hill before I could reach the scene of conflict, to which I proceeded
with your Majesty's colors. The Moros awaited us with a good supply of
muskets and versos; at the first volley they killed some of the more
daring soldiers, and wounded others. Our men reached the stockade,
shouting "Santiago!" and asking for more men from the detachment which
was still ascending the hill, by one of slopes and paths as rugged and
narrow as any which I ever saw in the Alarbes or the Pirineos, or in
any places where I have served your Majesty. On account of the haste
with which he had tried to reach me, Captain Ugalde had lost an arm;
and Captain Don Rodrigo de Guillestegui, alférez in my company, had
been several times struck by stones, so that he could hardly move. My
nephew Don Pedro had received a musket-shot in the right leg, across
the shin-bone. There were twenty-three killed, officers and men, and
more than fifty wounded. Although your Majesty's soldiers fought with
great valor, the enemy could not have received much damage, even from
our musketry, on account of the great strength of their stockades,
which were everywhere pierced with holes from our musket-balls; and,
because we were unable to carry up the hill our two small field-pieces
(which carry two-libra balls), the musketry could not accomplish
much. Seeing that we could not carry the fort, and the number of men
I had lost, so that there were hardly a hundred effective men left,
and knowing that on the hill the Moros numbered four thousand, well
armed, I took command of the rearguard, ordered that the wounded be
carried away, and went down from the hill, uniting my troops with
the guard of Pampangos whom I had left with the cannon. Although I
desired to hold that post, I had not men for this; on that account,
and in order that the Moros should not harass me by cutting off the
heads of the wounded men, I had to escort them as far as the fort of
San Francisco Xabiel, which had been gained below. I reached it at
night, with the troops discouraged, and reduced to the small number
that I have mentioned to your Majesty. On this occasion I had not the
support of Sargento-mayor Nicolas Gomez and his men--who went as the
rearguard, on account of pains in his legs--although he had not more
than three leguas to go from four o'clock in the morning to eleven,
when the battle commenced. They were reconnoitering, carrying Nicolas
Gomez in a hammock because he could not, on account of his foot,
climb paths so rugged. He did not come back until the morning of the
next day, when I had sent eighty men who survived from the vanguard, to
which Nicolas Gomez had to go, setting out as soon as the men had heard
mass. They went at that time because the enemy had not fortified the
rear of the hill. Captain Gastelu, who led Nicolas Gomez's vanguard,
gained a good position, and killed some Moros who were defending a
passage across which they had only felled a tree. Captain Gastelu
passed this obstruction, and gained the top of the hill and the
rear of the king's main stronghold, where he had his house, and four
pieces of artillery. Of these, one was bronze, with your Majesty's
arms on it, carrying an eight-libra ball; the three others were of
cast iron, for six- and eight-libra balls. They were loaded up to
the mouth with balls, chains, and spikes, in order [to destroy us]
if we had gone up the hill by that route, on which the guide whom I
took with me had already started us. But God influenced my choice,
in order that we should go by the other road; for although I did not
get off very cheaply, yet by this road it would have cost me far more
dear. At the time when we were fighting above on the seventeenth of
March, the eve of St. Joseph's day, the eighty men whom I sent with
Captain Rodrigo de Guillestigui, my alférez, arrived at the foot of
the hill on this other side; and, as a result of the pious haste
which Father Marcelo Mastrilo used in saying mass in order that
we might pursue our march, the news was soon brought to me that
the Moros had flung themselves down from their heights in flight,
and that your Majesty's banners were flying over their three forts
and our chaplains singing the _Te Deum laudamus_. Other arms were
secured there--twelve or thirteen versos, and more than a hundred
arquebuses and muskets; everything else was given to the soldiers
as booty, as a reward for their labors. Thus your Majesty gained
a victory, as others will write you. As the king, Cachil Corralat,
is very influential in those regions, I have made public an offer to
give three thousand pesos for his head. The captives and his wife's
servants tell me that the king was wounded in an arm by a musket-ball;
with that, I understand, he will not be able to keep up his people's
courage; and, if he does not go away into those rugged mountains,
he will not escape me. His wife threw herself from the walls, with
a little child in her arms; and many other women belonging to the
leading families were sold here on your Majesty's account--fifty of
them, besides as many more men; while more than two hundred Christian
captives were set free. Of the two Augustinian fathers, one had been
slain in revenge because we had killed, in the assault from below,
the commander of that fort, who was a nephew of the king, and two
others of their chiefs. On the day when the height was carried by our
men, the Moros, when they took to flight, inflicted so many wounds
on the other father that, although they brought him to me alive, he
had seventeen mortal wounds, so that within thirteen hours he died,
in my quarters. His death left us all as envious as compassionate
of his fate. Thus all the three fathers, Sire, have died, at various
times. I brought away the ornaments and sacred vessels, and returned
them to their owners, after having displayed them in a procession
which was made as a thank-offering to the most holy sacrament--from
which, as I firmly believe, your Majesty received this favor [of the
victory], on account of the fiestas which had been celebrated a few
months before, in accordance with your royal decree. I send an official
statement of this, in order that your Majesty may know in what manner
your commands were obeyed. I had intended to make this relation more
concise, but I have not been able to do so. Others will give a more
detailed account of the campaign; but I am telling your Majesty only
the substance of the service that has been rendered to you.

I returned to Çamboanga, after I had sent Sargento-mayor Pedro Palomino
with five caracoas to the king of Buayen, to reduce him to a vassal
of your Majesty, and to make him pay tribute, or else wage war against
him as we had done to Corralat. He yielded what was demanded from him,
and became tributary to your Majesty. He and all his vassals pay the
annual tribute: every married man, three eight-real pesos; and each
single man, a peso and a half. To some persons it has seemed that I
have imposed a heavy tax on them; but they do not consider the great
expenses which these Moros have caused to your Majesty's treasury,
nor my granting them the favor, in your Majesty's royal name, of
remitting half the tribute to those who shall become Christians. I
doubt much whether they will do so; for they are a fierce and
obstinate people. The king of Buayen will allow the fathers of the
Society to supply instruction, under the condition that they baptize
only children, and do not annoy or urge the adults; I granted this,
as being so in accord with the holy gospel, since God does not bring
any one by force to His holy law; and gradually both the children and
their grandparents will become Christians. I have therefore brought to
settle and live in the fort of Camboanga nearly four hundred Moros;
and I hope that within a year all that island (which is larger than
the whole of España) will pay tribute to your Majesty.

I sent Captain Juan Nicolas with eighty Spaniards and twenty Pampangos,
with a thousand fighting Indians from among your Majesty's Christian
vassals; and he harried all the coast of more than half of the
island--burning villages and grain-fields, and destroying the trees,
and cutting off more than seventy heads--until he reached the fort
of Caraga in the same island. That fort (which I have now finished)
is built of stone, without any expense from the royal treasury of your
Majesty; and that at Çamboanga will cost very little. Thus, between
Juan Nicolas and myself, we made the entire circuit of the island.

This coming year I will go, or I will send some one, to explore the
country inland to the lake of Manala [_i.e._, Malanao], around which
there are more than seventy houses, I mean villages, containing many
people. They are not supplied with firearms, although the Moros are
well provided with long arrows and other missile weapons. I hope in God
to carry on that enterprise as promptly and easily as this other one;
and even to bring down from his lofty stronghold the king of Jolo,
and reduce him to obedience to your Majesty. And I will try to send an
expedition--if not next year, then the year after--against the king of
Burney, who shelters and favors the Camucones, who by themselves and
alone are of no account. When that is done, in all this archipelago
there will remain no enemy except the Dutch. God knows that if I had
a thousand more Spaniards, I would give them enough in which to earn
reward; but I have so much territory to guard, and in so many posts,
that, with the small forces that there are in these islands, one
thousand five hundred men, I cannot attempt to render your Majesty
this service.

Although your Majesty has not authorized me to grant extra pay, when
I saw how your soldiers fought in my presence, and how at the cost
of their blood and their lives they won credit for your Majesty's
arms, I granted in your royal name an increase of pay to the wounded,
to each one a peso more than his usual wages; and to some I gave two
pesos. This will be, in all, ninety-seven pesos of extra pay. In order
to compensate for this new expenditure from your Majesty's revenues,
I placed in the royal treasury two hundred and fifty pesos which
will be vacant at this time in every year, in order that from this
sum may be paid the twenty-one and thirty pesos which an adjutant
had who died in the campaign; these amounts also will remain on the
half-pay list. Accordingly, the only extra expense thus incurred from
your Majesty's revenues is the other forty-six pesos; and from that
I have cut out more than twenty pesos, by means of offices which I
have given to those soldiers--while within a year, or sooner, I will
have given offices to the rest of them, and thus will have canceled
all the extra pay which I granted them.

The royal official judges made objections to doing this, alleging
their obligations. I replied that nevertheless they must confirm
these grants, and that I would give account of them to your Majesty;
and that, in case you were not pleased to approve them, I would pay
them from my own salary. For I consider it a grievous thing to see
before me your soldiers fighting, and being crippled in your Majesty's
service, and I not able to encourage them with the reward of a peso
of extra pay, which is very little gain for them. I entreat your
Majesty to be pleased to command that this be examined and approved;
and, in case objection is made, to be pleased to let me know of it, so
that--although in like cases I may grant other favors to the soldiers
in your royal name--I may not give them extra pay; and so that the
royal official judges may pay this amount from my salary, deducting
from it what shall have been thus spent. May our Lord protect the
Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila,
August 20, 1637. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

Sire:

Master-of-camp Pedro de Heredia has by your Majesty's grace governed
the forts of Terrenate for twelve years, and you have commanded
that his residencia be taken; but he has ingenuity and shrewdness,
and always has been able to make gifts to my predecessors. It is
reported that he is accustomed to say among the soldiers that he has
30,000 pesos to close one eye of any governor who shall send to take
his residencia, and, if it should be necessary, as many more pesos
to close the other eye; but he has found the door to this shut. He is
availing himself of his ingenuity, as he has done before, to make the
residencia which I have taken of his government suit his wishes. After
I came here (or before), a Portuguese resident in Malaca demanded from
him 60,000 pesos, which Don Pedro had seized from his property. I
appointed Auditor Don Antonio Alvarez de Castro as judge in this
suit. The sentence having been pronounced, on sufficient evidence,
that he must repay 12,000 pesos to this Portuguese, Simon Texeira,
Don Pedro appealed to your Majesty's royal Council of the Indias;
but as you have here your royal Audiencia, the affair was placed in
its hands. He challenged Auditor Marcos Çapata and all the lawyers
of this city; his plea was that in Terrenate he had brought to
trial Sargento-mayor Don Marcos Çapata, son of the auditor, because
he had punished with the cudgel a subordinate of his for a certain
shameless act, and because officially, without having complained to
any one, he upbraided him for holding illicit relations with a married
woman, without having corrected or punished him. This might be true,
because, in order to cover up his own evil proceedings, there was not
a captain, nor a commander of the relief ships, nor a private soldier,
with whom he did not pick a quarrel, in order to keep that man under
guard during his term there, defending himself by saying that they
were his enemies, on account of his quarrel with them. Besides this,
Sire, is the money which has come into his hands and those of the
accountant during these twelve years, together with the military
supplies of all kinds which are carried to him every year. The
provisions he distributed among the soldiers, without charging these
against their pay; and he has, according to assertions made to me,
charged large quantities of supplies to many men who had fled to
the enemy on account of the bad treatment that they experienced, and
to others who had died of sickness; it cannot be known, therefore,
whether these men actually received them. All these things are made
public by the soldiers whom I have had exchanged from those forts,
which have held these men as slaves for twenty or twenty-four years,
without their being allowed to come to this city. On account of all
these things, I have ordered that all the papers of the accountancy
for those forts shall be brought here, so that it may be seen how
so great an amount of your Majesty's properly has been spent. Since
the old soldiers have come back, there is no end to the petitions
against him--for having taken away from some of them honor, from
others their possessions.

As I found last year your Majesty's royal treasury in a needy
condition, and the citizens not only had no money to lend it, but
instead had asked me for more than 60,000 pesos from the Sangley
licenses in order to relieve their own needs, I managed through an
intermediary person to inform Don Pedro that he could make a donation
to your Majesty of 100,000 pesos, which would adjust his residencia and
his affairs, rendering satisfaction to the parties concerned, so that
his reputation might be saved and that he might have opportunity to
receive grace from your Majesty; for the universal opinion is that he
possesses wealth amounting to 400,000 pesos. Not only did he refuse to
do this, but he even undertook to offer only 15,000 pesos; so I ordered
that nothing more be said in this matter. This man is so subtle that
if your Majesty does not send an official to take his residencia,
he will come out from it with everything just as he desires, as
every one says. I assert that it is necessary for your Majesty to
send some one, because with all the officials here Don Pedro is so
shrewd and crafty and suave that he sways every one at his will, and
will attain all his desires. I have fulfilled my duty in placing this
before your Majesty; now you will be pleased to command what is most
expedient to your royal service. May our Lord protect the Catholic
person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, August 20,
in the year 637. Sire, your vassal kisses your Majesty's feet.

Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera

[_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty; 1637. Don Sebastian Hurtado de
Corcuera, August 20; contains particulars regarding the master-of-camp
Pedro de Heredia." "February 5, 1639; hand to the fiscal." "The fiscal
says that this letter comes alone, and without any accompanying proofs
of the allegations. This residencia could be awaited, if an account of
it comes in the fleet; and if it is delayed in the Audiencia it can be
entrusted to the auditor whom the Council shall be pleased to appoint,
so that the residencia may be taken in a thoroughly satisfactory manner
and referred to the Council for its decision. Let the governor be
informed that he must endeavor most carefully to administer justice in
such cases, without giving any opportunity for composition of offences,
which is so injurious to justice, which should be administered with
the utmost equity and uprightness to all persons. Madrid, February
22, 1639." "February 28; wait for the coming of the fleet, to see
what information about this matter shall arrive; and if any comes,
let it be brought with this letter."]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA

The following documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla:

1. _Letter by Corcuera, June 30, 1636._--"Simancas--Secular; Audiencia
de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador vistos en el Consejo;
años de 1629 á 1639; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

2. _Royal decrees._--The first of these is in "Audiencia de Filipinas;
registros de oficio, reales ordenes dirigidas á las autoridades y
particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; años 1605 á 1645; est. 105,
caj. 2, leg. 12."

3. _Auditorship of accounts._--"Simancas--Secular; cartas y expedientes
de los oficiales reales de Manila vistos en el Consejo; años 1623 á
1641; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 30."

4. _Letters by Corcuer_, 1637.--The same as No. 1.

The following documents are obtained from the Academia Real de
la Historia, Madrid (the first being a printed book, the others
original MSS.):

5. _Informatory memorial to king._--This is collated with the MS. copy
in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid--pressmark, "MSS. 8990, Aa 47,
fol. 273-350."

6. _Defeat of Moro pirates._--In "Papeles de los Jesuitas; tomo 84,
nº. 31."

7. _Conquest of Mindanao._--The same as No. 6, save "nº. 24."

8. _Events in Filipinas._--The same as No. 6, save "nº. 26."

The following documents are taken from the "Cedulario Indico," in
the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:

9. _Letter to Corcuera._--In "tomo 39, fol. 219b, nº. 210."

2. _Royal Decrees._--The second and third decrees, "tomo 39, fol. 226b,
and 225," respectively.

The following document is taken from Barrantes's _Guerras piraticas_:

10. _Corcuera's entry._--pp. 303-310.

The following document is taken from Pastells's edition of Colin's
_Labor evangélica_:

11. _Aid requested by Jesuits._--Vol. iii, pp. 757, 758.

NOTES

[1] "Costa" in Barrantes; but Sommervogel gives the name of no Jesuit,
under either form, who could have gone from Manila in 1636.

[2] The mass of contemporary material in Spanish archives on the
contest between Corcuera (the civil arm of the government) and the
Jesuits on one side, and the bishop and friars on the other, shows
how important the matter was considered, and the virulence with which
the fight was waged on both sides. The various documents relate the
affair pro and con, and it is narrated in official, semi-official,
and religious documents. The facts of the case are stated, somewhat
succinctly, in a printed document, undated (although probably 1636 or
1637), signed by Licentiate Ruiz de la Vega, and addressed to the king,
in which many of the letters between the various parties concerned (all
given in this series) are given in full or extract, but nothing new is
told. This document is in Archivo general de Indias, at Sevilla, in the
patronato "Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes del gobernador
de Filipinas, vistos en el Consejo; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 8."

[3] See Cerezo's letter of that date, in Vol. XXIV, p. 308.

[4] In the present translation we follow the printed original--using
the copy belonging to the Academia Real de la Historia, Madrid--as
per the above title-page. Our transcript was collated with the
manuscript copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, which may
possibly be a contemporaneous copy of the original manuscript of
the Memorial; but this manuscript (which bears pressmark MSS. 8990,
Aa-47, of which it occupies folios 273-350), which appears to have
been done hastily, bears the mark of inaccuracies that make the
printed Memorial preferable. Where the difference is considerable,
the reading of the manuscript is inserted in brackets after the
other reading, and signed "_MS._" These variations are here noted
mainly as a guide to those who may use that manuscript. In almost
every case the number of the paragraph is omitted in the manuscript,
as are also sometimes the marginal headings of the paragraphs, and
most of the other marginal notes. Reference has also been made in
the translation to the published edition of the manuscript Memorial
in _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi (Madrid, 1866), pp. 364-484,
which has been edited somewhat; and to an evident reprint from the
printed edition of 1637, in _Extracto historial_ (Madrid, 1736),
folios 215-264. Matter taken from the latter is signed "_Ex. his._"

[5] _Avería_ was the tax or duty levied on goods shipped from Spain to
America, or from America to Spain, to meet the expenses of the naval
convoy to protect the fleet from pirates. See tit. ix of lib. ix,
_Recopilación de leyes de Indias_ which treats of the _avería_,
entitled, "Of the tax, administration, and collection of the duty of
_avería_."--Edward G. Bourne.

[6] Note in margin of _Extracto historial_: "_Note_: The numbers
cited in these margins refer to this same memorial."

[7] At this point the manuscript and printed original both contain
a partial reduplication, as follows: _los vexinos y cargadores de
Filipinas, que sin reconocer--es digo por solo no verse sujetos á
denunciationes._ It may possibly be regarded as a parenthetical
expression added for the sake of force, and is translated: "the
citizens and exporters of Filipinas, who without recognizing--it
is, I say, for the sole purpose of not becoming liable to
denunciations." This clause is dropped in the _Extracto historial_
reprint.

[8] See Vol. xvi of this series, pp. 225-227.

[9] The manuscript at this point contains a duplicate or confusion of
words, as follows: _Reyes tienen vnos Estados, porque los han menester,
y otros digo el embiarles ministros della aunque los._ This proves
the manuscript only a clerical copy, as does also the fact that it is
copied in the same hand as other manuscripts of this same collection;
and it shows the carelessness with which this copy was made.

[10] The progress made by the Mahometans in the eastern part of Asia
was very slow. The inhabitants of Malacca were converted in 1276,
those of the Moluccas in 1465, and those of Java in 1478, and those
of the Celebes one year before Vasco da Gama rounded the cape of
Good Hope. Nevertheless, after 1521, many of the inhabitants of these
islands began to be converted to Catholicism.--See _Doc. inéd. Amér. y
Oceanía_, vi, p. 375, note.

[11] _Empeño_: This transfer, as may be seen from the treaty of
Zaragoza (vol. 1, pp. 221-239), was part of the sale by Spain to
Portugal of the spice-trade, right of navigation, and islands then in
dispute between the two crowns; but various stipulations were made
regarding it, so that the Maluco Islands were, in a sense, held as
a pledge for the observance thereof.

[12] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[13] At this point occurs a doublet of nine words in the
manuscript--simply an error of the transcriber.

[14] See this decree in vol. III, pp. 250, 251.

[15] See this decree, with illustrations, in vol. IX, pp. 211-215.

[16] See Vol. iv, p. 108.

[17] This is the date in the original printed edition, but both the
manuscript and the reprint in the _Extracto historial_ give 1626.

[18] At this point there is another _lapsus calami_ by the transcriber
of the manuscript, resulting in another reduplication.

[19] Both the manuscript and the _Extracto historial_ reprint say
May 16.

[20] See Vol. XX, p. 257.

[21] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[22] Singapore signifies, in Malay, "place of lions"--although it
would be more apropos to call it "the place of tigers," which are so
plentiful there (_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_, vi, p. 383, note).

[23] This sentence is very blindly worded, but perhaps indicates,
by anticipation, the point made in section 40, _post_--where India
and the Philippines are mentioned as the "extremes" of the Spanish
empire in the Orient. Or it may refer to the alternative presented
near the end of section 2.

[24] Grau y Monfalcón evidently made use of Leonardo de Argensola's
_Conqvistas de las Islas Malvcas_ in this review of Oriental commerce.

[25] Referring to Ptolemy Neus Dionysus, surnamed Auletes ("the
Flute-player"), who ruled over Egypt from b. c. 80 to 51. One of his
daughters was the famous Cleopatra VI, who so infatuated the Roman
Cæsar and Antony.

[26] This date in the manuscript is 1457, which is misprinted 1417
in the reprint of 1866 (_Doc. inéd._).

[27] See Sir Henry Middleton's _Voyage to Bantam_ (Hakluyt Society's
publications, London, 1855); that voyage took place in 1604-06.

[28] This word is missing in the manuscript.

[29] The cate is equivalent to 1.8 English pounds; 87 pounds
equal one quintal, 100 catés one pico, and 40 picos one koyan
(_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi, p. 390, note).

[30] See the description and prices of precious stones found in
the appendix to Duarte Barbosa's _East Africa and Malabar_ (Hakluyt
Society's publications, London, 1866), pp. 208-218.

[31] Apparently referring to some plant of the genus _Strychnos_,
several species of it having the reputation of curing the bites of
serpents. Blanco says (_Flora_, p. 61) that he himself has witnessed
several cures by this means.

[32] A dried fruit, resembling a prune, which contains tannin;
formerly used in medicine, now mainly in tanning and dyeing. It is
the product of various species of _Terminalia_.

[33] The manuscript is mutilated at this point, and contains only
the first part of this name, "Vera."

[34] The manuscript reads "29."

[35] Apparently an error for "November;" see vol. xvii, p. 252.

[36] Cf. Heredia's list (1618?) of Dutch factories and posts,
vol. xviii, pp. 107-110; and Los Rios's mention of them, vol. xix,
pp. 288-290.

[37] Tacomma, where the Dutch erected Fort Willemstadt.

[38] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[39] The capital of the island of Gilolo bears the same name. Batochina
is properly a part of the island (_Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceanía_, vi,
p. 400, note 1).

[40] The island of Amboina was discovered about 1515 by the Portuguese,
and taken by the Dutch February 23, 1603. See _Doc. inéd. Amér. y
Oceanía_, vi, p. 400, note 2.

[41] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[42] See, in Vols. V and VI of this series, the ordinance of May 5,
1583, giving form to the Audiencia, the establishment of which was
decreed by royal order of the above date (March 5).

[43] An imaginary money used in the Indias, which serves as a
standard for valuing the ingots of silver; it is differentiated from
the value of the real-of-eight, or coined peso, in order to allow for
the amount of seigniorage and other expenses at the mint. (Dominguez's
_Dict. nac. lingua española_.)

In Morga's time the governor received eight thousand pesos de minas
annually (see Vol. XVI, p. 188; also II, p. 97, note 43).

[44] Spanish, _santas_; one would expect _sanativas_, "healing."

[45] Spanish, _seis mil aremilas_. _Mil_ is an obvious error, probably
typographical; and _aremilas_ is apparently a misprint for _acémilas_,
"mules."

[46] _Comitre_: an officer in the galleys of that epoch, who had
charge of the working of the ship, and the punishment of the rowers
and convicts. See _Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania_, vi, p. 421, note 1.

[47] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[48] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[49] Cf. financial statements of the Philippine colonial government
found in Vols. VI, pp. 47-49: XIV, pp. 243-269; XVI, pp. 188-193;
XIX, pp. 248-250, 292-297.

[50] The manuscript is much confused at this point, reading _y assi el
Real_ instead of _y assi al Perù_--the idea of the copyist evidently
being "Accordingly the royal [Council] concedes one ship annually to
Nueva España," etc., which does not make sense with what follows.

[51] Annuity assigned upon the revenue of the crown.

[52] Grau y Monfalcón leaves out of account the expeditions of Loaisa
and Villalobos.

[53] This word is lacking in the manuscript.

[54] Spanish, _angeos_; _i.e._, Anjou linen, because it was obtained
from that duchy; a coarse, heavy cloth of the poorer quality of
flax. The linen of Rouen was fine.

[55] These words, _lo mas_, are omitted in the manuscript.

[56] See Cíeza de Leon's account of the mines of Potosi, in his
_Chronicle of Peru_ (Markham's translation, Hakluyt Society's
publications, London, 1864), pp. 386-392. He says that he himself
saw (1549) the amount of the royal fifths, 25,000 to 40,000 pesos
each week; and that these for the years 1548-51 amounted to more
than 3,000,000 ducados. Cf. Acosta's description, in his _History
of the Indies_ (Hakluyt Society's publications, London, 1880), i,
pp. 197-209; he reckons the fifths as 1,500,000 pesos (of 13 1/4
reals each) yearly. Both writers state that much of the silver was
never reported to the royal officials.

Humboldt makes the statement (_New Spain_, Black's translation, iii,
p. 372) regarding the yield of Potosi from 1624 to 1634, that it was
5,232,425 piastres (or pesos; of eight reals each)--as translated,
"average years," which presumably is intended for "yearly average."

[57] See Vol. XV, p. 293.

[58] Here occurs, in the manuscript, a later sentence copied in the
wrong place.

[59] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[60] _Trama_: a kind of weaving silk.

[61] _Sinabafa_: material of the natural color, _i.e._, unbleached.

[62] Evidently meaning the silk produced in Misteca (Miztecapan),
a province of Nueva España, now part of the state of Oajaca. This
industry appears to have been introduced there in consequence of a
suggestion by the viceroy Montesclaros in 1612 (see Vol. XVII, p. 219).

[63] Apparently meaning that as linen must then be imported into
Spain, to make good this deficiency, an extension of their market
for this commodity would thus be secured by the French and Dutch,
its chief manufacturers.

[64] _Aviador_: a term used in Nueva España to denote the person who
supplied others with articles to work the silver mines.

[65] This word is omitted in the manuscript.

[66] Montero y Vidal says (_Hist. piratería_, i, p. 162) that Tagal
was a brother of Corralat.

[67] These religious were Fray Francisco de Jesús María, missionary in
Cuyo; and Fray Juan de San Nicolás, and Fray Alonso de San Agustín,
of Linacapán in Calamianes. See sketches of their lives, captivity,
and deaths in Luis de Jesús's _Hist. relig. descalzos_ (Madrid, 1663),
pp. 284-293. Cf. "The martyrs of Calamianes," in _Prov. S. Nicolás de
Tolentino agust. descalzos_ (Manila, 1879), pp. 184-190. The corregidor
(alcalde) captured at that time was Diego de Alabes.

[68] Gregorio Belin (or Belon) was born at Madrid, March 15, 1608
(probably; misprinted 1628 in Pastells's and Retana's _Combés_,
col. 699); entered the Jesuit order in 1625, and was ordained a priest
January 6, 1633. In 1640, while in Cebú, he left the Society.

[69] Punta de Flechas is the headland marking division between the
great bays of Illana and Dumanquilas on the southern coast of Mindanao,
and is at the south end of boundary line between the provinces of
Cotabato and Zamboanga. This cape was anciently known as Panaon.

[70] See Combés's account of this battle (_Hist. Mindanao_,
cols. 234-238), and that of La Concepción (_Hist. Philipinas_, v,
pp. 304-310). The latter states that the priest who died in the battle
was Fray Francisco de Jesús María, the Recollect captured in Cuyo;
he was on Tagal's ship, and was fatally wounded by the Spanish guns.

[71] This letter was probably written by Pedro Gutierrez, from
Dapitan--of the Jesuit residence at which place he was rector in
the preceding year--which was at that time the chief of the Jesuit
missions in Mindanao. It is located almost at the northwest point of
that island.

[72] Arts. 67 and 69, here cited, are respectively 60 and 62 in the
original document (May 5, 1583) founding the Audiencia at Manila--for
which see vol. v of this series, pp. 294, 295; cf. duties of fiscal,
p. 302. These differences of numbering, and some additional matter
in No. 67, show that considerable additions to the old decree were
required at the reëstablishment of the Audiencia.

[73] This ordinance is contained in the first part of ley x, titulo
xxix, libro viii, of the _Recopilación de leyes_. See Vol. XVI of
this series, p. 193, note 251.

[74] See the letter by Fajardo, here referred to, in Vol. XVIII,
pp. 247-279.

[75] See this letter in Vol. XXIV, p. 301.

[76] Marcelo Francisco Mastrilli was born at Naples September
14 (Crétineau-Joly says September 4), 1603, and entered upon his
novitiate March 25, 1618. In obedience to the command of an apparition
of St. Francis Xavier which he believed he had seen (that saint
also miraculously curing him of a dangerous wound), he asked for
the missions of Japan. He left for his field in 1635, arriving at
Manila on July 3 of the following year. At the request of Corcuera,
Mastrilli accompanied him in the expedition against Mindanao; soon
after the governor's triumphant return therefrom, Mastrilli went to
Japan, where he was almost immediately imprisoned and tortured--finally
(October 17, 1637) being beheaded at Nagasaki. See Murillo Velarde's
_Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 81, and Crétineau-Joly's _Hist. Comp. de
Jésus_, iii, pp. 161-163; the latter says that Mastrilli went to
Japan to attempt the reclamation of the apostate Christoval Ferreira
(Vol. XXIV, p. 230 and note 91), and that martyrdom there seemed to
him and other Jesuits a sort of expiation for Ferreira's sin.

[77] Juan de Salazar was born at Baeza, Spain, December 26, 1582, and,
while a student there, entered (October 26, 1598) the Jesuit order. His
studies were pursued at Montilla and Granada, and completed at Manila,
where he arrived in 1605. He ministered to various Indian churches in
Luzón, and held important offices in his order, becoming provincial
in 1637. He died in 1645. See Murillo Velarde's _Hist. de Philipinas_,
fol. 142-147.

[78] The southwest point of the island of Panay, now called Siroan.

[79] Spanish, _arpa de la vela_ (literally, "harp of the sail");
apparently designating the arrangement of the ropes attached to the
sail, suggesting the strings of a harp; see engraving of champan in
Vol. XIV, p. 223.

[80] _Falúa_ (also _faluca_, English, felucca); a small open boat,
or a long boat with oars.

[81] Francisco Angel was born at San Clemente, Spain, April 14, 1603;
and at the age of fifteen he became a Jesuit novice. He reached the
Philippines in 1626, and spent a long and arduous life in the service
of the missions there; a large part of his work was in Mindanao and
the adjacent islands. He died at Catbalogan, February 24, 1676. See
Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 353 verso.

[82] This image had been taken by the Moros from the Recollect
church on the island of Cuyo. "It was a titular [_i.e._, an ¡mage
of the titular (or patron saint) of that church] of our father
St. Augustine, and on a linen cloth represented the holy doctor,
with Jesus Christ on one side, refreshing him with the blood from
His side; and on the other the Virgin, offering him the ["virginal,"
as La Concepción words it] nectar from her royal breasts." Thus Luis
de Jesús, in his _Historia religiosos descalzos_ (Madrid, 1663). The
figure of St. Francis Xavier was conjoined with this one, later,
by the Jesuits, to incite the soldiers.

[83] Retana says, in the preface to his edition of Combés (col. lvi)
that the ancient divisions of the island of Mindanao were four: Butúan,
Zamboanga, Mindanao (or district of the Moros), and Caraga. Colin
states (_Labor evangélica_, p. 42) that "the district of the Moros
begins at the river of Sibuguey, and extends along the discovered
coast, always to the south, for more than sixty leguas, until it
encounters the beginning of the jurisdiction of Caraga.... Its furthest
part is the bay of Tagalooc" (_i.e._, Davao, according to Pastells, in
his edition of Colin, i, p. 43). The river above mentioned "discharges
its waters into the bay of Dumanquilas" (Retana and Pastells, _Combés_,
col. 761).

[84] The Ventura del Arco transcript is here somewhat differently
worded; and according to it the sentence would continue thus: "(and by
another caracoa, which carried a white flag, a letter to the Recollect
fathers whom the Moros held captive there, that they should inform them
[_i.e._, our men?] of what was going on) should cast anchor," etc.

[85] This place was Lamitan, Corralat's seat of government
and court. The height to which that chief retreated after the
capture of Lamitan was named Ilihan, according to Montero y Vidal
(_Hist. piratería_, i, p. 168).

[86] Probably referring to Liguasan, a large lake southeast of
Cotabato, which forms a reservoir for the waters of the Rio Grande
of Mindanao--which river seems to have been the headquarters of the
piratical Moros of that island. The fort captured at this time was
located at the mouth of that river.

[87] _Sarvatanas_ (or _zarbatanas_): a word of Arabic origin, here
applied to reeds or canes through which are blown poisoned darts--the
_sompites_ (or _sumpitans_) of the text. (See Retana and Pastells's
note in _Combés_, col. 783.)

[88] _Sabanilla_, diminutive form of _sabana_ (English, "Savannah");
a name given by Corcuera's Spanish soldiers to the fortress which was
constructed, under the direction of Father Melchor de Vera, at that
point in Mindanao, south from Lake Lanao. Puerto de la Sabanilla was
anciently called Tuboc, on account of the springs that flow there
... which form the river now named Malabang. The etymology of this
last name indicates the formation of land by the deposits made by
the river, which may also be seen in the delta of the Rio Grande of
Mindanao. (Retana and Pastells, in _Combés_, col. 760.)

Tuboc is the name of a modern pueblo on the eastern shore of Illana
Bay.

[89] Spanish, _empuyado_, from _empuyar_, meaning "to fasten with
sharp spikes." There seems to be no satisfactory English equivalent as
a name for the defensive contrivance that has always been employed by
the Malays in the use of sharpened stakes (usually of bamboo) driven
into the ground, point upward, and planted thickly in the spot to be
defended; sometimes these are placed at the bottom of a trench and
hidden by leaves, forming a dangerous pitfall. The use of _empuyado_
in the text suggests the possibility that the Spaniards adopted this
device to guard some exposed approach to the building, fearing Malay
treachery--a conjecture strengthened by the presence of the Pampango
auxiliaries, who probably were accustomed to the use of this sort of
defense. See Vol. XX, p. 273.

[90] _i.e._, "who attains His ends with power even to the end, but
disposes all affairs with gentleness."

[91] Combés says (Retana's ed., p. 251) that Monte was slain in
the conflict.

[92] Luis de Jesús says (_Hist. relig. descalzos_, p. 290) that other
women followed the queen's example, in order not to become captives
of the Spaniards. Combés, however, states (_Hist. Mindanao_, col. 252)
that the queen and her children escaped as did Corralat; and that the
earlier accounts were incorrect, based on hasty or mistaken reports.

[93] This was Fray Francisco de Jesús Maria. The one slain by the
Moros was Fray Juan de San Nicolas; Luis de Jesús says (p. 289)
that this was caused by his rebuking Corralat for his profanation
of the sacred articles which he had pillaged from the churches,
whereupon the priest was slain by the enraged heathen. The third,
Fray Alonso de San Agustin, was attacked at the same time, according
to the above historian, and left for dead, but managed to make his
way to the Spanish camp.

[94] The name then applied to the region situated some twelve leguas
up the Rio Grande from its mouth, lying around the south-west part
of Lake Liguasan. Retana and Pastells say (_Combés_, col. 750) that
Buhayen signifies "the place where crocodiles live." Combés says
(col. 271) that Moncay was generally supposed to be a mestizo, the
son of a native "queen" and a Spaniard.

[95] See accounts of this campaign in Combés's _Hist. Mindanao_,
cols. 238-257; Murillo Velarde's _Hist. de Philipinas_, fol. 82-86;
La Concepción's _Hist. Philipinas_, v, pp. 310-328; Montero y Vidal's
_Hist. piratería_, i, pp. 165-173.

[96] Pedro Gutierrez was a Mexican; he was born at Colima on April
24, 1593. He was sent to the Jesuit college at Valladolid, Spain,
for his education, which resulted in his entering that order, in May,
1611. In 1622 he arrived in the Philippines, and labored long in the
Visayas. In 1629 he was assigned to the residence at Dapitan, Mindanao,
from which he soon undertook the conversion of the savage Subanos,
and later of the Lutaos of Mindanao, with whom he achieved notable
success. He visited the captive Vilancio in Jolo, and tried in vain
to ransom him; but he gained the goodwill of the Joloans. He aided in
the establishment of the Spanish fort at Zamboanga, and accompanied
the Visayan fleet sent to Mindanao to reënforce Corcuera. In 1638 he
went with Corcuera's expedition to Jolo, and afterward with others
to various parts of Mindanao. He filled important posts in Bohol,
Zebu, and Mindanao; and died at Iligan, July 25, 1651. See Murillo
Velarde's account of this missionary's life, in _Hist. de Philipinas_,
fol. 198 verso-207.

[97] "Colin and Combés say that he crossed from Ternate to Mindanao,
about the year 1546; although Garcia says that he went there later,
on his way from Japan to India. The former statement is more
credible." (Murillo Velarde, _Hist. de Philipinas_, fol. 74 verso.)

[98] In Pastells's edition of Colin (iii, p. 796) is published the
following letter from Corcuera to the king, obtained from the Sevilla
archives:

"I gave your Majesty an account last year of the need that the Order
of the Society has for priests to act as ministers in the missions,
now that I have gained two islands for your Majesty, that of Mindanao
and that of Bassilan. I have petitioned them to place ministers there,
in the parts where they are so necessary, and they have commenced to
do so. As they are few, they cannot give me as many as I want, although
they are doing all that they can to coöperate with me, taking religious
from other parts in order not to let so great a work cease, and one in
which they will so well serve our Lord and your Majesty. This order
renders much aid, Sire, and with great affection and love. I entreat
your Majesty, with all humility and earnestness, to be pleased to
command that at least thirty or forty priests be furnished to them;
with that aid they will be able to give me the ministers whom I ask,
and chaplains for the galleons of Terrenate and other parts--as they
are doing, serving your Majesty without self-interest, and checking,
by their teaching and good example, the loose conduct of the seamen
and soldiers. It seems as if God has been pleased, ever since we
undertook to fear God in these islands, as your Majesty had ordered,
to give us so many successes and victories, from which the arms of
your Majesty gain the luster and credit that is proper."

[99] Referring to Japan, the field to which Mastrilli was assigned.

[100] In Pastells's edition of Colin (iii, p. 768) is printed the
following letter from Mastrilli to the king, dated July 8, 1637:

"I have (clad already in Japanese garb) written a long letter to your
Majesty this same day, bidding farewell to your Majesty, and declaring
that, whether alive or dead, I shall ever be your Majesty's vassal,
and most desirous of the increase of your empire and monarchy;
and among the executioners and tortures of Japon, and much more,
if I die I shall be, in the heavens, an eternal intercessor. I left
two things to request from your Majesty by special letters: one for
forty priests of the Society of Jesus to come to these Philipinas
Islands, about which I have already written a letter; and the other,
which I beg from your Majesty in this letter--namely, that you favor
with your royal munificence the schools of our Society in this city
of Manila, and in especial the college of San Joseph, by erecting in
it twenty fellowships, as your Majesty has done in the colleges of
Peru and Mexico. This is the last thing that I petition, with all
possible earnestness, from your Majesty, in whose royal hands this
letter will be placed when this matter is discussed in the Council,
so that your Majesty may order it to be accomplished. May our Lord
preserve your royal person, and give you the years and happiness that
we all desire and need."

[101] Francisco Colin was born at Ripoll, of a prominent Catalonian
family, in July, 1592. At the age of thirteen he was sent to Barcelona
for his education; he there entered the Jesuit order, February 14,
1607. After his ordination he spent several years in preaching, in
Gerona, Cardona, and other places; and afterward was an instructor
in the college at Zaragoza. Desiring to labor among the heathen,
he entered the Philippine missions, arriving at Manila June 28,
1626. About that time, the Jesuits attempted to found missions in
Formosa and Jolo, to which task Colin was assigned; but, these proving
abortive, he remained at Manila, occupying a chair in the Jesuit
college, and acting as confessor to Governor Niño de Tavora. After
the latter's death, Colin became rector of the college, and soon
afterward was sent (1634) to the new mission of Mindoro, where he
spent three years. Recalled to Manila, he was rector of the college
until he was chosen (1639) provincial of the islands--an office
which he held a second time, according to Pastelle. The latter years
of his life were spent in literary work, preaching to the Indians,
and religious exercises; he died on May 6, 1660. Among his writings
the most important is his _Labor evangélica_ (Madrid, 1663), part of
which will be presented in subsequent volumes of this series. See
sketches of Colin's life in Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_,
fol. 259-267; and Pastells's edition of _Labor evangélica_ (Barcelona,
1904), pp. 225-230.

[102] Antonio Figueredo was born at Ourem, Portugal, in 1586, and
was admitted into the Society in 1603. He was sent to the Indias,
and ministered at Salsette; he was rector of Chaul and of Tana, and
of the residence of San Paolo Vecchio at Goa, where he died May 8,
1650. See Sommervogel's _Bibliothèque_.

[103] Evidently referring to the vision and miraculous cure which
are referred to _ante_, in sketch of Mastrilli's life, note 76.

[104] Probably meaning the stream that falls into the sea nearest to
Punta de Cañas, a point on the southwest coast of Bataán, which is
the small province of western Luzon that encloses the western side
of Manila Bay.

[105] An evident reference to Fray Antonio Caballero (or Santa María,
his name in religion), a noted laborer in the Chinese missions. He was
born in April, 1602, at Baltanás, south of Valladolid, and entered
the Franciscan order March 24, 1618. He spent four years (1629-33)
in Manila, and then went to China. (His first convert in that country
afterward became a Dominican friar, and was finally (1674) consecrated
a bishop, the first of his nation to attain that dignity--and,
according to Dominican authority, the only Chinaman ever consecrated,
up to 1890, as a bishop. This man's Chinese name was Lô, and he was
baptized as Gregorio López; he was sent to pursue his studies in the
college of Santo Tomás at Manila, where he received holy orders. He
died at Nanking in February, 1690, at the age of eighty; see account
of his life in _Reseña biográfica_, i, pp. 433-436.) After regaining
his liberty, on the occasion mentioned in our text, he spent some
two years in Manila; and went in 1639 to Macao, to act as vicar of
the convent of St. Clare there. In 1644 all the Spaniards residing in
Macao were exiled by the Portuguese, and Fray Antonio, with those nuns,
sailed (October 10) for Manila. They were driven by a storm to a port
in Cochinchina, and obliged to remain six months in that country,
where they were hospitably treated; in May, 1645, they arrived
safely at Manila. Four years later, Fray Antonio returned to China,
where he labored until his death--which occurred at Canton, May 13,
1669--having suffered imprisonment, exile, and many privations. He
left many writings (some in Chinese), mainly referring to the missions
in China. See Huerta's sketch of his life and labors, in _Estado_,
pp. 406-413.

[106] In the original manuscript the word "new" has been crossed out
and "old" written above the line.

[107] In the margin is written: "Others say with 7."

[108] In the original manuscript the word "outside" has been crossed
out, and "inside" written above the line.

[109] In the margin occurs the note: "Or with 7."

[110] Marginal note: "One of the 6 left [the fleet] because it
was heavy."

[111] In the original manuscript the date "March 1" has been crossed
out, and the above date inserted above the line.

[112] In the original manuscript the word "five" is crossed out and
"good" inserted above the line.

[113] In the original manuscript, the figure "7" is crossed out, and
"some" added above the line.

[114] Marginal note: "One was said to have been killed in Mican the
day of the assault."

[115] It will be found directly following the present document.

[116] Both these names are applied to the same island, Basilan being
the modern appellation. It is the largest island of a group of the
same name; numbering fifty-seven, nearly all of them very small.

[117] Meaning the shogun Iyémitsu, who reigned until 1649. He was an
able and far-sighted ruler, who adopted many political and economic
measures of great importance. See Griffis's account of his reign,
in _Mikado's Empire_, pp. 285-287.

[118] This letter is published by Barrantes in his _Guerras piráticas,_
pp. 289-303; he states that it was written to Fathers Diego de
Bobadilla and Simon Costa, while they were traveling to Rome, but he
incorrectly gives the writer's name as Francisco Lopez, while Retana
(_Bibliog. Mindanao_, p. 21) as incorrectly ascribes it to Alejandro
Lopez. In Barrantes's version, a postscript dated September 15 is
appended to the letter, describing the gift of money offered to the
governor by the Chinese on this occasion. This same statement will
be found in "Events in the Filipinas, 1637-38," _post_.

[119] Juan Lopez was born at Moratalla, Spain, December 27, 1584, and
when fifteen years old entered the Jesuit order. In 1606 he departed
for the Philippines, where he held numerous positions of trust in his
order, and was for a time a commissary of the Inquisition; he was
also sent to Rome as procurator of the Filipinas province. He also
labored in the missions of Pintados and in Mindanao. Lopez died at
Manila, September 3, 1659. See Murillo Velarde's _Hist. Philipinas_,
fol. 269 verso, 270.

[120] It is the copy of a letter written by Father Juan Lopez at
Cavite.--Barrantes.

[121] Bobadilla's version of this letter (see his "Glorious victories
against the Moros," _post_) says that they landed "at the beach
of Santiago de Bagumbaya, a settlement in front of Manila, an
arquebus-shot distant." Some additional details given by Bobadilla
will be used, like this, as annotations to Lopez's own letter.

[122] Francisco de Roa was born in 1592, in the City of Mexico. At
the age of fourteen, he went to Manila, and became a student at
the Jesuit college of San José. On May 18, 1609, he became a Jesuit
novice there, and after his ordination as a priest he was sent to the
missions of Pintados. Afterward summoned to Manila, he was a teacher
in San José for five years; he was twice rector of the Manila house,
and three times (1644, 1648, and 1659) was chosen provincial. Going
on an official visit to Mindanao, the ship which carried him was
lost, with all on board (January, 1660). See Murillo Velarde's
_Hist. Philipinas_, fol. 267, 268.

[123] Bobadilla says of these natives: "They are a brave people, very
faithful, and excellent Christians, and handle their weapons very
skilfully. They drill in companies in the camp at Manila, among the
Spanish companies. In all the garrisons and expeditions they perform
military duty well."

[124] "Our college is very near the gate, in the second square"
(Bobadilla).

[125] "A young and very handsome gentleman, a son of his Majesty's
accountant, Martin Ruyz de Salaçar" (Bobadilla).

[126] Barrantes adds (pp. 310-317) copies of these verses, and of
others which were evidently used on the arch above mentioned; and
states that Father Lopez, at the end, informs his correspondent that
these stanzas were composed, the scrolls lettered, and the address
committed to memory, between seven o'clock at night and seven the next
morning, on account of the short time available before the entry of
the governor.

[127] An abridgment of Lopez's letter to this point is found in
the Ventura del Arco MSS. (Ayer library). The following additional
remarks are presumably added by the compiler of that collection:
"The relation nevertheless neglects to mention the reception by the
city or municipal council, which apparently must have been very cold;
for neither the Audiencia nor the regidors awaited the governor at the
gates of the city, although they should have gone out to the Puerta
Real ["royal gate"]. Neither does the relation state whether the city
council paid the bills for any function in honor of Corcuera and of
the Spanish arms. The only ones who celebrated these were the Jesuits,
the soldiers, the Indians, and some private persons--a matter which
demands attention."

[128] A paraphrase, rather than a translation of the Latin. The Douay
version reads: "The tabernacles of robbers abound, and they provoke
God boldly, whereas it is he that hath given all into their hands."

[129] In the Douay version: "With him is wisdom, and strength, he
hath counsel and understanding."

[130] "Among the spectators, and greatly enjoying the play, were
the governor, the royal Audiencia, the archbishop, and the principal
persons of the city of Manila" (Bobadilla).