support to the garrison. In the afternoon both sides ceased firing, to
cool and clean their guns. During this time, Forrest, under a flag of
truce, summoned the federals to surrender within a half hour. Major
Bradford refused to comply with the demand. Meantime the confederates
taking advantage of the truce to secret themselves down in a ravine,
from whence they could rush upon the Fort at a given signal. No sooner
was Bradford's refusal to surrender received, than the confederates
rushed simultaneously into the Fort. In a moment almost the place was in
their possession. The garrison, throwing away their arms fled down the
steep banks, endeavoring to hide from the promised "no quarter," which
Forrest had embodied in his demand for surrender: "_If I have to storm
your works, you may expect no quarter._" The confederates followed,
"butchering black and white soldiers and non-combatants, men, women and
children. Disabled men were made to stand up and be shot; others were
burned within the tents wherein they had been nailed to the floor." This
carnival of murder continued until dark, and was even renewed the next
morning. Major Bradford was not murdered until he had been carried as a
prisoner several miles on the retreat.

It is best that the evidence in this matter, as given in previous pages
of this chapter, should be read. It is unimpeachable, though Forrest, S.
D. Lee and Chalmers have attempted to deny the infernal work. The last
named, under whose command these barbarous acts were committed, offered
on the floor of the United States Congress, fifteen years afterward, an
apologetic denial of what appears from the evidence of those who
escaped,--taken by the Congressional Committee,--and also contradictory
to the confederate General S. D. Lee's report, in which he fails to
convince himself even of the inaccuracy of the reports of brutality, as
made by the few who escaped being murdered. Lee says:

[Illustration: THE MASSACRE AT FORT PILLOW.--APRIL 12TH, 1864.]

     "The garrison was summoned in the usual manner, and its
     commanding officer assumed the responsibility of refusing to
     surrender after having been informed by General Forrest of
     his ability to take the Fort, and of his fears of what the
     result would be in case the demand was not complied with.
     The assault was made under a heavy fire, and with
     considerable loss to the attacking party. Your colors were
     never lowered, and your garrison never surrendered, but
     retreated under cover of a gunboat, with arms in their hands
     and constantly using them. This was true particularly of
     your colored troops, who had been firmly convinced by your
     teaching of the certainty of slaughter, in case of capture.
     Even under these circumstances, many of your men, white and
     black, were taken prisoners."

Continuing, he says:

     "The case under consideration is almost an extreme one. You
     had a servile race armed against us. I assert that our
     officers with all the circumstances against them endeavored
     to prevent the effusion of blood."

This is an admission that the massacre of the garrison actually
occurred, and because Phalanx troops were a part of the garrison. That
the black soldiers had been taught that no quarter would be shown them
if captured, or if they surrendered, is doubtless true. It is also too
true that the teaching was the _truth_. One has but to read the summons
for the surrender to be satisfied of the fact, and then recollect that
the President of the Confederate States, in declaring General Butler an
outlaw, also decreed that negroes captured with arms in their hands,
their officers as well, should be turned over to the State authorities
wherein they were captured, to be dealt with according to the laws of
that State and the Confederacy.

The sentiment of the chief confederate commander regarding the
employment of negroes in the Union army, notwithstanding the Confederate
Government was the first to arm and muster them into service, as shown
in previous and later chapters, is manifested by the following dispatch,
though at the time of writing it, that General had hundreds of blacks
under his command at Charleston building fortifications.

                        "CHARLESTON, S. C., Oct. 13th, 1862.

           "HON. WM. P. MILES, RICHMOND, VA.

     "Has the bill for the execution of abolition prisoners,
     after January next, been passed? Do it, and England will be
     stirred into action. It is high time to proclaim the black
     flag after that period: let the execution be with the
     garrote. G. T. BEAUREGARD."

The confederate thirst for "nigger" blood seemed to have been no
stronger in Kentucky than in other Departments, but it does appear, for
some reason, that Kentucky and northern Mississippi were selected by the
confederate generals, Pillow and Forrest, as appropriate sections in
which to particularly vent their spite. The success of Forrest at Fort
Pillow rather strengthened General Beauford's inhumanity. He commanded a
portion of Pillow's forces which appeared before Columbus the day after
the Fort Pillow massacre, and in the following summons demanded its
surrender:

     "_To the Commander of the United States Forces, Columbus,
     Ky._:

     "Fully capable of taking Columbus and its garrison, I desire
     to avoid shedding blood. I therefore demand the
     unconditional surrender of the forces under your command.
     Should you surrender, the negroes in arms will be returned
     to their masters. Should I be compelled to take the place by
     force, _no quarter will be shown negro troops whatever_;
     white troops will be treated as prisoners of war.

                            "I am, sir, yours,
                                A. BEAUFORD, Brig. Gen."

Colonel Lawrence, of the 34th New Jersey, declined to surrender, and
drove the enemy off, who next appeared in Paducah, but retired without
making an assault upon the garrison.

These occurrences, with the mysterious surrender of Union City to
Forrest, on the 16th of March, so incensed the commander of the
Department that a strong force was organized, and in command of General
S. D. Sturgis, started, on the 30th of April, in pursuit of Forrest and
his men, but did not succeed in overtaking him. A few weeks later,
General Sturgis, with a portion of his former force, combined with that
of General Smith's,--just returning from the Red River (Banks)
_fiasco_,--again went in pursuit of General Forrest. At Guntown, on the
10th of June, Sturgis' cavalry, under General Grierson, came up with the
enemy, charged upon them, and drove them back upon their infantry posted
near Brice's Cross Roads. General Grierson, needing support, sent back
for the infantry, which was several miles in his rear. The day was
intensely hot, and the roads, from constant rains, in very bad
condition. However, Sturgis marched the troops up at double-quick to the
position where General Grierson was holding the confederates in check.
The infantry had become so exhausted when they reached the scene of
action, that they were unable to fight as they otherwise would have
done. Sturgis, either ignorant of what was going on or incapacitated for
the work, heightened the disorder at the front by permitting his train
of over two hundred wagons to be pushed up close to the troops, thus
blocking their rear, and obstructing their manoeuvring; finally the
wagons were parked a short distance from the lines and in sight of the
foe. The troops exhausted by the rapid march, without proper formation
or commanders, had been brought up to the support of the cavalry, who
were hotly engaged with the enemy, whose desperation was increased at
the sight of the Phalanx regiments. General Beauford had joined Forrest,
augmenting his force 4,000. Sturgis' force numbered about 12,000, in
cavalry, artillery and infantry. Forrest was well provided with
artillery, which was up early and took a position in an open field
enfilading the Federal line, which fought with a determination worthy of
a better fate than that which befel it.

A confederate writer says:

     "At early dawn on the 10th Lyon took the advance, with
     Morton's artillery close behind, Rucker and Johnson
     following. Meanwhile, Bell, as we have stated, at Rienzi,
     eight miles further north, was ordered to move up at a trot.
     The roads, soaked with water from recent continuous heavy
     rains and so much cut up by the previous passage of cavalry
     and trains, greatly retarded the progress of the artillery,
     so that Rucker and Johnson soon passed us. On reaching old
     Carrollville, five miles northeast of Brice's Cross Roads,
     heavy firing could be heard just on ahead. Forrest, as was
     his custom, had passed to the front of the entire column
     with his escort.

     "He had, however, ordered Lieutenant R. J. Black, a dashing
     young officer, temporarily attached to his staff, to take a
     detachment of men from the Seventh Tennessee Cavalry and
     move forward and develop the enemy. Black soon reported that
     he had met the advance of the Federal cavalry one and a half
     miles from Brice's Cross Roads and there was skirmishing
     with them. General Forrest ordered Lyon to press forward
     with his brigade. A courier hastening back to the artillery
     said: 'General Forrest says, 'Tell Captain Morton to fetch
     up the artillery at a gallop.' Lyon in the meantime had
     reached the enemy's outposts, dismounted his brigade and
     thrown it into line and had warmly opposed a strong line of
     infantry or dismounted cavalry, which, after stubborn
     resistance, had been driven back to within half a mile of
     Brice's Cross Roads."

The columns of the Federals could not do more than retreat, and if they
had been able to do this in any order, and recover from their
exhaustion, they would have been ready to drive the foe, but they were
hotly pursued by the confederates, who were continually receiving
re-enforcements. It was soon evident that the confederates intended to
gain the rear and capture the whole of the Union troops. The Federals,
therefore, began to retire leisurely.

Says the confederate account:

     "General Forrest directed General Buford to open vigorously
     when he heard Bell on the left, and, taking with him his
     escort and Bell's Brigade, moved rapidly around
     southeastward to the Guntown-Ripley road. He formed Wilson's
     and Russel's Regiments on the right of the road, extending
     to Rucker's left, and placed Newsom's Regiment on the left
     of the road; Duffs Regiment, of Rucker's Brigade, was placed
     on the left of Newsom; Captain H. A. Tyler, commanding
     Company A, Twelfth Kentucky, was ordered by Lyon and
     subsequently by Forrest to take his company, with Company C,
     Seventh Kentucky, and keep mounted on the extreme left of
     the line. The escort, under Captain Jackson, moved around
     the extreme left of the line, and on striking the Baldwyn
     and Pontotoc road about two miles south of the cross roads
     had a sharp skirmish and pressed the enemy's cavalry back to
     where Tishamingo creek crosses that road; here it was joined
     by Captain Gartrell's Georgia company and a Kentucky
     company. By mutual agreement Captain Jackson, of the escort,
     was placed in command of the three companies and Lieutenant
     George L. Cowan in command of the escort. Meanwhile General
     Buford had ordered Barteau's Second Tennessee Cavalry to
     move across the country and gain the Federal rear, and if
     possible destroy their trains and then strike them in
     flank."

The gallant conduct of the Federal cavalry inspired the other troops.
They made a stand, and for awhile advanced, driving the confederate line
before them on the right, doubling it up and gaining the rear.

The same writer says:

     "It was at this critical moment an officer of Bell's staff
     dashed up to General Forrest, very much excited, and said:
     'General Forrest, the enemy flanked us and are now in our
     rear. What shall be done?' Forrest, turning in his saddle,
     very coolly replied: 'We'll whip these in our front and
     then turn around, and wont we be in their rear? And then
     we'll whip them fellows!' pointing in the direction of the
     force said to be in his rear. Jackson and Tyler, charging on
     the extreme left, drove back two colored regiments of
     infantry upon their main line at the cross roads. In this
     charge the gallant Captain Tyler was severely wounded.

     "Meanwhile the Federals, with desperation, hurled a double
     line of battle, with the four guns at Brice's house
     concentrated upon Rucker and Bell, which for a moment seemed
     to stagger and make them waver. In this terrible onslaught
     the accomplished Adjutant, Lieutenant W. S. Pope, of the
     Seventh Tennessee, was killed, and a third of his regiment
     was killed and wounded. Soon another charge was sounded.
     Lieutenant Tully Brown was ordered, with his section of
     three-inch rifles, close on the front at the Porter house,
     from which position he hurled a thousand pounds of cold iron
     into their stubborn lines. A section of twelve-pounder
     howitzers, under Lieutenant B. F. Haller, pressed still
     further to the front and within a stone's throw almost of
     the enemy's line. Mayson's section of three-inch rifles were
     quickly placed in line with Haller's. Just then, General
     Buford, riding up and seeing no support to the artillery,
     called General Forrest's attention to the fact, when Forrest
     remarked: 'Support, h--l; let it support itself; all the
     d--n Yankees in the country can't take it."'

The lines were now closing upon each other, and the confederates began
to feel the effect of the Union fire. The dash of the Phalanx, charging
the enemy's flank, gave renewed courage to the troops, now pouring
deadly volleys into the confederate's faces, and their guns had gained a
position, from which they began to sweep the enemy's lines.

Says the same account:

     "Now rose the regular incessant volleys of musketry and
     artillery. The lines in many places were not over thirty
     paces apart and pistols were freely used. The smoke of
     battle almost hid the combatants. The underbrush and dense
     black-jack thickets impeded the advance of the dismounted
     cavalry as the awful musketry fire blazed and gushed in the
     face of these gallant men. Every tree and brush was barked
     or cut to the ground by this hail of deadly missiles. It was
     here the accomplished and gallant William H. Porter, brother
     of Major Thomas K. and Governor James D. Porter, fell
     mortally wounded. This promising young officer had not
     attained his manhood. He was a cadet in the regular
     Confederate States army and had been ordered to report to
     General Bell, who assigned him to duty as A. D. C. Captain
     J. L. Bell, General Bell's Assistant Inspector-General, had
     just been killed from his horse, and almost at the same
     moment young Porter lost his own horse and just mounted
     Captain Bell's when he received the fatal shot. Lieutenant
     Isaac Bell, aide-de-camp of Bell's staff, was severely
     wounded. The loss in officers right here was very heavy;
     sixteen were killed and sixty-one wounded. Captain Ab Hust,
     a mere boy, who commanded Bell's escort, rendered most
     efficient service at this critical juncture, and Major Tom
     Allison, the fighting Quartermaster of Bell's Brigade, was
     constantly by the side of his fearless commander, and in
     this terrible loss in staff officers his presence was most
     opportune.

     "Like a prairie on fire the battle raged and the volleying
     thunder can be likened in my mind to nothing else than the
     fire of Cleburne's Division at Chickamauga, on that terrible
     Saturday at dusk. At length the enemy's lines wavered,
     Haller and Mayson pressed their guns by hand to within a
     short distance of Brice's house, firing as they advanced.
     Bell, Lyon and Rucker now closed in on the cross roads and
     the Federals gave way in disorder, abandoning three guns
     near Brice's house. General Sturgis, in his official report
     of the fight, says: 'We had four pieces of artillery at the
     cross roads. * * * Finding our troops were being hotly
     pressed, I ordered one section to open on the enemy's
     reserves. The enemy's artillery soon replied, and with great
     accuracy, every shell bursting over and in the immediate
     vicinity of our guns.' A shell from one of the Confederate
     guns struck the table in Brice's porch, was used by General
     Sturgis, stunning that officer."

The terrible struggle which now ensued was not surpassed, according to
an eye-witness, by the fighting of any troops. The Phalanx were
determined, if courage could do it, to whip the men who had so dastardly
massacred the garrison of Fort Pillow. This fact was known to Forrest,
Buford and their troops, who fought like men realizing that anything
short of victory was death, and well may they have thus thought, for
every charge the Phalanx made meant annihilation. They, too, accepted
the portentous fiat, victory or death.

Though more than twenty years have passed since this bloody fight, yet
the chief of the confederate artillery portrays the situation in these
words:

     "Is was soon evident that another strong line had formed
     behind the fence by the skirt of woods just westward of
     Phillips' branch. General Forrest riding up, dismounted and
     approached our guns, which were now plying shell and solid
     shot. With his field glasses he took in the situation. The
     enemy's shot were coming thick and fast; leaden balls were
     seen to flatten as they would strike the axles and tires of
     our gun carriages; trees were barked and the air was ladened
     with the familiar but unpleasant sound of these death
     messengers.

     "Realizing General Forrest's exposure, we involuntarily
     ventured the suggestion that, 'You had better get lower down
     the hill, General.' Instantly we apologized, as we expected
     the General to intimate that it was none of our business
     where he went. He, however, stepped down the hill out of
     danger and seating himself behind a tree, seemed for a few
     moments in deep study, but soon the head of our cavalry
     column arriving, he turned to me and said: 'Captain, as soon
     as you hear me open on the right and flank of the enemy over
     yonder,' pointing to the enemy's position, 'charge with your
     artillery down that lane and cross the branch.' The genial
     and gallant Captain Rice coming up at this time and hearing
     the order, turned to me and said: 'By G--d! whoever heard of
     artillery charging?' Captain Brice's Battery had been
     stationed at Columbus, Miss., and other points on local
     duty, and only a few months previous had been ordered and
     assigned to our command. He accepted his initiation into the
     ways and methods of horse artillery with much spirit and
     good grace.

     "Meanwhile, watching Forrest at the head of the cavalry
     moving through the woods and across the field in the
     direction of the enemy's right, I directed Lieutenants
     Tully, Brown and H. H. Briggs, whose sections had been held
     in the road below the Hadden house for an emergency, to be
     ready to move into action at a moments notice. The enemy,
     observing our cavalry passing to their right, began to break
     and retire through the woods. Forrest, seeing this, dashed
     upon them in column of fours. At the same moment Lieutenant
     Brown pressed his section down the road, even in advance of
     the skirmish line, and opened a terrific fire upon the
     enemy, now breaking up and in full retreat. Lieutenant
     Briggs also took an advanced position and got in a few
     well-directed shots. Brown's section and a section of Rice's
     Battery were pushed forward across Phillips' branch and up
     the hill under a sharp fire, the former taking position on
     the right of the road and the latter in the road just where
     the road turns before reaching Dr. Agnew's house.

     "Our skirmishers had driven the enemy's skirmishers upon
     their main line, when we were about to make another
     artillery charge, but distinctly hearing the Federal
     officers giving orders to their men to stand steady and
     yell, 'Remember Fort Pillow.' 'Charge! charge! charge!' ran
     along their lines, and on they came. Our right was pressed
     back on the 'negro avengers of Fort Pillow.' They moved
     steadily upon our guns and for a moment their loss seemed
     imminent. Our cannoneers, standing firm and taking in the
     situation, drove double-shotted cannister into this
     advancing line. The cavalry rallying on our guns sent death
     volleys into their ranks, which staggered the enemy and
     drove them back, but only to give place to a new line that
     now moved down upon us with wild shouts and got almost
     within hand-shaking distance of our guns.

     "Lyon coming up opportunely at this moment formed his
     brigade on our right, and springing forward with loud
     cheers, hurled them back with so stormful an onset that
     their entire line gave way in utter rout and confusion.
     Lieutenant Brown's horse was shot under him. The gallant
     young soldier, Henry King, of Rice's Battery, fell with his
     rammer staff in hand, mortally wounded. His grave now marks
     the spot where he fell. Several members of the artillery
     were wounded and a great many battery horses were killed.
     The reason for this desperate stand was soon discovered. The
     road was filled with their wagons, ambulances and many
     caissons, the dying and wounded. Cast-away arms,
     accoutrements, baggage, dead animals and other evidences of
     a routed army were conspicuous on every side. The sun had
     set, but the weary and over-spent Confederates maintained
     the pursuit for some five or six miles beyond and until it
     became quite too dark to go further. A temporary halt was
     ordered, when a section from each battery was directed to be
     equipped with ammunition and the best horses from their
     respective batteries and be ready to continue the pursuit at
     daylight."

The rout was all the enemy could desire, the Federals fought with a
valor creditable to any troops, but were badly worsted, through the
incompetency of Sturgis. They were driven back to Ripley, in a most
disastrously confused state, leaving behind their trains, artillery,
dead and wounded. But for the gallantry of the Phalanx, the enemy would
have captured the entire force.

The same writer describes the rout:

     "Johnson, pressing his brigade forward upon the enemy's
     position at Brice's Quarter, with Lyon supporting the
     artillery in the road below Brice's house, the position was
     soon captured with many prisoners and three pieces of
     artillery. Hallers and Mayson's sections were moved up at a
     gallop and established on the hill at Brice's Quarter and
     opened a destructive fire with double-shotted cannister upon
     the enemy's fleeing columns and wagon trains. The bridge
     over Tishamingo creek, still standing, was blocked up with
     wagons, some of whose teams had been killed. Finding the
     bridge thus obstructed the enemy rushed wildly into the
     creek, and as they emerged from the water on the opposite
     bank in an open field, our artillery played upon them for
     half a mile, killing and disabling large numbers. Forrests
     escort, under the dashing Lieutenant Cowan, having become
     detached in the meantime, had pressed around to the west
     side of the creek and south of the Ripley road, and here
     made one of its characteristic charges across an open field
     near the gin house, upon the enemy's wagon train, capturing
     several wagons.

     "Meanwhile Barteau was not idle. He had moved his regiment,
     as we have stated, across to get in the enemy's rear, and in
     his own language says: 'I took my regiment across the
     country westward, to reach the Ripley road, on which the
     enemy was moving, and being delayed somewhat in passing
     through a swampy bottom, I did not reach that road, at
     Lyon's gin, three miles from Brice's Cross Roads, until
     probably 1 o'clock. I then learned that the last of the
     Federal regiments, with all their train, had passed by rapid
     march, and as there was now a lull in the engagement (for I
     had been hearing sharp firing in front), I greatly feared
     that Forrest was defeated and that the Federals were pushing
     him back, so I moved rapidly down the road till I reached
     the open field near the bridge.'

     "This could not have been the Ripley Guntown road, as that
     road was filled with Federal troops, wagons and artillery
     from Dr. Agnew's house to the cross roads, a distance of two
     miles. 'Having placed some sharpshooters, whose sole
     attention was to be directed to the bridge,' he continues,
     'I extended my line nearly half a mile, and began an attack
     by scattering shots at the same time. Sounding my bugle from
     various points along the line, almost immediately a
     reconnoitering force of the enemy appeared at the bridge,
     and being fired upon returned. This was followed, perhaps,
     by a regiment, and then a whole brigade came down to the
     creek. My men, taking good aim, fired upon them coolly and
     steady. Soon I saw wagons, artillery, etc., pushing for the
     bridge. These were shot at by my sharpshooters. I now began
     to contract my line and collect my regiment, for the
     Federals came pouring in immense numbers across the creek.
     Your artillery was doing good work. Even the bullets from
     the small arms of the Confederates reached my men. I
     operated upon the flank of the enemy until after dark.'

     "The wagons blockading the bridge were soon removed by being
     thrown into the stream and a section from each battery was
     worked across by hand, supported by the escort, and brought
     to bear upon a negro brigade with fearful loss; the other
     two sections were quickly to the front, ahead of any support
     for the moment, and drove the enemy from the ridge back of
     Holland's house across Dry creek. The cavalry in the
     meantime had halted, reorganized and soon joined in the
     pursuit. The road was narrow, with dense woods on each side,
     so that it was impossible to use more than four pieces at a
     time, but that number were kept close upon the heels of the
     retreating enemy and a murderous fire prevented them from
     forming to make a stand.

     "The ridge extending southward from the Hadden house offered
     a strong natural position for defensive operations. Upon
     this ridge the Federals had established a line of battle,
     but a few well directed shots from the artillery stationed
     near the Holland house and a charge by our cavalry across
     Dry creek readily put them to flight. A section of each
     battery was ordered at a gallop to this ridge, which was
     reached in time to open with a few rounds of double-shotted
     cannister upon their demoralized ranks as they hastily
     retreated through the open fields on either side of Phillips
     branch. Our cannoneers were greatly blown and well nigh
     exhausted from excessive heat and continuous labor at their
     guns for full five hours. We noticed a number drink with
     apparant relish the black powder water from the sponge
     buckets."

The enemy followed the fleeing column, capturing and wounding many at
the town of Ripley. Next morning the Federals made a stand. Again the
Phalanx bore the brunt of the battle, and when finally the troops
stampeded, held the confederates in check until the white troops were
beyond capture. But this was all they could do, and this was indeed an
heroic act.

The confederate says:

     "Long before daylight found us moving rapidly to overtake
     the flying foe. We had changed positions. The cavalry now
     being in advance, overtook the enemy at Stubb's farm; a
     sharp skirmish ensued, when they broke, leaving the
     remainder of their wagon train. Fourteen pieces of artillery
     and some twenty-five ambulances, with a number of wounded,
     were left in Little Hatchie bottom, further on. The
     discomfited Federals were badly scattered throughout the
     country. Forrest, therefore, threw out his regiment on
     either side of the roads to sweep the vicinity. A number
     were killed and many prisoners captured before reaching
     Ripley, twenty-five miles from Brice's Cross Roads. At this
     point two strong lines were formed across the road. After a
     spirited onset the Federals broke, leaving one piece of
     artillery, two caissons, two ambulances. Twenty-one killed
     and seventy wounded were also left on the field. Colonel G.
     M. McCraig, of the One Hundred and Twentieth Illinois
     Infantry, was among the killed; also Captain W. J. Tate,
     Seventh Tennessee Cavalry. This was accomplished just as the
     artillery reached the front.

     "Lieutenant Frank Rodgers, of Rucker's staff, the night
     previous, with a small, select detachment of men, assisted
     by Captain Gooch, with the remnant of his company, hung
     constantly upon the Federal rear, with a daring never
     surpassed. Their series of attacks greatly harrassed and
     annoyed the enemy, numbers of whom were killed and wounded.
     The artillery followed to Salem, twenty-five miles distant
     from Ripley."

The Phalanx regiments would not consent to be whipped, even with the
black flag flying in their front, and deserted by their white comrades.
A correspondent of the Cleveland _Leader_, in giving an account of this
"miserable affair," writes:

     "About sunrise, June 11, the enemy advanced on the town of
     Ripley, and threatened our right, intending to cut us off
     from the Salem Road. Again the colored troops were the only
     ones that could be brought into line; the Fifty-ninth being
     on the right, and the Fifty-fifth on the left, holding the
     streets. At this time, the men had not more than ten rounds
     of ammunition, and the enemy were crowding closer and still
     closer, when the Fifty-ninth were ordered to charge on them,
     which they did in good style, while singing,

          "'We'll rally round the flag, boys.'

     "This charge drove the enemy back, so that both regiments
     retreated to a pine grove about two hundred yards distant.

     "By this time, all the white troops, except one squadron of
     cavalry, that formed in the rear, were on the road to Salem
     and, when this brigade came up, they, too, wheeled and left,
     and in less than ten minutes this now little band of colored
     troops found themselves flanked. They then divided
     themselves into three squads, and charged the enemy's lines;
     one squad taking the old Corinth Road, then a by-road, to
     the left. After a few miles, they came to a road leading to
     Grand Junction. After some skirmishing, they arrived, with
     the loss of one killed and one wounded.

     "Another and the largest squad covered the retreat of the
     white troops, completely defending them by picking up the
     ammunition thrown away by them, and with it repelling the
     numerous assaults made by the rebel cavalry, until they
     reached Collierville, a distance of sixty miles. When the
     command reached Dan's Mills, the enemy attempted to cut it
     off by a charge; but the colored boys in the rear formed,
     and repelled the attack, allowing the whole command to pass
     safely on, when they tore up the bridge. Passing on to an
     open country, the officers halted, and re-organized the
     brigade into an effective force. They then moved forward
     until about four, P. M.; when some Indian flank skirmishers
     discovered the enemy, who came up to the left, and in the
     rear, and halted. Soon a portion advanced, when a company
     faced about and fired, emptying three saddles. From this
     time until dark, the skirmishing was constant.

     "A corporal in Company C, Fifty-ninth, was ordered to
     surrender. He let his would-be captor come close to him;
     when he struck him with the butt of his gun.

     "While the regiment was fighting in a ditch, and the order
     came to retreat, the color-bearer threw out the flag,
     designing to jump out and get it; but the rebels rushed for
     it, and in the struggle one of the boys knocked down with
     his gun the reb who had the flag, caught it, and ran.

     "A rebel, with an oath, ordered one of our men to surrender.
     He, thinking the reb's gun was loaded, dropped his gun; but,
     on seeing the reb commence loading, our colored soldier
     jumped for his gun, and with it struck his captor dead.

     "Capt. H., being surrounded by about a dozen rebels, was
     seen by one of his men, who called several of his
     companions; they rushed forward and fired, killing several
     of the enemy, and rescued their captain.

     "A rebel came up to one, and said, 'Come my good fellow, go
     with me and wait on me.' In an instant, the boy shot his
     would-be master dead.

     "Once when the men charged on the enemy, they rushed forth
     with the cry, 'Remember Fort Pillow.' The rebs called back,
     and said, 'Lee's men killed no prisoners.'

     "One man in a charge threw his antagonist to the ground, and
     pinned him fast; and, as he attempted to withdraw his
     bayonet, it came off his gun, and, as he was very busy just
     then, he left him transfixed to mother earth.

     "One man killed a rebel by striking him with the butt of his
     gun, which he broke; but, being unwilling to stop his work,
     he loaded and fired three times before he could get a better
     gun; the first time not being cautious, the rebound of his
     gun badly cut his lip.

     "When the troops were in the ditch, three rebels came to one
     man, and ordered him to surrender. His gun being loaded, he
     shot one and bayoneted another; and, forgetting he could
     bayonet the third, he turned the butt of his gun, and
     knocked him down."

General Sturgis was severely criticised by the press immediately after
the affair. Historians since the war have followed up these criticisms.
He has been accused of incompetency, rashness and drunkenness, none of
which it is the purpose of this volume to endorse. Possibly his reports
furnish a sufficient explanation for the disaster, which it is hoped
they do, inasmuch as he is not charged with either treason or cowardice.

                    [_General Sturgis' Report, No. 1._]

                         "HEADQUARTERS UNITED STATES FORCES,
                            COLLIERSVILLE, TENN., June 12, 1864.

     "GENERAL:--I have the honor to report that we met the enemy
     in position and in heavy force about 10 A. M. on the 10th
     instant at Brice's Cross-Roads on the Ripley and Fulton road
     and about six miles northwest of Guntown, Miss. A severe
     battle ensued which lasted until about 4 P. M., when I
     regret to say my lines were compelled to give way before the
     overwhelming numbers by which they were assailed at every
     point. To fall back at this point was more than ordinarily
     difficult as there was a narrow valley in our rear through
     which ran a small creek crossed by a single narrow bridge.
     The road was almost impassable by reason of the heavy rains
     which had fallen for the previous ten days and the
     consequence was that the road soon became jammed by the
     artillery and ordnance wagons. This gradually led to
     confusion and disorder.

     "In a few minutes, however, I succeeded in establishing two
     colored regiments in line of battle in a wood on this side
     of the little valley. These troops stood their ground well
     and checked the enemy for a time. The check, however, was
     only temporary and this line in turn gave way. My troops
     were seized with a panic and became absolutely
     uncontrollable. One and a half miles in rear by dint of
     great exertion and with pistol in hand, I again succeeded in
     checking up the flying column and placing it in line of
     battle.

     "This line checked the enemy for ten or fifteen minutes
     only, when it again gave way and my whole army became
     literally an uncontrollable mob. Nothing now remained to do
     but allow the retreat to continue and endeavor to force it
     gradually into some kind of shape. The night was exceedingly
     dark, the roads almost impassable and the hope of saving my
     artillery and wagons altogether futile, so I ordered the
     artillery and wagons to be destroyed. The latter were burned
     and the former dismantled and spiked, that is all but six
     pieces which we succeeded in bringing off in safety. By 7 A.
     M. next morning we reached Ripley (nineteen miles). Here we
     re-organized and got into very respectable shape. The
     retreat was continued, pressed rapidly by the enemy. Our
     ammunition soon gave out, this the enemy soon discovered and
     pressed the harder. Our only hope now lay in continuing the
     retreat which we did to this place, where we arrived about 7
     o'clock this morning.

     "My losses in material of war was severe, being 16 guns and
     some 130 wagons. The horses of the artillery and mules of
     the train we brought away. As my troops became very greatly
     scattered and are constantly coming in in small parties, I
     am unable to estimate my loss in killed and wounded. I fear,
     however, it will prove severe, probably ten or twelve
     hundred. While the battle lasted it was well contested and I
     think the enemy's loss in killed and wounded will not fall
     short of our own.

     "This, general, is a painful record, and yet it was the
     result of a series of unfortunate circumstances over which
     human ingenuity could have no control.

     "The unprecedented rains so delayed our march across a
     desert country that the enemy had ample time to accumulate
     an overwhelming force in our front, and kept us so long in
     an exhausted region as to so starve and weaken our animals
     that they were unable to extricate the wagons and artillery
     from the mud.

     "So far as I know every one did his duty well, and while
     they fought no troops ever fought better. The colored troops
     deserve great credit for the manner in which they stood to
     their work.

     "This is a hasty and rather incoherent outline of our
     operations, but I will forward a more minute account as soon
     as the official reports can be received from division
     commanders.

     "I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your
     obedient servant,

                                     "S. D. STURGIS,

                             "_Brig.-Gen. Commanding._

     "To Maj.-Gen. C. C. WASHBURN, Commanding District W. Tenn."

An extract from a letter from Colonel Arthur T. Reeve, who commanded the
55th Colored Infantry in this fight, reads:

     "Our (the Federal) command having been moved up on
     double-quick--a distance of about five miles--immediately
     before their arrival on the field and the consequent fact
     that this arm of our force went into the engagement very
     seriously blown, in fact, very nearly exhausted by heat and
     fatigue, with their ranks very much drawn out, were whipped
     in detail and overwhelmed by the very brilliant and vigorous
     assaults of your forces. When the engagement first began I
     was at the rear of the Federal column, in command of the
     train guard, and hence passed over the ground on the way to
     the battle-field after the balance of the army had passed,
     and am able to speak advisedly of the extreme exhaustion of
     the infantry, as I passed large numbers entirely prostrated
     by heat and fatigue, who did not reach the field of battle
     and must have fallen into your hands after the engagement."

               [_General Sturgis' Report, No. 2._]

                                 "MEMPHIS, TENN., June 24, 1864.

     "Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report of the
     operations of the expedition which marched from near La
     Fayette, Tenn., under my command on the 2nd instant. This
     expedition was organized and fitted out under the
     supervision of the major general commanding the District of
     West Tennessee and I assumed command of it on the morning of
     the 2nd of June, near the town of La Fayette, Tenn., in
     pursuance of Special Orders, No. 38, dated Headquarters,
     District of West Tennessee, Memphis, May 31, 1864, and which
     were received by me on the 1st inst. The strength of the
     command in round numbers was about 8,000 men,' (which
     included the following Phalanx regiments: 59th Regt., 61st
     Regt., 68th Regt., Battery I, 2nd Artillery, (Light,) 2
     pieces.)

     "My supply train, carrying rations for 18 days, consisted of
     181 wagons, which with the regimental wagons made up a train
     of some 250 wagons. My instructions were substantially as
     follows, viz: To proceed to Corinth, Mississippi by way of
     Salem and Ruckersville, capture any force that might be
     there, then proceed south, destroying the Mobile and Ohio
     Railroad to Tupelo and Okolona and as far as possible
     towards Macon and Columbus with a portion of my force,
     thence to Grenada and back to Memphis. A discretion was
     allowed me as to the details of the movement where
     circumstances might arise which could not have been
     anticipated in my instructions. Owing to some
     misunderstanding on the part of the quartermaster, as to the
     point on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad at which some
     forage was to have been deposited from the cars, there was
     some little delay occasioned in getting the column in
     motion.

     "The following incidents of the march are taken from the
     journal kept from day to day by one of my staff, Capt. W. C.
     Rawolle, A. D. C. and A. A. A. G.:

     "'Wednesday, June 1st.--Expedition started from Memphis and
     White's Station toward La Fayette.

     "'Thursday, June 2nd.--The general and staff left Memphis on
     the 5 o'clock A. M. train and established headquarters at
     Leaks' House, near La Fayette, and assumed command. Cavalry
     moved to the intersection of State line and Early Grove
     roads, six miles from La Fayette. It rained at intervals all
     day and part of the night.

     "'Friday, June 3rd.--Ordered the cavalry to move to within
     three four miles of Salem. Infantry marched to Lamar, 18
     miles from La Fayette. Owing to the heavy rains during the
     day and the bad condition of the roads and bridges, the
     train could only move to within four miles of Lamar, and did
     not get into park until 11 o'clock P. M., the colored
     brigade remaining with the train as a guard.

     "'Saturday, June 4th.--Informed General Grierson that the
     infantry and train under the most favorable circumstances
     could only make a few miles beyond Salem and to regulate his
     march accordingly. Train arrived at Lamar about noon, issued
     rations to the infantry and rested the animals. It rained
     heavily until 1 o'clock P. M., making the roads almost
     impassable. Moved headquarters to the Widow Spright's house,
     two miles west of Salem, and Colonel Hoge's brigade of
     infantry to Robinson's house, four miles from Salem.

     "'Sunday, June 5th.--Infantry and train started at half past
     four o'clock A. M., and joined the cavalry, two miles east
     of Salem. At 10 o'clock A. M., issued rations to the cavalry
     and fed the forage collected by them. Infantry remained in
     camp during the day; cavalry moved to the intersection of
     the LaGrange and Ripley and the Salem and Ruckersville
     roads. Col. Joseph Karge, 2nd New Jersey, with 400 men,
     started at 6 P. M., with instructions to move via Ripley to
     Rienzi, to destroy the railroad; to proceed north, destroy
     bridge over Tuscumbia and to join General Grierson at
     Ruckersville. Heavy showers during the afternoon.

     "'Monday, June 6th.--Infantry and train moved at 4 o'clock
     A. M., on the Ruckersville road. Commenced raining at 5 A.
     M., and continued at intervals all day. Progress very slow,
     marched 13 miles and made headquarters at Widow Childers, at
     intersection of the Saulsbury and Ripley and the
     Ruckersville and Salem roads. Cavalry moved to Ruckersville.
     The advance guard of the infantry encountered a small party
     of rebels about noon and chased them towards Ripley on La
     Grange and Ripley roads.

     "'Tuesday, June 7th.--Upon information received from General
     Grierson that there was no enemy near Corinth, directed him
     to move toward Ellistown, on direct road from Ripley, and
     instruct Colonel Karge to join him by way of Blackland or
     Carrollsville. Infantry moved to Ripley and cavalry encamped
     on New Albany road two miles south. Encountered a small
     party of rebels near Widow Childers and drove them toward
     Ripley. In Ripley, met an advance of the enemy and drove
     them on New Albany road. Cavalry encountered about a
     regiment of rebel cavalry on that road and drove them south.
     Several showers during the afternoon, and the roads very
     bad.

     "Wednesday, June 8th.--Received information at 4 o'clock A.
     M. that Colonel Karge was on an island in the Hatchie River
     and sent him 500 men and two howitzers as re-inforcements.
     Winslow's brigade of cavalry moved 6 miles on the Fulton
     Road. Infantry and train moved five miles on same road.
     Colonel Waring's brigade remained in Ripley awaiting return
     of Colonel Karge, who joined him at 5 o'clock P. M., having
     swam the Hatchie River. Rained hard during the night.

     "'Thursday, June 9th.--Sent back to Memphis 400 sick and
     wounded men and 41 wagons. Cavalry and infantry moved to
     Stubbs', fourteen miles from Ripley; issued five days'
     rations (at previous camp.) Rained two hours in the evening.

     "'Friday, June 10th.--Encountered the enemy at Brice's
     Cross-Roads, 23 miles from Ripley and six miles from
     Guntown.'

     "At Ripley it became a serious question in my mind as to
     whether or not I should proceed any farther. The rain still
     fell in torrents; the artillery and wagons were literally
     mired down, and the starved and exhausted animals could with
     difficulty drag them along. Under these circumstances, I
     called together my division commanders and placed before
     them my views of our condition. At this interview, one
     brigade commander and two members of my staff were,
     incidentally, present also. I called their attention to the
     great delay we had undergone on account of the continuous
     rain and consequent bad condition of the roads; the
     exhausted condition of our animals; the great probability
     that the enemy would avail himself of the time thus afforded
     him to concentrate an overwhelming force against us in the
     vicinity of Tupelo and the utter hopelessness of saving our
     train or artillery in case of defeat, on account of the
     narrowness and general bad condition of the roads and the
     impossibility of procuring supplies of forage for the
     animals; all agreed with me in the probable consequences of
     defeat. Some thought our only safety lay in retracing our
     steps and abandoning the expedition. It was urged, however,
     (and with some propriety, too,) that inasmuch as I had
     abandoned a similar expedition only a few weeks before and
     given as my reasons for so doing, the "utter and entire
     destitution of the country," and that in the face of this we
     were again sent through the same country, it would be
     ruinous on all sides to return again without first meeting
     the enemy. Moreover, from all the information General
     Washburn had acquired, there _could be no considerable_
     force in our front and all my own information led to the
     same conclusion. To be sure my information was exceedingly
     meagre and unsatisfactory and had I returned I would have
     been totally unable to present any facts to justify my
     cause, or to show why the expedition might not have been
     successfully carried forward. All I could have presented
     would have been my conjectures as to what the enemy would
     naturally do under the circumstances and these would have
     availed but little against the idea that the enemy was
     scattered and had no considerable force in our front.

     "Under these circumstances, and with a sad forboding of the
     consequences, I determined to move forward; keeping my force
     as compact as possible and ready for action at all times;
     hoping that we might succeed, and feeling that if we did
     not, yet our losses might at most be insignificant in
     comparison with the great benefits which might accrue to
     General Sherman by the depletion of Johnson's army to so
     large an extent.

     "On the evening of the 8th, one day beyond Ripley, I
     assembled the commanders of infantry brigades at the
     headquarters of Colonel McMillen, and cautioned them as to
     the necessity of enforcing rigid discipline in their camps;
     keeping their troops always in hand and ready to act on a
     moment's notice. That it was impossible to gain any accurate
     or reliable information of the enemy, and that it behooved
     us to move and act constantly as though in his presence.
     That we were now where we might encounter him at any moment,
     and that we must under no circumstances allow ourselves to
     be surprised. On the morning of the 10th, the cavalry
     marched at half-past 5 o'clock and the infantry at seven,
     thus allowing the infantry to follow immediately in rear of
     the cavalry as it would take the cavalry a full hour and a
     half to clear their camp. The habitual order of march was as
     follows, viz: Cavalry with its artillery in advance;
     infantry with its artillery; next, and lastly, the supply
     train, guarded by the rear brigade with one of its regiments
     at the head, one near the middle and one with a section of
     artillery in the rear. A company of pioneers preceded the
     infantry for the purpose of repairing the roads, building
     bridges, &c., &c.

     "On this morning, I had preceded the head of the infantry
     column and arrived at a point some five miles from camp,
     when I found an unusually bad place in the road and one that
     would require considerable time and labor to render
     practicable. While halted here to await the head of the
     column, I received a message from General Grierson that he
     had encountered a portion of the enemy's cavalry. In a few
     minutes more I received another message from him, saying the
     enemy numbered some 600 and were on the Baldwyn road. That
     he was himself at Brice's Cross-Roads and that his position
     was a good one and he would hold it. He was then directed to
     leave 600 or 700 men at the cross-roads, to precede the
     infantry on its arrival, on its march towards Guntown, and
     with the remainder of his forces to drive the enemy toward
     Baldwyn and there rejoin the main body by way of the line of
     the railroad, as I did not intend being drawn from my main
     purpose. Colonel McMillen arrived at this time and I rode
     forward toward the cross-roads. Before proceeding far,
     however, I sent a staff officer back directing Colonel
     McMillen to move up his advance brigade as rapidly as
     possible without distressing his troops. When I reached the
     cross-roads, found nearly all the cavalry engaged and the
     battle growing warm, but no artillery had yet opened on
     either side. We had four pieces of artillery at the
     cross-roads, but they had not been placed in position, owing
     to the dense woods on all sides and the apparent
     impossibility of using them to advantage. Finding, however,
     that our troops were being hotly pressed, I ordered one
     section to open on the enemy's reserves. The enemy's
     artillery soon replied, and with great accuracy, every shell
     bursting over and in the immediate vicinity of our guns.

     "Frequent calls were now made for re-enforcements, but until
     the infantry should arrive, I had none to give. Colonel
     Winslow, 4th Iowa Cavalry, commanding a brigade and
     occupying a position on the Guntown road a little in advance
     of the cross-roads, was especially clamorous to be relieved
     and permitted to carry his brigade to the rear. Fearing that
     Colonel Winslow might abandon his position without
     authority, and knowing the importance of the cross-roads to
     us, I directed him in case he should be overpowered, to fall
     back slowly toward the cross-roads, thus contracting his
     line and strengthening his position. I was especially
     anxious on this point because through some misunderstanding,
     that I am yet unable to explain, the cavalry had been
     withdrawn without my knowledge from the left, and I was
     compelled to occupy the line, temporarily, with my escort,
     consisting of about 100 of the 19th Penn. Cavalry. This
     handful of troops under the gallant Lieut.-Colonel Hess,
     behaved very handsomely and held the line until the arrival
     of the infantry. About half-past 1 p. m. the infantry began
     to arrive. Col. Hodge's brigade was the first to reach the
     field and was placed in position by Colonel McMillen, when
     the enemy was driven a little. General Grierson now
     requested authority to withdraw the entire cavalry as it was
     exhausted and well nigh out of ammunition. This I authorized
     as soon as sufficient infantry was in position to permit it
     and he was directed to reorganize his command in the rear
     and hold it ready to operate on the flanks. In the mean time
     I had ordered a section of artillery to be placed in
     position on a knoll near the little bridge, some three or
     four hundred yards in the rear, for the purpose of opposing
     any attempt of the enemy to turn our left. I now went to
     this point to see that my orders had been executed and also
     to give directions for the management and protection of the
     wagon-train. I found the section properly posted and
     supported by the 72nd Ohio Infantry, with two companies
     thrown forward as skirmishers, and the whole under the
     superintendence of that excellent officer, Colonel Wilkins,
     of the 9th Minn. While here, the head of the wagon train,
     which had been reported still a mile and a half in rear,
     arrived. It was immediately ordered into an open field near
     where the cavalry were reorganizing, there to be turned
     round and carried farther toward the rear. The pressure on
     the right of the line was now becoming very great and
     General Grierson was directed to send a portion of his
     cavalry to that point. At this time I received a message
     from Colonel Hodge that he was satisfied that the movement
     on the right was a feint and that the real attack was being
     made on the left. Another section of artillery was now
     placed in position a little to the rear of Colonel Wilkins,
     but bearing on the left of our main line, and a portion of
     the cavalry was thrown out as skirmishers. The cavalry which
     had been sent to the extreme right began now to give way,
     and at the same time the enemy began to appear in force in
     rear of the extreme left, while Colonel McMillen required
     re-enforcements in the centre. _I now endeavored to get hold
     of the colored brigade which formed the guard to the train.
     While traversing the short distance to where the head of
     that brigade should be found, the main line began to give
     way at various points; order soon gave way to confusion and
     confusion to panic. I sent an aid to Col. McMillen informing
     him that I was unable to render him any additional
     assistance, and that he must do all in his power with what
     he had to hold his position until I could form a line to
     protect his retreat. On reaching the head of the supply
     train, Lieut.-Colonel Hess was directed to place in position
     in a wood the first regiment of colored troops I could find.
     This was done, and it is due to those troops to say here
     that they stood their ground well and rendered valuable aid
     to Colonel McMillen_, who was soon after compelled to
     withdraw from his original line and take up new positions in
     rear. It was now 5 o'clock P. M. For seven hours, these
     gallant officers and men had held their ground against
     overwhelming numbers, but at last overpowered and exhausted
     they were compelled to abandon not only the field, but many
     of their gallant comrades who had fallen to the mercy of the
     enemy. Everywhere the army now drifted toward the rear and
     was soon altogether beyond control. I requested General
     Grierson to accompany me and to aid in checking the fleeing
     column and establishing a new line. By dint of entreaty and
     force and the aid of several officers, whom I called to my
     assistance, with pistols in their hands we at length
     succeeded in checking some 1200 or 1500 and establishing
     them in a line of which Colonel Wilkins, 9th Minnesota, was
     placed in command. About this time it was reported to me
     that Col. McMillen was driving the enemy. I placed but
     little faith in this report, yet disseminated it freely for
     the good effect it might produce upon the troops. In a few
     minutes, however, the gallant Colonel McMillen, sad and
     disheartened, arrived himself, and reported his lines broken
     and in confusion. The new line under Colonel Wilkins also
     gave way soon after and it was now impossible to exercise
     any further control. The road became crowded and jammed with
     troops; the wagons and artillery sinking into the deep mud
     became inextricable and added to the general confusion which
     now prevailed. No power could now check or control the
     panic-stricken mass as it swept toward the rear, led off by
     Colonel Winslow at the head of his brigade of cavalry, and
     who never halted until he had reached Stubbs', ten miles in
     rear. This was the greater pity as his brigade was nearly,
     if not entirely, intact, and might have offered considerable
     resistance to the advancing foe. About 10 o'clock P. M., I
     reached Stubbs' in person, where I found Colonel Winslow and
     his brigade. I then informed him that his was the only
     organized body of men I had been able to find, and directed
     him to add to his own every possible force he could rally,
     as they passed, and take charge of the rear, remaining in
     position until all should have passed. I also informed him
     that on account of the extreme darkness of the night and the
     wretched condition of the road, I had little hope of saving
     anything more than the troops, and directed him therefore to
     destroy all wagons and artillery which he might find
     blocking up the road and preventing the passage of the men.
     In this way about 200 wagons and 14 pieces of artillery were
     lost, many of the wagons being burned and the artillery
     spiked and otherwise mutilated; the mules and horses were
     brought away. By 7 o'clock A. M., of the 11th, we had
     reorganized at Ripley, and the army presented quite a
     respectable appearance, and would have been able to
     accomplish an orderly retreat from that point but for the
     unfortunate circumstances that the cartridge boxes were
     well nigh exhausted. At 7 o'clock the column was again put
     in motion on the Salem road, the cavalry in advance,
     followed by the infantry. The enemy pressed heavily on the
     rear, and there was now nothing left but to keep in motion
     so as to prevent the banking up of the rear, and to pass all
     cross-roads before the enemy could reach them, as the
     command was in no condition to offer determined resistance,
     whether attacked in the front or the rear. At 8 o'clock a.
     m. on the 12th, the column reached Colliersville, worn out
     and exhausted by the fatigues of fighting and marching for
     two days and two nights without rest and without eating.
     About noon of the same day a train arrived from Memphis,
     bringing some 2,000 infantry, commanded by Colonel Wolf, and
     supplies for my suffering men, and I determined to remain
     here until next day for the purpose of resting and affording
     protection to many who had dropped by the wayside, through
     fatigue and other causes. Learning, however, toward evening,
     that the commander at White's Station had information of a
     large force of the enemy approaching that place from the
     southeast, and knowing that my men were in no condition to
     offer serious resistance to an enemy presenting himself
     across my line of march, I informed the general commanding
     the district, by telegraph, that I deemed it prudent to
     continue my march to White's Station. Accordingly, at 9 p.
     m., the column marched again, and arrived at White's Station
     at daylight next morning. This report having already become
     more circumstantial than was anticipated, I have purposely
     omitted the details of our march from Ripley to White's
     Station, as they would extend it to a tiresome length, but
     would respectfully refer you for these to the sub-reports
     herewith enclosed. Casualties are as follows:

     "Killed, 223, wounded, 394; missing, 1623; total, 2240. That
     our loss was great, is true; yet that it was not much
     greater is due in an eminent degree to the personal
     exertions of that model soldier, Col. W. L. McMillen, of the
     95th Ohio Infantry, who commanded the infantry, and to the
     able commanders under him.

     "The strength of the enemy is variously estimated by my most
     intelligent officers at from 15,000 to 20,000 men. A very
     intelligent sergeant who was captured and remained five days
     in the hands of the enemy, reports the number of the enemy
     actually engaged, to have been 12,000, and that two
     divisions of infantry were held in reserve. It may appear
     strange that so large a force of the enemy could be in our
     vicinity and we be ignorant of the fact, but the surprise
     will exist only in the minds of those who are not familiar
     with the difficulty, (I may even say impossibility) of
     acquiring reliable information in the heart of the enemy's
     country. Our movements and numbers are always known to the
     enemy, because every woman and child is one of them, but we,
     as everybody knows who has had any experience in this war,
     can only learn the movements of the enemy and his numbers by
     actually fighting for the information; and in that case the
     knowledge often comes too late.

     "While I will not prolong this already extended report by
     recording individual acts of good conduct, and the names of
     many brave officers and men who deserve mention, but will
     respectfully refer you for these to the reports of division
     and brigade commanders, yet I cannot refrain from expressing
     my high appreciation of the valuable services rendered by
     that excellent and dashing officer, Col. Joseph Karge, of
     the 2nd New Jersey Vols., in his reconnoissance to Corinth
     and his subsequent management of the rear-guard, during a
     part of the retreat, fighting and defending the rear during
     one whole afternoon and throughout the entire night
     following.

     "To the officers of my staff,--Lieut.-Col. J. C. Hess, 19th
     Pa. Cavalry, commanding escort, Capt. W. C. Rawolle, A. D.
     C. and A. A. A. G.; Capt. W. C. Belden, 2nd Iowa Cavalry, A.
     D. C.; Lieut. E. Caulkins 7th Indiana Cavalry, A. D. C.;
     Lieut. Samuel (name illegible) 19th Penn. Cavalry, A. D. C.;
     Lieut. Dement, A. A. Q. M.; Lieut. W. H. Stratton, 7th Ills.
     Cavalry, A. A. C. S.,--whose names appear in no other
     report, I am especially grateful, for the promptness and
     zeal with which my orders were executed at all times and
     often under trying and hazardous circumstances.

     "I am, major, very respectfully your obedient servant,

                                         S. D. STURGIS,
     MAJ. W. H. MORGAN, A. A. G.,     _Brig.-Gen. Commanding._
       Hdqrs. Dist. West Tenn., Memphis, Tenn.

     "Amid these scenes we noted the arrival of 95 more men;
     those who had belonged to a _raid_ sent from Memphis, Tenn.,
     under command of General Sturgis, and were attacked and
     badly defeated by the rebel General Forrest, at a place in
     Mississippi. General Sturgis is said to have been
     _intoxicated_ during the engagement, and that just as soon
     as he saw things were likely to go against him, he turned
     away with a portion of his cavalry, and _sought to save
     himself from capture_.--'_Life and Death in Rebel
     Prisons._'"

Notwithstanding the arrangements usually and speedily entered into by
two belligerent powers for the exchange of prisoners of war, it proved a
most difficult task for the Federal Government to consummate an
arrangement with the confederates, and much suffering was caused among
the prisoners in the hands of the latter while negotiations were in
progress. The agreement entered into by the commissioners, after a long
delay, did not anticipate there being any black soldiers to exchange;
nor would the confederate authorities thereafter allow the terms of the
cartel to apply to the blacks, because Jefferson Davis and the
confederate Congress regarded it as an outrage against humanity, and the
rules of civilized warfare to arm the negroes against their masters.

It was a year after the black soldiers had become a part of the Union
forces before even a _quasi_ acknowledgment of their rights as prisoners
was noted in Richmond. The grounds upon which the greatest difficulty
lingered was the refusal of the Federal government at first to accord
belligerent rights to the confederates but this difficulty was finally
overcome in July, 1862, and the exchange of prisoners proceeded with
until the confederate authorities refused to count the black soldiers
captured in the interpretation of the cartel. But the time arrived when
Grant assumed command of the armies, when it was no longer an open
question, for the confederate Congress began devising plans for arming
the slaves.

However, the inhuman treatment did not cease with "irresponsible
parties," whose conduct was doubtless approved by the rebel authorities,
Jefferson Davis having declared General Butler an outlaw, and committed
him and his officers and black soldiers to the mercy of a chivalry which
affected to regard them as mercenaries. With this spirit infused in the
confederate army, what else than barbarity could be expected?

[Illustration: PHALANX REGIMENT RECEIVING ITS FLAGS.

Presentation of colors to the 20th United States Colored Infantry, Col.
Bertram, in N. Y., March 5th, 1864.]

FOOTNOTES:

[28] Among the captured rebel flags now in the War Department,
Washington, D. C., are several Black Flags. No. 205 was captured near
North Mountain, Md., Aug. 1st, 1864. Another Captured from General
Pillow's men at Fort Donelson, is also among the rebel archives in that
Department. Several of them were destroyed by the troops capturing them,
as at Pascagoula, Miss., and near Grand Gulf on the Mississippi.

[29] General Brisbin, in his account of the expedition which, in the
Winter of 1864, left Bean Station, Tenn., under command of General
Stoneman, for the purpose of destroying the confederate Salt Works in
West Virginia, says the confederates after capturing some of the
soldiers of the Sixth Phalanx Cavalry Regiment, butchered them. His
statement is as follows:

"For the last two days a force of Confederate cavalry, under Witcher,
had been following our command picking up stragglers and worn-out horses
in our rear. Part of our troops were composed of negroes and these the
Confederates killed as fast as they caught them, laying the dead bodies
by the roadside with pieces of paper pinned to their clothing, on which
were written such warnings as the following: 'This is the way we treat
all nigger soldiers,' and, 'This is the fate of nigger soldiers who
fight against the South.' We did not know what had been going on in our
rear until we turned about to go back from Wytheville, when we found the
dead colored soldiers along the road as above described. General
Burbridge was very angry and wanted to shoot a Confederate prisoner for
every one of his colored soldiers he found murdered, and would
undoubtedly have done so had he not been restrained. As it was, the
whole corps was terribly excited by the atrocious murders committed by
Witcher's men, and if Witcher had been caught he would have been shot."

This gallant soldier,(?) twenty years after the close of the war, writes
about the incidents and happenings during the march of the army to
Saltville, and says:

"Before we reached Marion we encountered Breckenridge's advance and
charged it vigorously driving it back in confusion along the Marion and
Saltville road for several miles. In one of these charges (for there
were several of them and a sort of running fight for several miles) one
of Witcher's men was captured and brought in. He was reported to me and
I asked him what his name was and to what command he belonged. He gave
me his name and said 'Witcher's command.' Hardly were the words out of
his mouth before a negro soldier standing near raised his carbine and
aimed at the Confederate soldier's breast. I called out and sprang
forward, but was too late to catch the gun. The negro fired and the poor
soldier fell badly wounded. Instantly the negro was knocked down by our
white soldiers, disarmed and tied. I drew my revolver to blow his brains
out for his terrible crime, but the black man never flinched. All he
said was, pointing to the Confederate soldier, 'He killed my comrades; I
have killed him.' The negro was taken away and put among the prisoners.
The Provost Marshal had foolishly changed the white guard over the
prisoners and placed them under some colored troops. An officer came
galloping furiously to the front and said the negroes were shooting the
prisoners. General Burbridge told me to go back quickly and do whatever
I pleased in his name to restore order. It was a lively ride, as the
prisoners were more than four miles back, being forced along the road as
rapidly as possible toward Marion. All the prisoners, except a few
wounded men, were on foot, and of course they could not keep up with the
cavalry. I soon reached them and never shall I forget that sight while I
live. Men with sabres were driving the poor creatures along the road
like beasts. I halted the motley crew and scolded the officer for his
inhumanity. He said he had orders to keep the prisoners up with the
column and he was simply trying to obey his orders. As I was General
Burbridge's chief of staff and all orders were supposed to emanate from
my office, I thought I had better not continue the conversation. As it
was, I said such orders were at an end and I would myself take charge of
the prisoners."

[30] "When the successful attempt was made, by tunneling, to escape from
Libby Prison in 1862, many of the fugitives were honorably harbored by
this unfortunate class till a more quiet opportunity occurred for
leaving the city. This I have from one of the escaped officers."

CHAPTER XI.

THE PHALANX IN VIRGINIA.

The laurels won by the Phalanx in the Southern States, notwithstanding
the "no quarter" policy, was proof of its devotion to the cause of
liberty and the old flag, which latter, until within a short period had
been but a symbol of oppression to the black man; Cailloux had reddened
it with his life's blood, and Carney, in a seething fire had planted it
on the ramparts of Wagner. The audacious bravery of the Phalanx had
wrung from Generals Banks and Gillmore congratulatory orders, while the
loyal people of the nation poured out unstinted praises. Not a breach of
discipline marred the negro soldier's record; not one cowardly act
tarnished their fame. Grant pronounced them gallant and reliable, and
Weitzel was willing to command them.

In New York City, where negroes had been hung to lamp posts, and where a
colored orphan asylum had been sacked and burned, crowds gathered in
Broadway and cheered Phalanx regiments on their way to the front.
General Logan, author of the Illinois Black Code, greeted them as
comrades, and Jefferson Davis finally accorded to them the rights due
captured soldiers as prisoners of war. Congress at last took up the
question of pay, and placed the black on an equal footing with the white
soldiers. Their valor, excelled by no troops in the field, had finally
won full recognition from every quarter, and henceforth they were to
share the full glory as well as the toils of their white
comrades-in-arms. Not until those just rights and attentions were
attained, was the Phalanx allowed, to any great extent, to show its
efficiency and prowess in the manoeuvres in Virginia and vicinity,
where that magnificent "Army of Northern Virginia," the hope and the
pride of the Confederacy, was operating against the Federal government.
But when General Grant came to direct the movements of the Eastern
armies of the United States, there was a change. He had learned from his
experience at Vicksburg and other places in his western campaigns, that
the negro soldiers were valuable; that they could be fully relied upon
in critical times, and their patriotic zeal had made a deep impression
upon him. Therefore, as before stated, there were changes, and quite a
good many Phalanx regiments--numbering about 20,000 men--were taken from
Southern and Western armies and transferred to the different armies in
Virginia.

The 19th Army Corps sent one brigade. General Gillmore brought a brigade
from the Tenth Army Corps. At least ten thousand of them were veterans,
and had driven many confederates out of their breastworks.

The world never saw such a spectacle as America presented in the winter
and early spring of 1864. The attempt to capture Richmond and Petersburg
had failed. The Army of the Potomac lay like a weary lion under cover,
watching its opponent. Bruised, but spirited and defiant, it had driven,
and in turn had been driven time and again, by its equally valient foe.
It had advanced and retreated until the soldiers were foot-sore from
marching and counter-marching, crossing and re-crossing the now historic
streams of the Old Dominion. Of all this, the loyal people were tired
and demanded of the Administration a change. The causes of the failures
to take the confederate capitol were not so much the fault of the
commanders of the brave army as that of the authorities at Washington,
whose indecision and interference had entailed almost a disgrace upon
McClellan, Hooker, Burnside and Meade. But finally the people saw the
greatest of the difficulties, and demanded its removal, which the
Administration signified its willingness to do. Then began an activity
at the North, East and West, such as was never before witnessed. The
loyal heart was again aroused by the President's call for troops, and
all realized the necessity of a more sagacious policy, and the
importance of bringing the war to a close. The lion of the South must be
bearded in his lair, and forced to surrender Richmond, the Confederate
Capitol, that had already cost the Government millions of dollars, and
the North thousands of lives. The cockade city,--Petersburg,--like the
Gibralter of the Mississippi, should haul down the confederate banner
from her breastworks; in fact, Lee must be vanquished. That was the
demand of the loyal nation, and right well did they enter into
preparations to consummate it; placing brave and skillful officers in
command.

[Illustration: PARADE OF THE 20TH REGT. U. S. C. T. IN NEW YORK.]

The whole North became a recruiting station. Sumner, Wilson, Stevens and
Sherman, in Congress, and Greeley, Beecher, Philips and Curtis, with the
press, had succeeded in placing the fight upon the highest plane of
civilization, and linked _freedom_ to the cause of the Union thus making
the success of one the success of the other,--"Liberty and Union, one
and inseparable." What patriotism should fail in accomplishing,
bounties--National, State, county, city and township--were to induce and
effect. The depleted ranks of the army were filled to its maximum, and
with a hitherto victorious and gallant leader would be hurled against
the fortifications of the Confederacy with new energy and determination.

Early in January, General Burnside was ordered again to take command of
the Ninth Army Corps, and to recruit its strength to fifty thousand
effective men, which he immediately began to do. General Butler, then in
command of the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, began the
organization of the Army of the James, collecting at Norfolk, Portsmouth
and on the Peninsula, the forces scattered throughout his Department,
and to recruit Phalanx regiments. In March, General Grant was called to
Washington, and received the appointment of Lieutenant General, and
placed in command of the armies of the Republic. He immediately began
their reorganization, as a preliminary to attacking Lee's veteran army
of northern Virginia.

As has before been stated, the negro had, up to this time, taken no very
active part in the battles fought in Virginia. The seed of prejudice
sown by Generals McDowell and McClellan at the beginning of hostilities,
had ripened into productive fruit. The Army of the Potomac being early
engaged in apprehending and returning runaway slaves to their presumed
owners, had imbibed a bitter, unrelenting hatred for the poor, but ever
loyal, negro. To this bitterness the Emancipation Proclamation gave a
zest, through the pro-slavery press at the North, which taunted the
soldiers with "_fighting to free the negroes_." This feeling had served
to practically keep the negro, as a soldier, out of the Army of the
Potomac.

General Burnside, upon assuming his command, asked for and obtained
permission from the War Department to raise and unite a division of
Negro troops to the 9th Army Corps. Annapolis, Md., was selected as the
"depot and rendezvous," and very soon Camp Stanton had received its
allowance of Phalanx regiments for the Corps. Early in April, the camp
was broken, and the line of march taken for Washington. It was rumored
throughout the city that the 9th Corps would pass through there, and
that about 6,000 Phalanx men would be among the troops. The citizens
were on the _qui vive_; members of Congress and the President were eager
to witness the passage of the Corps.

At nine o'clock on the morning of the 25th of April, the head of the
column entered the city, and at eleven the troops were marching down New
York Avenue. Halting a short distance from the corner of 14th street,
the column closed up, and prepared to pay the President a marching
salute, who, with General Burnside and a few friends, was awaiting their
coming. Mr. Lincoln and his party occupied a balcony over the entrance
of Willard's Hotel. The scene was one of great beauty and animation.
The day was superbly clear; the soft atmosphere of the early spring was
made additionally pleasant by a cool breeze; rain had fallen the
previous night, and there was no dust to cause discomfort to the
soldiers or spectators. The troops marched and appeared well; their
soiled and battered flags bearing inscriptions of battles of six States.
The corps had achieved almost the first success of the war in North
Carolina; it had hastened to the Potomac in time to aid in rescuing the
Capitol, when Lee made his first Northern invasion; it won glory at
South Mountain, and made the narrow bridge at Antietam, forever
historic; it had likewise reached Kentucky in time to aid in driving the
confederates from that State. Now it appeared with recruited ranks, and
new regiments of as good blood as ever was poured out in the cause of
right; and with a new element--those whom they had helped set free from
the thraldom of slavery--whom they were proud to claim as comrades.

Their banners were silent, effective witnesses of their valor and their
sacrifices; Bull's Run, Ball's Bluff, Roanoke, Newburn, Gaines' Mills,
Mechanicsville, Seven Pines, Savage Station, Glendale, Malvern,
Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Antietam, South Mountain, Knoxville,
Vicksburg, Port Hudson and Gettysburg, were emblazoned in letters of
gold. The firm and soldierly bearing of the veterans, the eager and
expectant countenances of the men and officers of the new regiments, the
gay trappings of the cavalry, the thorough equipment and fine condition
of the artillery, the clattering of hoofs, the clanking of sabres, the
drum-beat, the bugle call, and the music of the bands were all subjects
of interest. The President beheld the scene. Pavement, sidewalks,
windows and roofs were crowded with people. A division of veterans
passed, saluting the President and their commander with cheers. And
then, with full ranks--platoons extending from sidewalk to
sidewalk--brigades which had never been in battle, for the first time
shouldered arms for their country; they who even then were disfranchised
and were not American citizens, yet they were going out to fight for
the flag. Their country was given them by the tall, pale, benevolent
hearted man standing upon the balcony. For the first time, they beheld
their benefactor. They were darker hued than their veteran comrades, but
they cheered as lustily, "hurrah, hurrah, hurrah for Massa Linkun! Three
cheers for the President!" They swung their caps, clapped their hands
and shouted their joy. Long, loud and jubilant were the rejoicings of
these redeemed sons of Africa. Regiment after regiment of stalwart
men,--slaves once, but freemen now,--with steady step and even ranks,
passed down the street, moving on to the Old Dominion. It was the first
review of the negro troops by the President. Mr. Lincoln himself seemed
greatly pleased, and acknowledged the plaudits and cheers of the Phalanx
soldiers with a dignified kindness and courtesy. It was a spectacle
which made many eyes grow moist, and left a life-long impression. Thus
the corps that had never lost a flag or a gun, marched through the
National Capitol, crossed long bridge and went into camp near
Alexandria, where it remained until the 4th of May.

The Phalanx regiments composing the 4th division were the 19th, 23rd,
27th, 28th, 29th, 30th, 31st, 39th and 43rd, commanded by General E.
Ferrero.

The Army of the James, under General Butler, which was to act in
conjunction with the Army of the Potomac, under Meade, was composed of
the 10th and 18th Corps. The 10th Corps had two brigades of the Phalanx,
consisting of the 7th, 9th, 29th, 16th, 8th, 41st, 45th and 127th
Regiments, commanded by Colonels James Shaw, Jr., and Ulysses Doubleday,
and constituted the 3rd division of that Corps commanded by
Brigadier-General Wm. Birney.

The 3rd division of the 18th Corps, commanded by Brigadier-General
Charles G. Paine, was composed of the 1st, 22nd, 37th, 5th, 36th, 38th,
4th, 6th, 10th, 107th, 117th, 118th and 2nd Cavalry, with Colonels Elias
Wright, Alonzo G. Draper, John W. Ames and E. Martindale as brigade
commanders of the four brigades. A cavalry force numbering about two
thousand, comprising the 1st and 2nd, was under command of Colonel
West,[31] making not less than 20,000 of the Phalanx troops, including
the 4th Division with the Ninth Corps, and augmenting Butler's force to
47,000, concentrated at Yorktown and Gloucester Point.

On the 28th of April, Butler received his final orders, and on the night
of the 4th of May embarked his troops on transports, descended the York
river, passed Fortress Monroe and ascended the James River. Convoyed by
a fleet of armored war vessels and gunboats, his transports reached
Bermuda Hundreds on the afternoon of the 5th. General Wilde, with a
brigade of the Phalanx, occupied Fort Powhatan, on the south bank of the
river, and Wilson's Wharf, about five miles below on the north side of
the James, with the remainder of his division of 5,000 of the Phalanx.
General Hinks landed at City Point, at the mouth of the Appomattox. The
next morning the troops advanced to Trent's, with their left resting on
the Appomattox, near Walthall, and the right on the James, and
intrenched. In the meantime, Butler telegraphed Grant:

                                    "OFF CITY POINT, VA., May 5th.

     "LIEUT. GEN. GRANT, Commanding Armies of the United States,
                                      Washington, D. C.:

     "We have seized Wilson's Wharf Landing; a brigade of Wilde's
     colored troops are there; at Fort Powhatan landing two
     regiments of the same brigade have landed. At City Point,
     Hinks' division, with the remaining troops and battery, have
     landed. The remainder of both the 18th and 10th Army Corps
     are being landed at Bermuda Hundreds, above Appomattox. No
     opposition experienced thus far, the movement was
     comparatively a complete surprise. Both army corps left
     Yorktown during last night. The monitors are all over the
     bar at Harrison's landing and above City Point. The
     operations of the fleet have been conducted to-day with
     energy and success. Gens. Smith and Gillmore are pushing the
     landing of the men. Gen. Graham with the army gunboats, lead
     the advance during the night, capturing the signal station
     of the rebels. Colonel West, with 1800 cavalry, made several
     demonstrations from Williamsburg yesterday morning. Gen.
     Rantz left Suffolk this morning with his cavalry, for the
     service indicated during the conference with the
     Lieut.-General. The New York flag-of-truce boat was found
     lying at the wharf with four hundred prisoners, whom she had
     not time to deliver. She went up yesterday morning. We are
     landing troops during the night, a hazardous service in the
     face of the enemy.

                                "BENJ. F. BUTLER,

     "A. F. PUFFER, Capt. and A. D. C.   _Maj.-Gen. Commanding._"

About two miles in front of their line ran the Richmond & Petersburg
Railroad, near which the enemy was encountered. Butler's movements being
in concert with that of the Army of the Potomac and the 9th Corps,--the
latter as yet an independent organization.

General Meade, with the Army of the Potomac, numbering 120,000 effective
men, crossed the Rapidan _en route_ for the Wilderness, each soldier
carrying fifty rounds of ammunition and three days rations. The supply
trains were loaded with ten days forage and subsistence. The advance was
in two columns, General Warren being on the right and General Hancock on
the left. Sedgwick followed closely upon Warren and crossed the Rapidan
at Germania Ford. The Ninth Corps received its orders on the 4th,
whereupon General Burnside immediately put the Corps in motion toward
the front. Bivouacking at midnight, the line of march was again taken up
at daylight, and at night the Rapidan was crossed at Germania Ford. The
corps marched on a road parallel to that of its old antagonist, General
Longstreet's army, which was hastening to assist Lee, who had met the
Army of the Potomac in the entanglements of the wilderness, where a
stubborn and sanguinary fight raged for two days. General Ferrero's
division, composed of the Phalanx regiments, reached Germania Ford on
the morning of the 6th, with the cavalry, and reported to General
Sedgwick, of the 6th Corps, who had the care of the trains. The enemy
was projecting an attack upon the rear of the advancing columns. Gen.
Ferrero was ordered to guard with his Phalanx division, the bridges,
roads and trains near and at the Rapidan river. That night the
confederates attacked Sedgwick in force; wisely the immense supply
trains had been committed to the care of the Phalanx, and the enemy was
driven back before daylight, while the trains were securely moved up
closer to the advance. General Grant, finding that the confederates were
not disposed to continue the battle, began the movement toward
Spottsylvania Court House on the night of the 7th. The 9th Corps brought
up the rear, with the Phalanx division and cavalry covering the trains.

Butler and his Phalanx troops, as we have seen, was within six miles of
Petersburg, and on the 7th, Generals Smith and Gillmore reached the
railroad near Port Walthall Junction, and commenced destroying it; the
confederates attacked them, but were repulsed. Col. West, on the north
side of the James River, forded the Chickahominy with the Phalanx
cavalry, and arrived opposite City Point, having destroyed the railroad
for some distance on that side.

Leaving General Hinks with his Phalanx division to hold City Point, on
the 9th Butler again moved forward to break up the railroad which the
forces under Smith and Gillmore succeeded in doing, thus separating
Beaureguard's force from Lee's. He announced the result of his
operation's in the following message to Washington:

     "May 9th, 1864.

     "Our operations may be summed up in a few words. With one
     thousand and seven hundred cavalry we have advanced up the
     Peninsula, forced the Chickahominy and have safely brought
     them to our present position. These were _colored cavalry_,
     and are now holding our advanced pickets toward Richmond.
     General Kautz, with three thousand cavalry from Suffolk, on
     the same day with our movement up James river, forced the
     Blackwater, burned the railroad bridge at Stony Creek, below
     Petersburg, cutting in two Beauregard's force at that point.
     We have landed here, intrenched ourselves, destroyed many
     miles of railroad, and got possession, which, with proper
     supplies, we can hold out against the whole of Lee's army. I
     have ordered up the supplies. Beauregard, with a large
     portion of his force, was left south, by the cutting of the
     railroad by Kautz. That portion which reached Petersburg
     under Hill, I have whipped to-day, killing and wounding
     many, and taking many prisoners, after a well contested
     fight. General Grant will not be troubled with any further
     re-inforcements to Lee from Beaureguard's force.

     "BENJ. F. BUTLER, _Major-General._"

But for having been misinformed as to Lee's retreating on
Richmond,--which led him to draw his forces back into his
intrenchments,--Butler would have undoubtedly marched triumphantly into
Petersburg. The mistake gave the enemy holding the approaches to that
city time to be re-enforced, and Petersburg soon became well fortified
and garrisoned. Beaureguard succeeded in a few days time in
concentrating in front of Butler 25,000 troops, thus checking the
latter's advance toward Richmond and Petersburg, on the south side of
the James, though skirmishing went on at various points.

General Grant intended to have Butler advance and capture Petersburg,
while General Meade, with the Army of the Potomac, advanced upon
Richmond from the north bank of the James river. Gen. Butler failed to
accomplish more than his dispatches related, though his forces entered
the city of Petersburg, captured Chester Station, and destroyed the
railroad connection between Petersburg and Richmond. Failure to support
his troops and to intrench lost him all he had gained, and he returned
to his intrenchments at Bermuda Hundreds.

The Phalanx (Hinks division) held City Point and other stations on the
river, occasionally skirmishing with the enemy, who, ever mindful of the
fact that City Point was the base of supplies for the Army of the James,
sought every opportunity to raid it, but they always found the Phalanx
ready and on the alert.

After the battle of Drewry's Bluff, May 16th, Butler thought to remain
quiet in his intrenchments, but Grant, on the 22nd, ordered him to send
all his troops, save enough to hold City Point, to join the Army of the
Potomac; whereupon General W. F. Smith, with 16,000 men, embarked for
the White House, on the Pamunky river, Butler retaining the Phalanx
division and the Cavalry. Thus ended the operations of the Army of the
James, until Grant crossed the river with the army of the Potomac.

[Illustration: SCENE IN THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC.

Negro baggage train drivers watering their mules.]

On the 13th of May, Grant determined upon a flank movement toward
Bowling Green, with a view of making Port Royal, instead of
Fredericksburg, his depot for supplies. Sending his reserve artillery to
Belle Plain, he prepared to advance. It was in this manoeuvre that
Lee, for the last time, attacked the Federal forces, outside of cover,
in any important movement. The attempt to change the base of supply was
indeed a hazardous move for Grant; it necessitated the moving of his
immense train, numbering four thousand wagons, used in carrying rations,
ammunition and supplies for his army, and transportation of the badly
wounded to the rear, where they could be cared for.

Up to this time the Wilderness campaign had been a continuous fight and
march. The anxiety which Grant felt for his train, is perhaps best told
by himself:

     "My movements are terribly embarrassed by our immense wagon
     train. It could not be avoided, however."

It was the only means by which the army could obtain needful supplies,
and was consequently indispensable. It was the near approach to the
train that made the confederates often fight so desperately, for they
knew if they could succeed in capturing a wagon they would probably get
something to eat. Soon after the advance began, it was reported to
Grant, that the confederate cavalry was in the rear, in search of the
trains. On the 14th he ordered General Ferrero to "keep a sharp lookout
for this cavalry, and if you can attack it with your (Phalanx) infantry
and (white) cavalry, do so." On the 19th Ferrero, with his Phalanx
division, (4th division, 9th Corps) was on the road to Fredericksburg,
in rear of and to the right of General Tyler's forces, in the
confederates' front. The road formed Grant's direct communication with
his base, and here the confederates, under Ewell attacked the Federal
troops. Grant sent this dispatch to Ferrero:

     "The enemy have crossed the Ny on the right of our lines, in
     considerable force, and may possibly detach a force to move
     on Fredericksburg. Keep your cavalry pickets well out on the
     plank road, and all other roads leading west and south of
     you. If you find the enemy moving infantry and artillery to
     you, report it promptly. In that case take up strong
     positions and detain him all you can, turning all your
     trains back to Fredericksburg, and whatever falling back
     you may be forced to do, do it in that direction."

The confederates made a dash for the train and captured twenty-seven
wagons, but before they had time to feast off of their booty the Phalanx
was upon them. The enemy fought with uncommon spirit; it was the first
time "F. F. V's," the chivalry of the South,--composing the Army of
Northern Virginia,--had met the negro soldiers, and true to their
instinctive hatred of their black brothers, they gave them the best they
had; lead poured like rain for a while, and then came a lull. Ferrero
knew what it meant, and prepared for their coming. A moment more and the
accustomed yell rang out above the roar of the artillery. The
confederates charged down upon the Phalanx, but to no purpose, save to
make the black line more stable. They retaliated, and the confederates
were driven as the gale drives chaff, the Phalanx recapturing the wagons
and saving Grant's line of communication. General Badeau, speaking of
their action, in his military history of Grant, says:

     "It was the first time at the East when colored troops had
     been engaged in any important battle, and the display of
     soldierly qualities won a frank acknowledgment from both
     troops and commanders, not all of whom had before been
     willing to look upon negroes as comrades. But after that
     time, white soldiers in the army of the Potomac were not
     displeased to receive the support of black ones; they had
     found the support worth having."

Ferrero had the confidence of his men, who were ever ready to follow
where Grant ordered them to be led.

But this was not the last important battle the Phalanx took part in.
Butler, after sending the larger portion of his forces to join the Army
of the Potomac, was not permitted to remain quiet in his intrenchments.
The confederates felt divined to destroy, if not capture, his base, and
therefore were continually striving to break through the lines. On the
24th of May, General Fitzhugh Lee made a dash with his cavalry upon
Wilson's Wharf, Butler's most northern outpost, held by two Phalanx
Regiments of General Wilde's brigade. Lee's men had been led to believe
that it was only necessary to yell at the "niggers" in order to make
them leave the Post, but in this affair they found a foe worthy of their
steel. They fought for several hours, when finally the confederate
troops beat a retreat. An eye witness of the fight says:

     "The chivalry of Fitzhugh Lee and his cavalry division was
     badly worsted in the contest last Tuesday with negro troops,
     composing the garrison at Wilson's Landing; the chivalry
     made a gallant fight, however. The battle began at half-past
     twelve P. M., and ended at six o'clock, when the chivalry
     retired, disgusted and defeated. Lee's men dismounted far in
     the rear, and fought as infantry; they drove in the pickets
     and skirmishers to the intrenchments, and made several
     valiant charges upon our works. To make an assault, it was
     necessary to come across an opening in front of our
     position, up to the very edge of a deep and impassable
     ravine. The rebels, with deafening yells, made furious
     onsets, but the negroes did not flinch, and the mad
     assailants, discomforted, returned to cover with shrunken
     ranks. The rebels' fighting was very wicked; it showed that
     Lee's heart was bent on taking the negroes at any cost.
     Assaults on the center having failed, the rebels tried first
     the left, and then the right flank, with no greater success.
     When the battle was over, our loss footed up, one man killed
     outright, twenty wounded, and two missing. Nineteen rebels
     were prisoners in our hands. Lee's losses must have been
     very heavy; the proof thereof was left on the ground.
     Twenty-five rebel bodies lay in the woods unburied, and
     pools of blood unmistakably told of other victims taken
     away. The estimate, from all the evidence carefully
     considered, puts the enemy's casualties at two hundred.
     Among the corpses Lee left on the field, was that of Major
     Breckenridge, of the 2nd Virginia Cavalry. There is no
     hesitation here in acknowledging the soldierly qualities
     which the colored men engaged in the fight have exhibited.
     Even the officers who have hitherto felt no confidence in
     them are compelled to express themselves mistaken. General
     Wilde, commanding the Post, says that the troops stood up to
     their work like veterans."

Newspaper correspondents were not apt to overstate the facts, nor to
give too much favorable coloring to the Phalanx in those days. Very much
of the sentiment in the army--East and West--was manufactured by them.
The Democratic partizan press at the North, especially in New York and
Ohio, still engaged in throwing paper bullets at the negro soldiers, who
were shooting lead bullets at the country's foes.

The gallantry and heroic courage of the Phalanx in the Departments of
the Gulf and South, and their bloody sacrifices, had not been sufficient
to stop the violent clamor and assertions of those journals, that the
"niggers won't fight!"

Many papers favorable to the Emancipation; opposed putting negro troops
in battle in Virginia. But to all these bomb-proof opinions Grant turned
a deaf ear, and when and where necessity required it, he hurled his
Phalanx brigades against the enemy as readily as he did the white
troops. The conduct of the former was, nevertheless, watched eagerly by
the correspondents of the press who were with the army, and when they
began to chronicle the achievements of the Phalanx, the prejudice began
to give way, and praises were substituted in the place of their
well-worn denunciations. A correspondent of the New York _Herald_ thus
wrote in May:

     "The conduct of the colored troops, by the way, in the
     actions of the last few days, is described as superb. An
     Ohio soldier said to me to-day, 'I never saw men fight with
     such desperate gallantry as those negroes did. They advanced
     as grim and stern as death, and when within reach of the
     enemy struck about them with a pitiless vigor, that was
     almost fearful.' Another soldier said to me, 'These negroes
     never shrink, nor hold back, no matter what the order.
     Through scorching heat and pelting storms, if the order
     comes, they march with prompt, ready feet.' Such praise is
     great praise, and it is deserved. The negroes here who have
     been slaves, are loyal, to a man, and on our occupation of
     Fredericksburg, pointed out the prominent secessionists, who
     were at once seized by our cavalry and put in safe quarters.
     In a talk with a group of faithful fellows, I discovered in
     them all a perfect understanding of the issues of the
     conflict, and a grand determination to prove themselves
     worthy of the place and privileges to which they are to be
     exalted."

The ice was thus broken, and then each war correspondent found it his
duty to write in deservedly glowing terms of the Phalanx.

The newspaper reports of the engagements stirred the blood of the
Englishman, and he eschewed his professed love for the freedom of
mankind, and particularly that of the American negro. The London
_Times_, in the following article, lashed the North for arming the
negroes to shoot the confederates, forgetting, perhaps, that England
employed negroes against the colonist in 1775, and at New Orleans, in
1814, had her black regiments to shoot down the fathers of the men whom
it now sought to uphold, in rebellion against the government of the
United States:

     "THE NEGRO UNION SOLDIERS.

     "Six months have now passed from the time Mr. Lincoln issued
     his proclamation abolishing slavery in the States of the
     Southern Confederacy. To many it may seem that this measure
     has failed of the intended effect and this is doubtless in
     some respects the case. It was intended to frighten the
     Southern whites into submission, and it has only made them
     more fierce and resolute than ever. It was intended to raise
     a servile war, or produce such signs of it as should compel
     the Confederates to lay down their arms through fear for
     their wives and families; and it has only caused desertion
     from some of the border plantations and some disorders along
     the coast. But in other respects the consequences of this
     measure are becoming important enough. The negro race has
     been too much attached to the whites, or too ignorant or too
     sluggish to show any signs of revolt in places remote from
     the presence of the federal armies: but on some points where
     the federals have been able to maintain themselves in force
     in the midst of a large negro population, the process of
     enrolling and arming black regiments has been carried on in
     a manner which must give a new character to the war. It is
     in the State of Louisiana, and under the command of General
     Banks, that this use of negro soldiers has been most
     extensive. The great city of New Orleans having fallen into
     the possession of the federals more than a year ago, and the
     neighboring country being to a certain degree abandoned by
     the white population, a vast number of negroes have been
     thrown on the hands of the General in command to support
     and, if he can, make use of. The arming of these was begun
     by General Butler, and it has been continued by his
     successor. Though the number actually under arms is no doubt
     exaggerated by Northern writers, yet enough have been
     brought into service to produce a powerful effect on the
     imaginations of the combatants, and, as we can now clearly
     see, to add almost grievously to the fury of the struggle.

     "Of all wars, those between races which had been accustomed
     to stand to each other in the relation of master and slave
     have been so much the most horrible that by general consent
     the exciting of a servile insurrection has been considered
     as beyond the pale of legitimate warfare. This had been held
     even in the case of European serfdom, although there the
     rulers and the ruled are of the same blood, religion and
     language. But the conflict between the white men and the
     negro, _and particularly the American white man and the
     American negro, is likely to be more ruthless than any which
     the ancient world, fruitful in such histories, or the modern
     records of Algeria can furnish_. There was reason to hope
     that the deeds of 1857 in India would not be paralleled in
     our time or in any after age. The Asiatic savagery rose upon
     a dominant race scattered throughout the land, and wreaked
     its vengeance upon it by atrocities which it would be a
     relief to forget. But it has been reserved for the New
     World to present the spectacle of civil war, calling servile
     war to its aid, and of men of English race and language so
     envenomed against each other that one party places arms in
     the hands of the half savage negro, and the other acts as if
     resolved to give no quarter to the insurgent race or the
     white man who commands them or fights by their side. In the
     valley of the Mississippi, where these negro soldiers are in
     actual service, it seems likely that a story as revolting as
     that of St. Domingo is being prepared for the world. No one
     who reads the description of the fighting at Port Hudson,
     and the accounts given by the papers of scenes at other
     places, can help fearing that the worst part of this war has
     yet to come, and that a people who lately boasted that they
     took the lead in education and material civilization are now
     carrying on a contest without regard to any law of
     conventional warfare,--one side training negroes to fight
     against its own white flesh and blood, the other
     slaughtering them without mercy whenever they find them in
     the field.

     " * * * It is pitiable to find these unhappy Africans, whose
     clumsy frames are no match for the sinewy and agile white
     American, thus led on to be destroyed by a merciless enemy.
     Should the war proceed in this manner, it is possible that
     the massacre of Africans may not be confined to actual
     conflict in the field. Hitherto the whites have been
     sufficiently confident in the negroes to leave them
     unmolested, even when the enemy was near; but with two or
     three black regiments in each federal corps, and such events
     as the Port Hudson massacre occuring to infuriate the minds
     on either side, who can foresee what three months more of
     war may bring forth?

     "All that we can say with certainty is that the unhappy
     negro will be the chief sufferer in this unequal conflict.
     An even greater calamity, however, is the brutalization of
     two antagonistic peoples by the introduction into the war of
     these servile allies of the federals. Already there are
     military murders and executions on both sides. The horrors
     which Europe has foreseen for a year past are now upon us.
     Reprisal will provoke reprisal, until all men's natures are
     hardened, and the land flows with blood."

The article is truly instructive to the present generation; its
malignity and misrepresentation of the Administration's intentions in
regard to the arming of negroes, serves to illustrate the deep-seated
animosity which then existed in England toward the union of the States.
Nor will the American negro ever forget England's advice to the
confederates, whose massacre of negro soldiers fighting for freedom she
endorsed and applauded. The descendants of those black soldiers, who
were engaged in the prolonged struggle for freedom, can rejoice in the
fact that no single act of those patriots is in keeping with the
Englishman's prediction; no taint of brutality is even charged against
them by those whom they took prisoners in battle. The confederates
themselves testify to the humane treatment they unexpectedly received at
the hands of their negro captors. Mr. Pollard, the historian, says:

     "No servile insurrections had taken place in the South."

But it is gratifying to know that all Englishmen did not agree with the
writer of the _Times_. A London letter in the New York Evening _Post_,
said:

     "Mr. Spurgeon makes most effective and touching prayers,
     remembering, at least once on a Sunday, the United States.
     'Grant, O God,' he said recently, 'that the right may
     conquer, and that if the fearful canker of slavery must be
     cut out by the sword, it be wholly eradicated from the body
     politic of which it is the curse.' He is seldom, however, as
     pointed as this; and, like other clergymen of England, prays
     for the return of peace. Indeed, it must be acknowledged
     that if the English press and government have done what they
     could to continue this war, the dissenting clergy of England
     have nobly shown their good will and hearty sympathy with
     the Americans, and their sincere desire for the settlement
     of our difficulties. 'If praying would do you Americans any
     good,' said an irreverent acquaintance last Sunday, 'you
     will be gratified to learn that a force of a
     thousand-clergymen-power is constantly at work for you over
     here.'"

After the heroic and bloody effort at Cold Harbor to reach Richmond, or
to cross the James above the confederate capitol, and thus cut off the
enemy's supplies,--after Grant had flanked, until to flank again would
be to leave Richmond in his rear,--when Lee had withdrawn to his
fortifications, refusing to accept Grant's challenge to come out and
fight a decisive battle,--when all hope of accomplishing either of these
objects had vanished, Grant determined to return to his original plan of
attack from the coast, and turned his face toward the James river. On
the 12th of June the Army of the Potomac began to move, and by the 16th
it was, with all its trains across, and on the south side of the James.

Petersburg Grant regarded as the citadel of Richmond, and to capture it
was the first thing on his list to be accomplished. General Butler was
made acquainted with this, and as soon as General Smith, who, with a
portion of Butler's forces had been temporarily dispatched to join the
army of the Potomac at Cold Harbor, returned to Bermuda Hundreds with
his force, he was ordered forward to capture the Cockade City. It was
midnight on the 14th, when Smith's troops arrived. Butler ordered him
immediately forward against Petersburg, and he moved accordingly. His
force was in three divisions of Infantry, and one of Cavalry, under
General Kautz, who was to threaten the line of works on the Norfolk
road. General Hinks, with his division of the Phalanx, was to take
position across the Jordon's Point road on the right of Kautz; Brooks'
division of white troops was to follow, Hinks coming in at the center of
the line, while General Martindale with the other division was to move
along the Appomattox and strike the City Point road. Smith's movement
was directed against the northeast side of Petersburg, extending from
the City Point to the Norfolk railroad. About daylight on the 15th, as
the columns advanced on the City Point road at Bailey's farm, six miles
from Petersburg, a confederate battery opened fire. Kautz reconnoitered
and found a line of rifle trench, extending along the front, on rapidly
rising ground, with a thicket covering. The work was held by a regiment
of cavalry and a light battery. At once there was use for the Phalanx;
the works must be captured with the battery before the troops could
proceed. The cavalry was re-called, and Hinks began the formation of an
attacking party from his division. The confederates were in an open
field, their battery upon a knoll in the same field, commanding a
sweeping position to its approaches. The advancing troops must come out
from the woods, rush up the slope and carry it at the point of the
bayonet, exposed to the tempest of musketry and cannister of the
battery. Hinks formed his line for the assault, and the word of command
was given,--"forward." The line emerged from the woods, the enemy opened
with cannister upon the steadily advancing column, which, without
stopping, replied with a volley of Minie bullets.

     "The long, dusky line, arm to arm, knee to knee."

[Illustration: PHALANX SOLDIERS AT WORK ON RIVER OBSTRUCTIONS.]

Then shells came crashing through the line, dealing death and shattering
the ranks; but on they went, with a wild cheer, running up the slope;
again a storm of cannister met them; a shower of musketry came down upon
the advancing column, whose bristling bayonets were to make the way
clear for their white comrades awaiting on the roadside. A hundred black
men went down under the fire; the ranks were quickly closed however, and
with another wild cheer the living hundreds went over the works with the
impetuosity of a cyclone; they seized the cannon and turned them upon
the fleeing foe, who, in consternation, stampeded toward Petersburg, to
their main line of intrenchments on the east. Thus the work of the 5th
and 22nd Phalanx regiments was completed and the road made clear for the
18th Corps.

Brooks now moved up simultaneously with Martindale, on the river road.
By noon the whole corps was in front of the enemy's main line of works,
Martindale on the right, Brooks in the center, the Phalanx and cavalry
on the left, sweeping down to the Jerusalem Plank Road on the southeast.
Hinks, with the Phalanx, in order to gain the position assigned him, had
necessarily to pass over an open space exposed to a direct and
cross-fire. Nevertheless, he prepared to occupy his post, and forming a
line of battle, he began the march. The division numbered about 3,000, a
portion of it being still at Wilson's Landing, Fort Powhatan, City Point
and Bermuda Hundreds. This was a march that veterans might falter in,
without criticism or censure. The steady black line advanced a few rods
at a time, when coming within range of the confederate guns they were
obliged to lie down and wait for another opportunity. Now a lull,--they
would rise, go forward, and again lie down. Thus they continued their
march, under a most galling, concentrated artillery fire until they
reached their position, from which they were to join in a general
assault; and here they lay, from one till five o'clock,--four long
hours,--exposed to ceaseless shelling by the enemy. Badeau says, in
speaking of the Phalanx in this ordeal:

     "No worse strain on the nerves of troops is possible, for it
     is harder to remain quiet under cannon fire, even though
     comparatively harmless, than to advance against a storm of
     musketry."

General W. F. Smith, though brave, was too cautious and particular in
detail, and he spent those four hours in careful reconnoissance, while
the troops lay exposed to the enemy's concentric fire.

The main road leading east from Petersburg ascends a hill two or more
miles out, upon the top of which stood what was then known as Mr. Dunn's
house. In front of it was a fort, and another south, and a third north,
with other works; heavy embankments and deep ravines and ditches, trunks
of hewn trees blackened by camp fires, formed an abatis on the even
ground. Here the sharpshooters and riflemen had a fair view of the
entire field. The distance from these works to the woods was about three
hundred and sixty paces, in the edge of which lay the black Phalanx
division, ready, like so many tigers, waiting for the command,
"forward." The forts near Dunn's house had direct front fire, and those
on the north an enfilading fire on the line of advance. Smith got his
troops in line for battle by one o'clock, but there they lay. Hinks
impatiently awaited orders; oh! what a suspense--each hour seemed a
day,--what endurance--what valor. Shells from the batteries ploughed
into the earth where they stood, and began making trouble for the
troops. Hinks gave the order, "lie down;" they obeyed, and were somewhat
sheltered. Five o'clock--yet no orders. At length the command was given,
"forward." The skirmishers started at quick time; the enemy opened upon
them vigorously from their batteries and breastworks, upon which they
rested their muskets, in order to fire with accuracy. A torrent of
bullets was poured upon the advancing line, and the men fell fast as
autumn leaves in a gale of wind. Then the whole line advanced, the
Phalanx going at double-quick; their well aligned ranks, with bayonets
glittering obliquely in the receding sunlight, presented a spectacle
both magnificent and grand.

[Illustration: A GALLANT CHARGE. The 22nd Negro Regiment, Duncan's
Brigade, carrying the first line of Confederate works before Petersburg,
Va.]

Duncan rushed his skirmishers and reached the ditches in front of the
breastworks, which, without waiting for the main body, they entered and
clambered up the steep embankments. A sheet of flame from above was
rained down, causing many a brave man to stagger and fall back into the
ditch, never to rise again. The troops following, inspired by the daring
of the skirmishers, pressed forward on the run up to the forts, swept
round the curtains, scaled the breastworks and dashed with patriotic
rage at the confederate gunners, who deserted their pieces and ran for
their lives. Brooks and Martindale advanced simultaneously upon the
works at Osborn's house and up the railroad, sweeping everything before
them. The Phalanx seized upon the guns and turned them instantly upon
the fleeing foe, and then with spades and shovels reversed the
fortifications and prepared to hold them. Fifteen pieces of artillery
and three hundred confederates were captured. "The Phalanx," says the
official report, took two-thirds of the prisoners and nine pieces of
artillery. General Smith, finding that General Birney, with the 2nd
Corps, had not arrived, instead of marching the troops into Petersburg,
waited for re-inforcements unnecessarily, and thereby lost his chance of
taking the city, which was soon garrisoned with troops enough to defy
the whole army. Thus Grant was necessitated afterward to lay siege to
the place.

The confederates never forgot nor forgave this daring of the "niggers,"
who drove them, at the point of the bayonet, out of their breastworks,
killing and capturing their comrades and their guns. They were chided by
their brother confederates for allowing negroes to take their works from
them. The maidens of the Cockade City were told that they could not
trust themselves to men who surrendered their guns to "niggers." The
soldiers of the Phalanx were delirious with joy. They had caught "ole
massa," and he was theirs. General Hinks had their confidence, and they
were ready to follow wherever he led.

The chaplin of the 9th Corps, in his history, says:

     "In this movement a division of colored troops, under
     Brigadier-General Hinks, seems to have won the brightest
     laurels. They first attacked and carried the enemy's outpost
     at Bailey's farm, capturing one piece of artillery in the
     most gallant manner. On their arrival before Petersburg,
     they lay in front of the works for nearly five hours,
     waiting for the word of command. They then, in company with
     the white troops, and showing equal bravery, rushed and
     carried the enemy's line of works, with what glorious
     success has already been related."

This, indeed, was a victory, yet shorn of its full fruits; but that
Petersburg was not captured was no fault of the Phalanx. They had
carried and occupied the most formidable obstacles.

Badeau, in chronicling these achievements, says:

     "General Smith assaulted the works on the City Point and
     Prince George Court House roads. The rebels resisted with a
     sharp infantry fire, but the center and left dashed into the
     works, consisting of five redan's on the crest of a deep and
     difficult ravine. Kiddoo's (22d) black regiment was one of
     the first to gain the hill. In support of this movement, the
     second line was swung around and moved against the front of
     the remaining works. The rebels, assaulted thus in front and
     flank, gave way, four of the guns already captured were
     turned upon them by the negro conquerors, enfilading the
     line, and before dark, Smith was in possession of the whole
     of the outer works, two and a half miles long, with fifteen
     pieces of artillery and three hundred prisoners. Petersburg
     was at his mercy."

This failure made a siege necessary, and General Grant began by regular
approaches to invest the place, after making the three desperate
assaults on the 16th, 17th and 18th. It had been indeed a bloody June;
the soil of the Old Dominion, which for two centuries the negro had
tilled and made to yield the choicest products, under a system of cruel
and inhuman bondage he now reddened with his blood in defense of his
liberty, proving by his patriotism, not only his love of liberty, but
his courage and capacity to defend it. The negro troops had marched and
fought with the white regiments with equal intrepidity and courage; they
were no longer despised by their comrades; they now had recognition as
soldiers, and went into the trenches before Petersburg as a part of as
grand an army as ever laid siege to a stronghold or stormed a
fortification.

On the 18th of June, General Ferrero reported to General Meade, with his
division of the Phalanx, (4th Division, 9th Corps), and was immediately
ordered to join its own proper corps,--from which it had been separated
since the 6th of May,--at the crossing of the Rapidan. It had served
under Sedgwick and Sheridan until the 17th, when it came under the
direct command of General Grant, and thus remained until the 25th of
May, when General Burnside, waiving rank to Meade, the 9th Corps was
incorporated into the Army of the Potomac. During its absence the
division sustained the reputable renown of its corps, not only in
protecting the trains, but in fighting the enemy, and capturing
prisoners. Before rejoining the corps, the division was strengthened by
three regiments of cavalry,--the 5th New York, 3rd New Jersey and 2nd
Ohio. From the 9th of May till the 17th, the division occupied the plank
road, looking to the old Wilderness tavern, covering the extreme right
of the army, extending from Todd's to Banks' Ford. On the 17th, the
division moved to Salem Church, near the main road to Fredericksburg,
where, as we have seen, it defended the rear line against the attack
made by the confederates, under General Ewell.

The historian of the corps says:

     "The division on the 21st of May was covering
     Fredericksburg, and the roads leading hence to Bowling
     Green. On the 22nd it marched toward Bowling Green, and on
     the 23rd it moved to Milford Station. From that date to the
     27th it protected the trains of the army in the rear of the
     positions on the North Anna. On the 27th, the division moved
     to Newtown; on the 28th, to Dunkirk, crossing the Maltapony;
     on the 29th, to the Pamunkey, near Hanovertown. On the 1st
     of June the troops crossed the Pamunkey, and from the 2nd to
     the 6th, covered the right of the army; from the 6th to the
     12th they covered the approaches from New Castle Ferry,
     Hanovertown, Hawe's shop, and Bethusda Church. From the 12th
     to the 18th they moved by easy stages, by way of Tunstall's
     New Kent Court House, Cole's Ferry, and the pontoon bridge
     across the James, to the line of the army near Petersburg.
     The dismounted cavalry were left to guard the trains, and
     the 4th Division prepared to participate in the more active
     work of soldiers. Through the remainder of the month of
     June, and the most of July, the troops were occupied in the
     second line of trenches, and in active movements towards the
     left, under Generals Hancock and Warren. While they were
     engaged in the trenches they were also drilled in the
     movements necessary for an attack and occupation of the
     enemy's works. A strong feeling of pride and esprit de
     corps sprung up within the hearts of the blacks, and they
     began to think that they too might soon have the opportunity
     of some glory for their race and country."

How natural was this feeling. As we have seen, their life for more than
a month had been one of marching and counter-marching, though hazardous
and patriotic. When on the 18th, they entered upon the more active duty
of soldiers, they found the 3rd Division of the 18th Corps, composed of
the Phalanx of the Army of the James, covered with glory, and the welkin
ringing with praises of their recent achievements. The men of the 4th
Division chafed with eager ambition to rival their brothers of the 18th
Corps, in driving the enemy from the Cockade City. General Burnside was
equally as anxious to give his black boys a chance to try the steel of
the chivalry in deadly conflict, and this gave them consolation, with
the assurance that their day would ere long dawn, so they toiled and
drilled carefully for their prospective glory.

But the situation of the Phalanx before Petersburg was far from being
enviable. Smarting under the thrashing they had received from Hinks'
division, the confederates were ever ready now to slaughter the
"niggers" when advantage offered them the opportunity. A steady,
incessant fire was kept up against the positions the Phalanx occupied,