
England, agreed to recognize and support the new Kingdom of Holland and
to add to the territory of the old republic the former Austrian
possessions in Belgium. This meant the revival of a state which greatly
resembled the old Burgundian Kingdom. The allies did not found this new
country out of any sentimental love for the Dutch people. England wanted
to have a sentinel in Europe against another French outbreak, and
therefore the northern frontier of France must be guarded by a strong
nation. To further strengthen this country England returned most of the
colonies which during the last eighteen years had been captured by her
fleet. But before the new kingdom could start upon its career General
Bonaparte had tired of the monotony of his island principality and had
started upon his well-known trip to Waterloo. The new Dutch army upon
this occasion fought well and at Quatre Bras rendered valuable services.

[Illustration: KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS]

General Bonaparte was dispatched to St. Helena, a fate which of late has
inspired many sentimental folk to the point of writing books, and the
Kingdom of Holland-Belgium could begin its independent existence in all
seriousness. King William, in this new country, remained the absolute
ruler. Instead of one there were to be two chambers in his new domains.
But the executive and legislative power was all vested in the hands of
his Majesty. He, on the whole, made use of them for the very best
purposes. In a material way he attempted every possible remedy for the
poverty of the country. As far as dollars and cents go he was an
excellent king. Canals were dug all over the country; commerce was
encouraged in every possible way; the colonies were exploited with
energy; factories were built with and without support of the state, and
the mineral riches of Belgium were fully developed. A plan for a Panama,
or, rather, a Nicaraguan Canal was seriously discussed. And yet William
failed. The task to which he had been called was an impossible one.
Belgium and Holland had nothing in common but their mutual dislike of
each other. Protestant Holland, proud of its history, had no sympathy
for Catholic Belgium, where the Middle Ages had peacefully continued
while the rest of the world had moved forward. Catholic Belgium returned
these uncordial sentiments most heartily, and with the worst of
prejudices awaited the things which must be inflicted upon it by a
Protestant king.

A man of such pronounced views as King William was certain to have many
and sincere enemies. Furthermore, the French part of Belgium, following
the example of its esteemed neighbours, enjoyed a noisy opposition to
the powers that were as a sort of inspiring political picnic. But the
real difficulties of William's reign began when he got into a quarrel
with the Catholic Church. This well-organized institution, which will
provide all things to all men, under all conditions and circumstances,
was directly responsible for the ultimate break between the two
countries. We are not discussing the Church as an establishment for the
propagation of a certain sort of religious ethics; but we must
regretfully state that the entrance of the Church upon the field of
practical politics has invariably been followed by trouble in the most
all-around sense of the word.

William as King of the Netherlands felt his responsibility and felt it
heavily. He and He Only (make it capitals) was the head of the nation.
And when it appeared that the Bishop of Rome or the Bishop of Liège or
any other bishop aspired to the rôle of the power above the throne he
found in William a most determined and most sincere enemy. The Church,
assured of her power in a country which for so many centuries had been
under her absolute influence, became very aggressive, and her leaders
became very bold. William promptly landed the boldest among the bishops
in jail. And that was the beginning of a quarrel which lasted until
Catholics and Liberals, water and fire, had been forced to make common
cause against their mutual enemy and started a secret revolution against
William's rule, which broke forth in the open in the year 1830.

[Illustration: LIEUTENANT VAN SPEYCK BLOWS UP HIS SHIP]

The northern part of the country, for the first time in almost thirty
years, began to take an interest in politics and commenced showing
hopeful signs of life. And when in February, 1831, the commander of a
small Dutch gunboat, Lieutenant van Speyck, blew his ship and all his
sailors into the kingdom of brave men rather than surrender to the
Belgian rabble which had climbed on board his disabled craft, such an
unexpected enthusiasm broke loose that it took Holland just ten days in
which to reconquer most of the rebellious provinces.

This, however, was not to the liking of France. In the first place,
France was under the influence of a strong Catholic reaction and felt
compelled to help the suffering brethren in Belgium. In the second
place, France did not like the idea of a sentinel of England and
hastened to recognize and support the Prince of Saxe-Coburg, who was
called upon to mount the newly founded throne of the independent state
of Belgium.

A large French army marched north to oppose a further advance of the
Hollanders. William had to give up all idea of reuniting the two
countries. Since when, divorced from their incompatible companions, the
two nations have gone their different ways in excellent friendship and
have established great mutual respect and understanding.

To King William, however, who had devoted his time and strength quite as
much to Belgium as to Holland, the separation came as a terrible blow.
William was one of those sovereigns who take a cup of coffee and a bun
at five in the morning and then set to work to do everything for
everybody. He could not understand that mere devotion to duty was not
sufficient to make all his subjects love him. Perhaps he had not always
shown great tact in dealing with religious matters. But, then, look at
his material results. The Prince, who seventeen years before had been
hailed as the saviour of his country, now began to suffer under the
undeserved slights of his discontented citizens and was made a subject
for attacks which were wholly unwarranted. That the conditions in the
kingdom were in many ways quite unsatisfactory, is true; but it was not
so entirely the fault of the king as his contemporaries were so eager to
believe. They themselves had at first given him too much power. They had
without examination accepted a constitution which allowed their
parliament no control over monetary matters. The result of this state of
affairs had been a wholesale system of thefts and graft. The king knew
nothing of this, could not have known it. There were private individuals
who thought that they could prove it, but the ministers of state were
not responsible to the parliament, and there was no legitimate way of
bringing these unsound conditions to the attention of the sovereign.

And so the discontented elements started upon a campaign of calumny and
of silent disapproval, until finally William, who strongly felt that he
had done his duty to the best of his ability, became so thoroughly
disgusted with the ingratitude of his subjects that he resigned in
favour of his son, who, as William II, came to the throne in 1840.
William then left the country and never returned.

[Illustration: KING WILLIAM II]

What must we say of William II? We are not trying to write a detailed
history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. This little book merely tries
to fill out the mysterious and unexplored space between the end of the
old Dutch Republic and the modern kingdom. Even these twenty years it
does not try to describe too minutely, because on the whole (except for
the people themselves) the period was so absolutely uninteresting to the
outside world that we would not be warranted in asking the attention of
the intelligent reader for more than a limited number of pages. William
II was a good king in that he was a constitutional king. The year 1848
did not see the erection of barricades in the quiet Dutch cities. If the
people, or, rather, the few liberals who had begun to develop out of the
mass of indifferent material--if these gentlemen wanted another and a
more liberal constitution very badly, they could have it as far as
William II was concerned. And without revolution or undue noise the
absolute kingdom which the men of 1813 had constructed to keep the men
of 1795 in check was quietly changed into an absolutely constitutional
monarchy after the British pattern, with responsible ministers and a
parliament ruled by the different political parties. The budget now
became a public institution, openly discussed every year by the whole
people through their chosen representatives and their newspapers.

The king in this way became the hereditary president of a constitutional
republic. There can be no doubt that the system was personally
disagreeable to William II as well as to his son William III, who
succeeded him in 1849. But neither of them for a moment thought of
deviating from the narrow road which alone guaranteed safety to
themselves and to their subjects. However much they may have liked or
disliked certain individuals who as the result of a change in party had
to be appointed to be ministers of the government, they never allowed
their own personal feelings to interfere with the provisions of the
constitution to which at their ascension to the throne they had sworn
allegiance. This policy they continued with such excellent success that
whatever strength the socialistic party or the other parties of economic
discontent may at present be able to develop, those who would actually
like to see the monarchy changed into a republic are so very rare and
form such an insignificant part of the total population that a
continuation of the present system seems assured for an indefinite
length of time, which is saying a great deal in our day of democratic
unrest.

As we write these final words a hundred years have gone by since the
days of the French domination and of the many revolutionary upheavals;
the nation of the year 1813, broken down under the hopeless feeling of
failure, and the people, despairing of the future and indifferent to
everything of the present which did not touch their bread and butter,
have disappeared. One after the other they travelled the road to those
open air cemeteries which they had so much detested as a revolutionary
innovation, their ancestors all slept under their own church-pews, and
their place was taken by younger blood.

But it was not until the year 1870 that we could notice a more hopeful
attitude in the point of view of the Dutch nation. Then, at last, it
recovered from the blows of the first twelve years of the century. Then
it regained the courage of its own individual convictions and once more
was ready to take up the burden of nationality. Once more the low
countries aspired to that place among the nations to which their
favourable geographical position, the thrift of their population, and
the enterprise of their leading merchants so fully entitled them. The
revival, when it came, was along all lines. Scholarship in many branches
of learning compared very favourably with the best days of the old
republic. The arts revived and brought back glimpses of the seventeenth
century. Social legislation gave the country an honourable place among
those states which earnestly endeavour to mitigate the disadvantages of
our present capitalistic development and by direct interference of the
legislature aim for a higher type of society in which the many shall not
spend their lives in a daily drudgery for the benefit of the few.

The feeling that colonies were merely an agreeable asset to the
merchants of the country and called for no special obligations upon
their part gradually gave way to the modern view that the colonies are
a trust which for many a year to come must stay in the hands of European
men before they shall be able to render them to the natives for a rule
of their own people. Finally that most awful and most despondent of all
sentimental meditations, that "we have been a great country once," that
"we have had our time," has begun to make place for the conviction that
at this very moment no other nation of such a small area and
insignificant number of people is capable of performing such valuable
service in so many fields of human endeavour as is the modern Dutch
nation.

The failure of the men of 1795, who dreamed their honest but ineffectual
dream of a prosperous and united fatherland, the apparent failure of the
first Dutch king who in the true belief of his own direct responsibility
still belonged to a bygone age, have at last made place for a healthy
and modern state capable of normal development.

Out of the ruins of the old divided republic--a selfish commercial
body--there has risen, after a hundred years of experimenting and
suffering, a new and honourable country--a single nation, not merely an
indifferent confederacy of independent little sovereignties--a civic
body managing its own household affairs without interference from abroad
and without disastrous partisanship at home--a people who again dare to
see visions beyond the direct interests of their daily bread, and who
are given the fullest scope for the pursuit of prosperity and
individual happiness under a government of their own choice and under
the gracious leadership of her Majesty Queen Wilhelmina.

    _Brussels._
    _Christmas, 1914._

THE END

A COMPARISON OF THE FOUR CONSTITUTIONS OF HOLLAND

CONSTITUTION OF 1798               CONSTITUTION OF 1801

  The Representative Assembly:       A Council of State (Executive
The highest power in the State,    Council, in Dutch: Staatsbewind)
to which all other governmental    consisting of twelve members.
bodies are responsible.              A Legislative Assembly.
  The Executive Council of five      National Syndicate consisting
directors.                         of three judicial officers to
  The Representative Assembly      control all officials of the State
has the right of legislation,      State and all departments of the
of making alliances and treaties,  government.
of declaring war, of discussing      The Legislative Assembly
accepting the yearly budget,       discusses all laws proposed by the
of appointing the directors of     Council of State. It discusses and
the Executive Council. It can      gives its final approval to all
grant pensions and has the right   treaties (except certain articles
of pardon, and will decide in      of such treaties). It has to give
all such questions which are not   its approval to any declaration of
explicitly provided for by the     war. It discusses and approves the
constitution.                      annual budget.
  The Executive Council must          The Council of State
see to the strict execution of     (Staatsbewind) makes up the annual
of all the laws of the             budget and proposes new laws to
Representative Assembly. It        the Legislative Assembly. It sees
makes up a yearly budget which     to the execution of the laws which
must be submitted to the           the Legislative body has accepted.
Representative Assembly. It has    It declares war (after it has
the right to appoint diplomatic    obtained the approval of the
and consular representatives.      Legislative Assembly). It is the
It negotiates treaties and         highest power in all affairs of
alliances, subject, however, to    army and navy, and it has the
approval of the Representative     right of appointment of the
body.                              principal state officers. The
  The Representative Assembly        The Legislative Assembly
shall consist of one member for    consists of one single chamber of
every 20,000 inhabitants. Every    thirty-five members.
year the Representative body         The members of the Legislative
shall be divided into a second     Assembly are for the first time to
chamber of thirty members and      be appointed by the Council of
a first chamber containing all     State. Afterward their election
the others. (There were            will be regulated by law.
ninety-four members in all.)         To be entitled to vote one must
  The Representative Assembly is   be either a Hollander who has
to be elected in the following     lived in the country for one year
way: The country shall be divided  or a foreigner who has lived in
into ninety-four districts of      the country for six whole years.
20,000 people each. These          The declaration of abhorrence of
districts are again divided        the Stadholder, aristocracy, etc.,
into forty sub-districts           is no longer insisted upon. A
(grondvergadering) of 500 people   single promise to "remain faithful
Stadholder, aristocracy, etc.,     to the constitution" is now
each. Each subdistrict elects one  sufficient.
candidate and one elector. If the    The Council of State is composed
same candidate was elected in      of twelve members. The first seven
twenty-one sub-districts he        members are appointed by "the
became a Representative.           present Executive Council" (this
Otherwise forty electors choose    meant the three authors of the
a Representative from among the    constitution of the year 1810).
three candidates who had the       These seven were to appoint their
largest number of votes.           five colleagues. Each year one of
  Each year one third of the       the twelve members was supposed to
members of the Representative      resign. A vacancy was filled as
Assembly must resign, and a        follows: The departmental circles
new election for their places      proposed four people. Out of those
must be held.                      four the Legislative Assembly
  To be entitled to vote one       elected two. From among those two
must be either a Hollander who     the Council of State then selected
during the last two years has      their new colleague.
lived in the country or a            The agents are replaced by
foreigner who has resided in       small advisory councils of three
the republic during the last ten   members. They are responsible
years. The voter must be able      to the Council of State.
to read and write the Dutch          The Legislative Assembly meets
language, and must have passed     twice a year: April 15 to June 1,
the age of twenty. To qualify      and October 15 to December 15.
as a voter one must swear a        The Council of State, however, can
solemn oath to the effect that     call together the Legislative
one abhors the Stadholder,         Assembly as often as it pleases.
anarchy, aristocracy, and            The Council of State proposes
federalism, and that one never     all laws. Twelve members of the
shall vote for any person whose    Legislative Assembly appointed by
opinions upon these subjects are   this body discuss the laws. The
not entirely above suspicion.      Legislative Assembly then accepts
  The Executive Council is         the law or vetoes it. No further
appointed by the Representative    discussion allowed in the
Assembly, but the members of the   Legislative Assembly.
Council may not be members of the    The country is divided into
Executive. The first chamber       eight departments. The provincial
proposes three candidates. The     frontiers of the old republic are
second chamber elects the member   reëstablished. Drenthe comes to
from among those three. Each year  Overysel and Brabant becomes the
one new member of the Council is   new, the eighth, department.
to be elected. After his             Local government remains as
resignation he is not reëligible   before, but each city is allowed
until five years later.            greater liberty in civic affairs,
  The Executive Council appoints   provided the city does not try to
eight agents to act as heads of    change the original idea of a
different departments (as          democratic, representative
ministers more or less). These     government. The cities in this
agents are responsible and         way regain a great deal of their
subordinate to the Council.        old autonomy. The old interstate
  The Representative Assembly      tariff scheme of the former
meets the whole year round.        republic is not allowed. But
  New laws are proposed in and     otherwise the cities regain most
discussed by the first chamber.    of their former power.
Then they are submitted to the
second chamber, which has the
right of approval or veto, but
not the right of discussion.
  The Executive Council must see
to the execution of these laws.
  The country is divided into
eight departments with new names:
The department of the Eems, of
the Old Ysel, of the Rhine, of
the Amstel, of Texel, of the
Delf, of the Dommel, and of the
Scheldt and Maas. Their former
boundaries are given up and
arbitrary boundaries are made.
Each department is divided into
seven circles and the circles are
divided into communes.
  Each department has a local
governmental body somewhat
resembling the old Provential
Estates. Each circle is
represented in this by one
member. These seven members are
elected by the voters. The
officials of the commune are
elected in the same way. These
local, departmental, and civic
bodies are responsible to the
Executive Council.

CONSTITUTION OF 1805               CONSTITUTION OF 1806

  A Raadpensionaris.                 A King.
  A Legislative Assembly. (The       A Legislative Assembly.
old title of their High and          The King is assisted by a
Mightinesses is revived for the    Council of State of thirteen
members of this body.)             members, to be appointed by
  The Raadpensionaris is           himself.
assisted by an advisory Council      The Legislative body has the
of State of five to nine members,  same rights as in the year 1801.
to be selected by himself.         The King has the same executive
  The powers of the Legislative    power as the Raadpensionaris, but
body remain the same.              may "upon certain occasions act
  The Raadpensionaris has all      directly without consulting the
the executive and legislative      Legislative body at all."
power of the Council of State        The Legislative body consists of
(Staatsbewind) of 1801, but he     thirty-eight members. Holland
has at his disposal a secret       appoints seventeen. The other
budget to be used "for the good    departments two or four; Drenth,
of the country" at his own         one. When a department increases
discretion.                        in territory the number of
  The Legislative Assembly         representatives may be increased,
consists of nineteen members:      too.
Holland sends seven; Zeeland         For the first time nineteen new
sends one; Utrecht sends one; all  members proposed by the
the other departments send two     Legislative body itself and
members.                           confirmed by the King were added
  The first Legislative Assembly   to the old Legislative Assembly of
is to be appointed by the          the year 1805.
Raadpensionaris. Afterward the       The next year (1807) the King
departmental government proposes   appointed the new members from
four names. The Raadpensionaris    among a list of candidates, half
selects two out of the four and    of which list was proposed by the
returns the names to the           Legislative Assembly, the other
departmental government, which     half of which was made up by a
then votes for one of those two.   number of notabilities who were
  Qualifications for franchise     selected by the King from a list
remain the same as in 1801.        of names proposed by departmental
  The Raadpensionaris is           officers.
appointed by the Legislative         The Constitution refers the
Assembly for a period of five      question of the qualifications for
years. The Constitution of 1805    the franchise to the future. As a
lasted only for a year. The only   matter of fact the franchise was
Raadpensionaris was                practically abolished after the
Schimmelpenninck.                  institution of the kingdom.
  The Raadpensionaris appoints       The King appoints four
five secretaries of State and a    secretaries of State (Ministers).
Council of Finance, consisting       The Legislative body meets at
of three advisory members.         the pleasure of the King. It is
  The Legislative Assembly meets   supposed to meet regularly during
twice a year for a period of six   two months of the year.
weeks: April 15 to June 1, and       The King proposes the laws. The
December 1 to January 15.          Legislative Assembly has no right
  All laws are proposed by the     of discussion. Can accept a law or
Raadpensionaris. The Legislative   veto it.
Assembly does not have the right     The country is divided into nine
of debate, but has the right of    departments. Drenthe is revived as
veto.                              a separate department.
  The same division of the           The old Departmental Estates, are
country as before.                 brought immediately under the
  The cities continue to regain    influence of the King, who appoints
their old sovereign rights.        his own officers (Land-drost). The
                                   autonomy of the cities is again lost.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

GIVING THE DETAILS OF THE RESURRECTION OF HOLLAND IN 1812

For this period we have, as may be seen from the following list of
books, very few memoirs, only a limited number of newspapers, and no
books which show us in detail the inside work of the big and little
political events of the day.

The rôle which the Batavian Republic played was so little flattering
that the chief participants in the drama of national decadence preferred
not to chronicle their own adventures between the years 1795 and 1815
and expose their private conduct to the public judgment of their
children and grandchildren.

THE BATAVIAN REPUBLIC

Van der Aa, Biographisch woordenboek, the only source of information for
the lives of many of the men of this period.

Appelius, J.H., de staatsomwenteling van 1795 in haren aard, loop en
gevolgen beschouwd. Leiden, 1801.

D'Auzon de Boisminart W.P., Gedenkschriften, 1788-1840. The Hague,
1841-1843.

Bas, F. de, De overgave van de Bataafsche vloot in 1795. Utrecht, 1884.

Berkhey, J. le Francq van, de Bataafsche menschelykheid enz. Leiden,
1801.

Beynen, G.J.W. Koolemans, Het Terugtrekken van Daendels in 1799 uit de
Zype naar de Schermer. Leiden, 1898.

Blok, P.J., Geschiedenis van het Nederlandsche volk. The new standard
history in eight volumes. Translated into English. The part treating of
the last hundred years of the Dutch Republic has not been translated as
fully as the earlier history.

Bouwens, R.L., aan zyne committenten over het politiek en finantieel
gedrag der ministers van het vorige bewind. Amsterdam, 1797.

Brauw, W.M. de, de Departmenten van Algemeen Bestuur in Nederland sedert
de omwenteling van 1795. Utrecht, 1864.

Brougham, Henry Lord, Life and Times, written by himself. Edinburgh,
1871. This book contains a description of a voyage through the Batavian
Republic in the year 1804.

Byleveld, H.J.J., de geschillen met Frankryk betreffende Vlissingen
sedert 1795 tot 1806. The Hague, 1865.

Castlereagh, Memoirs and correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh, London,
1848, contains the diplomatic correspondence upon many subjects
concerning the Batavian Republic and the Kingdom of Holland.

Colenbrander, Gedenkschriften der Algemeene Geschiedenis van Nederland.
Collection of official documents. 1795-1798, 1798-1801 (2 vols.);
1801-1806 (2 vols.), 1806 1810 (2 vols.), 1810-1813 (3 vols.) The
standard work of sources for this period.

Courant, de Bataafsche Binnenlandsche, a newspaper with some news but
little of any value.

Covens C. Beknopte staatsbeschryving der Bataafsche Republiek.
Amsterdam, 1800.

Dagverhaal der handelingen van de eerste en tweede nationale and
constitueerende vergadering representeerende het Volk van Nederland. The
Hague, 1796-1801. A sort of congressional record in twenty-two volumes.

Decreeten der Nationale Vergadering, March, 1796 to January, 1798.
Twenty-three volumes. An enormous mass of state papers of the National
Assembly.

Decreeten, Register der, van de Vergadering van het Provintiaal Bestuur
van Holland. March 2, 1796 to January 31, 1798. The records of the
provincial government of Holland, which succeeded the estates of
Holland.

Doorninck, J. van, Het Alliantie tractaat met Frankryk van 16 Mei 1795.
Deventer, 1852.

Galdi M. Quadro politico delle rivoluzioni delle Provincie Unite e della
Republica Batava e dello stato attuale del regno di Olande. Milan, 1809.

Groen van Prinsterer. Handboek der Geschiedenis van Het Vaderland.
Standard work written from point of view opposed to the French
Revolution.

Hall, M.C. van, Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck, voornamelyk als Bataafsch
afgezant op het Vredescongres te Amiens in 1802. Amsterdam, 1847.

Hartog, J., De Joden in het eerste jaar der Bataafsche vryheid.
Amsterdam, 1875. A discussion of the emancipation of the Jews in the
Batavian Republic.

Herzeele P. van and J. Goldberg, Rapport der commissie tot het onderzoek
naar den staat der finantien op 4 Januari, 1797. The Hague, 1797.

Hingman, J.H., Stukken betreffende het voorstel tot deportatie van Van
de Spiegel, Bentinck, Rhoon en Repelaer, 1795-1798. Utrecht, 1888.

Jaarboeken der Bataafsche Republiek. Amsterdam 1795-1798. Thirteen
volumes. A continuation of the old year books of the Dutch Republic.
Minute record of official acts, documents, etc.

Kesman, J.H., Receuil van den zakelyken inhoud van alle sedert, 1795
gestelde orders van den lande, de armée betreffende. The Hague, 1805.

Kluit, W.P. Sautyn, Studies over de Nederlandsche journalistiek,
1795-1813. The Hague, 1876-1885. A discussion of the Gazette de
Hollande, the "Nationaale en Bataafsche couranten," and the official
newspaper of the State before the restoration of 1814.

Krayenhoff, Geschiedkundige beschouwing van den oorlog op het
grondgebied der Bataafsche republiek in 1799. Nymwegen, 1832.

Langres, Lonbard de, Byzonderheden uit de tyden der onwenteling en
betrekkingen van Nederland in 1798. The Hague, 1820.

Langres was French minister between 1798 and 1799. Nothing much of
importance.

Legrand, L., La révolution française en Hollande; la République Batave.
Paris, 1894.

Naber, J.A., Journal van het gepasseerede gedurende het verblyf der
Nationale Trouppen in s'Gravenhage. January 21 to April 20, 1795. The
Hague, 1895.

Notulen van het Staatsbewind der Bataafsche Republiek. October 17, 1801
to April 29, 1805. Twelve volumes of records of the proceedings of the
Batavian Executive.

Paulus, Aanspraak by de opening van de vergadering der Nationale
Vergadering. March 1, 1796. The Hague, 1796. A report of this speech is
found in Wagenaar.

Rogge C., Tafereel van de geschiedenis der jongste omwenteling in de
Vereenigde Nederlanden. Amsterdam, 1796.

Rogge C., Geschiedenis der staatsregeling voor het Bataafsche volk.
Amsterdam, 1799.

Rogge C., Schaduwbeelden der leden van de Nationale Vergadering.

Schimmelpenninck, G., Rutger Jan Schimmelpenninck en eenige
gebeurtenissen van zyn tyd. The Hague, 1845. See also under M.C. van
Hall.

Staatsbesluiten der Bataafsche Republiek, April 29 to December 31, 1805.
Three volumes of official decrees.

Staatscourant, Bataafsche. See Kluit.

Swildens, J.H., Godsdienstig Staatsboek. Amsterdam, 1803. Discussion of
the revolution from an orthodox protestant point of view.

Vitringa, C.L., Staatkundige geschiedenis der Bataafsche Republiek.
Arnhem, 1858-1864.

Vitringa, H.H., Advisen over de eenheid der Bataafsche Republiek, den
godsdienst, de verandering der constitutie, de vermeniging der oude
provincieele schulden, etc. Amsterdam, 1796.

Vonk L.C., Geschiedenis der landing van het Engelsch Russisch leger in
Noord Holland. Haarlem, 1801.

Vreede, G.W., Bydragen tot de geschiedenis der omwenteling van
1795-1798. Amsterdam, 1847-1851.

Vreede G.W., Geschiedenis der diplomatie van de Bataafsche Republiek.
Three volumes of diplomatic history of the Batavian Republic.

Vreede, P., Verantwoording. Leyden, 1798. Explanation of his official
acts as member of the Executive.

Wagenaar. Vaderlandsche Historie. See the three volumes of Vervolg
written by Loosjes and his forty-eight volumes of Vervolg which bring
Wagenaar down to the year 1806. Stuart in 1821 wrote four more volumes
which continue the Historie until the year 1810 is reached. The same
tendency to endless reports of facts without any comment, except from
the revolutionary point of view, is met in this Vervolg, which is only
useful as a book of information.

For the pamphlets of this period see the last column of the Catalogue of
Knuttel, Catalogus van de pamphletten verzameling berustende in de
Koninklyke Bibliotheek. The Hague.

THE KINGDOM OF HOLLAND

Blik op Holland of schildery van dat Koninkryk in 1806. Amsterdam,
1807.

Bonaparte, L., Documents historiques et réflexions sur le gouvernement de
la Hollande. Bruxelles, 1820. Translated into Dutch in the same year.

Cour, La de Hollande sous le règne de Louis Bonaparte. Paris, 1823.

Dykshoorn, J., Van de Landing der Engelschen in Zeeland. Vlissingen,
1809.

Fruin, R., Twee nieuwe bydragen tot de kennis van het tydvak van Koning
Lodewyk. The Hague, 1888.

Geslachts--levens--en karakterschets van Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.
Schiedam, 1806.

Hoek, S. van, Landing en inval der Engelschen in Zeeland, 1809. Haarlem,
1810.

Hortense de Beauharnais, Mémoires sur Madame la Duchesse de St. Leu,
ex-reine de Hollande. London, 1832.

Hugenpoth d'Aerdt G.J.J.A., Notes historiques sur le règne de Louis
Napoleon. The Hague, 1829.

Jorissen Th., Napoleon I et le Roi de Hollande, 1806-1813. The Hague,
1868.

Jorissen Th., De ondergang van het koninkryk Holland. Arnhem, 1871.

Jorissen Th., De commissie van 22 Juli 1810 te Parys.

Maaskamp. E., Reis door Holland in 1806. Amsterdam, 1806.

Rocqain F., Napoléon premier et le Roi Louis. Paris, 1875, with original
documents.

Roel, W.F., Verslag van het verblyf des konings te Parys 1909-1910.
Amsterdam, 1837.

Wichers L., De Regeering van Koning Lodewyk Napoleon, 1806-1810. Utrecht,
1892. The best book upon the subject which has as yet appeared.

See Colenbrander's Gedenkstukken, Blok, Groen, and Wagenaar.

FRENCH OCCUPATION

Bas, F. de and Snouckaert van Schauburg, Het 2de Hollandsche regiment
Huzaren. Breda, 1892. Story of the adventures of the Eleventh Regiment
French Hussars.

Daendels, Staat van Nederlandsch Oost Indie onder het bestuur van H.W.
Daendels. The Hague, 1814.

The same subject treated by N. Engelhard. About Daendels, see his life
by I. Mendels. For the colonial history of this period see also M.L. van
Deventer. Het Nederlandsch Gezag over Java. The Hague, 1891.

Hogendorp D. van (brother of Gysbrecht Karel), Memoirs, 1761-1814. The
Hague, 1887.

Hogendorp, Gysbrecht Karel van, Brieven en gedenkschriften. The Hague,
1762-1813.

Kanter J. de, de Franschen in Walcheren. Middelburg, 1814. Krayenhoff.
Bydragen tot de vaderlandsche geschiedenis van de jaren, 1809 en 1810.
Nymegen, 1831.

See Colenbrander's Gedenkstukken, Blok, Groen en Wagenaar.

THE RESTORATION

During the centenary celebration of the revival of the Dutch
independence the events of the years 1812 and 1813 were made the subject
of numerous publications large of volume and dreary of reading. The art
of reproduction having been greatly perfected during those last years,
every single scrap of document was dutifully copied and royal battles
were fought about the exact wording of long-forgotten proclamations.
Most of these works of history appeared in serials and many have not
approached any further than the dreary works of 1814. In the second
edition of this book it will perhaps be possible to give a complete
bibliography for the years 1812-1815.