our Lord and my king and your Excellency and would go with great
willingness. If the said voyage is undertaken again, I offer myself
anew to go on the expedition if your Excellency will regard that as a
service and will send me a command to that effect. Should it be the
will of your Excellency that the voyage should be prosecuted, it would
be necessary to send from there two or three thousand pesos in tostons
and to carry from here fifty quintals of wax and as many more of
cotton, which are the articles of barter that have the greatest value
there. It seems to me also very desirable that there should be two
ships in the squadron, so that if one of them suffer any mishap, such
as often occurs at sea, the men may be assisted and saved in the other.
It would also be possible for them to make their voyage with greater
safety from enemies, if any strive to do them harm. If it should be
your Excellency’s decision and if it should seem desirable to you for
two ships to go, the two above named, the “Santiago” and the
“Espiritu Santo” may go. By bringing from that country what is
necessary in the way of sails, rigging, and equipment, they may very
well be fitted out in this country with carpentry and calking. A
brigantine or pinnace may also be made for the return voyage to that
country. Your Excellency may discuss there with the pilots whether they
can go to the island of Cauchill [51] if the voyage is made; for it is
a matter of the greatest importance for this island to be explored and
examined, for it is said to be very rich and to have a great trade.
According to what is said, a great deal of pepper and Moluccan cloves
are exported every year. It is very near China and is also near Sian,
and I think not very far from Burney. In that island the king of China
has a governor and maintains a garrison. Yet as that race goes, 300
Spanish soldiers could take by assault twenty or thirty thousand of
them. They say that there are horses and elephants there, and that it
is a very rich and very important island. With reference to this matter
will your Excellency examine it and command what is of greatest
advantage to the service of his Majesty and to that of God our Lord.
May God preserve the very excellent person of your Excellency for many
years in His holy service with an increase of prosperity for the good
of that country and the preservation and increase of this, and after
this life may He grant you eternal and everlasting life. Amen. From the
city of Manila, June 6, 1573. Most excellent Lord, your Excellency’s
unworthy chaplain and suppliant kisses your hands.

    Fray Francisco de Ortega [52]

AUGUSTINIAN MEMORANDA

Memoranda of the religious of the islands of the West in regard to the
matters to be discussed with his Majesty or his royal Council of the
Yndias by Fray Diego de Herrera.

The matters which father Fray Diego de Herrera is to discuss with his
Majesty or with his royal Council. For the due discharge of our
conscience because of our obligation, your Reverence is going there
[i.e., to Spain], since you were one of the first in the country, in
order to inform him both by word and writing of the evil policy and
regimen in this country, both in the conquest and in the maintenance of
the land, so that his Majesty as a most Christian [king] may provide
their correction and discharge his royal conscience.

First: This is the way in which the land is pacified and colonies
established. A captain goes with soldiers and interpreters to the
village of which he has had notice only, or to one that has been
pillaged by other Spaniards. The people are told that if they wish
friendship with the Castilians they must immediately give them tribute.
If the people acquiesce, then they consider the amount that each man
must pay, and they are compelled to pay it immediately. Sometimes, the
village has been pillaged because the people did not agree to what was
asked from them. It also seems to be the proper thing to pillage them,
if they do not wait and if they abandon their houses. All this takes
place without having benefited the natives at all, and without giving
them to understand that his Majesty sent them to inform the natives of
God. We Spaniards are held in ignominy in this country and our name is
held in abomination, as is even the most holy name of the Lord, and we
are considered as the usurpers of others’ possessions, as faithless
pirates, and as shedders of human blood, because we illtreat our own
friends, and harass and trouble them; while many acts of violence and
force are used toward them both to their own houses and to their wives
and daughters and possessions, and they themselves are illtreated by
word and deed. In this they have no one to defend and protect them. The
most abandoned inhabitants and those at a distance commit the greatest
injuries and murders; and when those in command hear of it, they do not
institute relief by sending to make investigations of events so far
away, for they say that it must appear in writing, and that it is a
great expense and trouble to send to a distance time after time, as [is
said by] the present visitor who is the first to complain of it. But he
gives information of it and asks why he should go to visit all the
land. Item: Because of the great outcries, murders, and captivities
that have been made, both by captains and by other leaders and soldiers
throughout the islands, under pretext that they did not have peace
writs, although Spaniards had never gone there; and also to many who
had the peace writ already and were promised safety in his Majesty’s
name, that writ has been transgressed and broken. There has been no
punishment inflicted for all the above which is very well known and
notorious to all people. Consequently, great dissoluteness has reigned,
and I believe that there are very few whose skirts are clean of this
vice. For example, no aid has been given to the friends who pleading
their just causes and the injuries that they have received from others,
have asked protection and aid. Neither have amends been made to them as
it seemed more trouble than gain. Such have been few [who have thus
pleaded]. I only remember of a chief of Xaro, by name Mamicoan, a
Christian, who pleaded before the alcalde-mayor of Çubu, Don Gonzalo
de Luna, and the justice of Çubu, saying that while he was absent
another old man, his neighbor, had burned his house. His father and
mother had been burned and other damages committed, and that, as the
chief declared, simply because he had just been married and become a
Christian at Çubu. The religious who lived there at the same time
interceded for him, asking that four Spaniards be sent to arrest that
old man. They were answered that it would cause an insurrection in the
land if they did that. Besides the above there is a pirate called
Caxabic, who devastates Çamal and Masbat every year. Item: The Joloans
devastate all the Pintados as well as Camarines, and those of Ylo and
Vilnabagan. The Spaniards never go in pursuit of them or punish them,
or humiliate them, or make them restore their booty. But they only go
to rob those sheep for the second time by demanding tribute from those
whom they know not to have been entirely cleaned up by the others.

It is considered as a just cause for war in the War Council if the
Indians say that they do not care for the friendship of the Spaniards,
or if they build any fort to defend themselves. Such Indians are
killed, captured, pillaged, and their houses burned. For that reason
occurred the war of Bitis and Lubao [53] and the forts which were taken
by Juan de Sauzedo; and those of Cainta, where the night before, an
Indian having climbed into a palmtree cried out: “Spaniards, what did
my ancestors do or owe to you that you should come to pillage us;”
and that of Papagan. In all of the above many people were killed and
captured, and sold as slaves, especially in Papagan, for it is said
that they defied the Spaniards, although there was no resistance in any
of those places. It is considered as an occasion for just war by the
War Council and a village may be destroyed and all those captured may
be enslaved, if any Spaniard has been killed in the village; although
the occasions that the dead man might have given or the wrongs that he
might have committed are not considered, as is neither the fact that
those natives do not understand or have anyone whom they can ask to
avenge them unless it be God and their justice. They formerly had no
king or ruler from whom to ask satisfaction. This chastisement is meted
out without any thought of the guilty ones, and often although only one
man is to blame, the entire village is punished. Almost never has the
guilty one paid for his crime, or the accomplice to it, for they
immediately take to hiding. So was made the war in the island of Çubu,
against those villages of Candaya, because a common seaman was killed;
and in Bohol, because they killed a worthless fellow on account of his
many exactions in the collection of the tribute. There as they did not
find any people in the village where he was killed, they seized seven
Indians from a village lower down which is called Baye, and hanged them
because they confessed that they had known beforehand that the other
villages had agreed to kill the man. Item: Because the natives killed
Mena and three others who asked them for tributes, in the island of
Marinduc [i.e., Marinduque], Captain Luis de la Haya went by the
governor’s orders and that of all the Council of War and destroyed
the islands of Banton and Malindus [i.e., Marinduque], and also that of
Guimbar. [54] The greater portion of the land has no other peace than
that some captain and soldiers have lodged there and told the people
that they must pay tribute if they wished peace with the Spaniards.
They have no other cause or reason for it than being there one or two
days to collect what tribute the people could give and then pass on to
another village. This was the procedure along all the coast of Bulinau
and Ylocos for nearly one hundred leguas, where raids have been made
twice in one year. Thus have more than six thousand taes of gold been
collected, a sum equivalent to about one thousand marcos, and quite
equal to that amount in fact. The same thing has been done along other
coasts although not in the same proportion.

With no greater pacification than the above, the land is assigned and
divided, whereupon the encomendero taking some companions with him goes
to the village or villages which have been given him, and makes them
the following speech: “Take heed that I am your master, and that the
governor has given you to me to protect from other Spaniards who annoy
you.” This is the universal reasoning of most of them, and they make
no mention of God or the king. Then they immediately demand the
tribute, each one the amount that he can get without any limit. They
have generally asked three or four maes apiece from the Lusones, and
two or three from the Pintados. That is a very excessive sum in the
beginning for a people who do not know what it means to pay tribute. If
some of the people do not wait for the encomendero in order to agree to
give him the tribute, their houses and village are burned, as was done
by the master-of-camp in the village of Baban, and Navarro in his
encomienda of Çurigo. Many of the encomenderos stay in their
encomiendas all or the greater part of the year looking after their
interests, where they prove a great hindrance and obstacle to their
Indians.

No attention is paid to the instruction, nor is protection or aid given
to the religious for it. On the contrary they have hitherto opposed us
going out or building houses among the Indians, but [try to force] us
to live among the Spaniards. Neither then nor now has there been any
aid extended on the part of those who govern, either to attract the
natives to our holy faith or to induce them to forsake their evil
customs, for they say that it is too early, although they could be got
rid of with a single word. For as they are a timid race they obey
immediately in this; and the Spaniards have never tried to overlook
anything in the Christians in order thus to invite all the others. On
the contrary they have generally harassed them more than the others as
they are more peaceful and nearer at hand. They have been very slow to
recompense them even in words, and it has consequently happened that
very few natives outside of Çubu have been baptized for the above
reasons. There is in general very little Christianity among the
Spaniards, who pay very little attention to divine worship and to their
ministers and even with great difficulty have poor shacks been erected
in which to celebrate the divine offices. There is great lewdness among
the [native] women both among infidels and the influential women—this
last secretly. Many slaves have been sold and many others have been
retained who have been enslaved and captured illegally and unjustly.
Some, in order that they might be made use of, and might not be taken
from their owners in order to return them to their own villages, have
fraudulently been made to come to ask for baptism and have become
Christians. Many islands and villages are devastated and almost wiped
out, partly by the Spaniards or because of them, and partly by famines
of which, or at the beginning of them, the Spaniards were the reason;
for either by fear or to get rid of the Spaniards the natives neglected
their sowing, and when they wished to sow then anguish came upon them,
and consequently, many people have died of hunger.

Many injuries have been and are still practiced on the Indians by the
Spaniards or by their encomenderos themselves. Even murders have been
committed; and since they live in remote regions, and since the
aggrieved parties cannot go to plead their justice, or have no one to
plead it for them, if it even comes to the ears of the governor, it is
not corrected. For the latter either says that it must appear in
writing or that when he shall go to that place he will inflict
punishment for the matter. So he remarked to me when I told him of an
Indian woman whom Luys Perez had killed, and of the other chief woman
who had been imprisoned, and of the Indian whom Gudinez killed. So
declared the adelantado when the deeds of Luys de la Aya, Andres de
Ybarra, and of the accountant were discussed.

All or most of the Spaniards act as justices when they go through the
villages and decide the suits and quarrels among the natives. They take
pay for it, although they often judge unjustly in favor of him who pays
more. Your Reverence will inform his Majesty of the condition of the
people and that they do not have any king or sovereign, but live in
bands or families where the richest or the most powerful is the leader.
Some tyrannize over and pillage the others. The slaves owned by the
natives are partly so from time immemorial, for their parents and
grand-parents were slaves, as were their ancestors; Some have become
slaves for loans and debts because they always reckon the loans by
usurious rates which are greatly practiced here. Some are slaves for
crimes, either for having stolen the slightest thing or for having
given false testimony, or having dared do anything by word or deed
against a chief. Others, and these are the fewest, are those who have
been captured in the wars which they wage among themselves, some of
which have been waged for many years between enemies, while others are
waged because of some injury done to one side by the other. It is
difficult to ascertain which of those causes is just. However, they are
so evilly inclined a race in respect to this that when occasion offers
they do not keep faith with their friend. Since the coming of the
Spaniards to this land there has been another kind of slaves who have
sold themselves very cheaply in times of famine in order to live during
the famine—the father to his son, the brother to his brother, the
uncle to his nephew, and others likewise—in which he who bought
showed charity to the one purchased. Such slaves were never sold unless
by such an one who could not live through his own efforts. I do not
speak of those who pillaged the timauas and sold them as slaves.

The requests to be made of his Majesty

That his Majesty provide relief in all the above as a most Christian
[king] and give instructions for what is yet to be discovered and for
the future; and that in so far as it is possible he try to give some
satisfaction to the villages and provinces destroyed by the Spaniards,
or because of them, and for the tributes that have been wrongly
collected. That all the Indians who are and have been captured by
Spaniards and sold into foreign lands be ransomed and returned to their
lands. That he declare for this the method which has been ordered here
for restitutions. Likewise that the Cebuans be ransomed wherever found
although it be in the estate of his Majesty in these islands, since
that village has been depopulated because of the Spaniards.

That an inquiry be made into slaves acquired wrongly and of timauas
wrongly held who are in the power of Spaniards; and that such be taken
away from them even though they be Christians. That his Majesty send
men for this purpose who are not infested with vice, or who are not
pledged by gifts or loans as are the men here. That his Majesty endow
two hospitals, which can be done with vacant encomiendas to the sum
that seems advisable to his Majesty. You must give him to understand
his obligation for it and the gain that will accrue to his Majesty in
the preservation of the people, which will be so greatly furthered by
this. That his Majesty order the method by which we may be supplied
with religious who are necessary here, although it even cause a lack of
them there.

That his Majesty send a couple of secular priests of learning and
conscience so that they may correct the customs of the Spaniards; and
that he might strictly order the justices to correct them as far as
they are concerned. That if a trip should be made to China or
otherwhere, although when that be done there be religious of the other
orders here, that we be the first, since our order can conveniently
furnish such religious. Item: In order that nothing may be asked, which
may be justly denied to us after first consulting the president and
auditors [of Nueva España] or some secretary, you shall petition his
Majesty to have such and such a sum given us as aims annually in order
to build one or two monasteries in which to rear novices and give them
a chance to study wherever it shall be deemed most advisable here. In
order that he may not imagine it to be for an infinite time as it is in
Mexico, let him assign a limited period of so many years. You shall
give him to understand and make much of the relics of the child Jesus
and the image which our Lord was pleased to keep in this land for so
many years for our consolation. That if his Majesty permit the natives
to be held as slaves by the Spaniards as they are among the natives,
that he do not permit them to be taken from their lands, for by so
doing in a short time the land will be depopulated and destroyed. That
the slavery be more mild than that of the negroes, and you shall give
the king to understand how free the slavery of the Indians is, and that
the Indian cannot sell more right than that which he possesses [over a
slave]. That from him who maltreats his servant, the latter may be
taken away by the justice, or the owner may be compelled to sell him,
for the slaves have this right among the natives themselves. That his
Majesty order that, under heavy penalties, no one buy slaves from the
natives by force. That the determination of who can be rightly held as
a slave be at the advice of the religious. That his Majesty order that
the chiefs be treated as such, and that they do not pay tribute in
their persons or be made prisoners except for very serious matters. You
shall tell him that that is a very insulting thing among them and will
anger them greatly, for among them only fugitive slaves are made
prisoners. You shall inform him that they are thrown into irons or
stocks here for very slight causes, and often for the fault of their
slaves, who run away or do not obey the orders of the Spaniards; since
it is a fact that the chiefs have very little control over their
slaves.

That no one be taken on raids or [word illegible] or to any other place
by force or against his will unless it be a very necessary case and
then by paying him. And if any slave is killed in the raid, that his
master be paid if he gave the slave against his will and under special
restriction, if his death happened through any fault of the
Spaniards—which is always to be presumed since they so evilly go to
the lands of others who owe them nothing to beg or to seize their
property.

Memorandum of the products or means of gain in this land

There is gold both in mines or native deposits, and in places in the
rivers in almost all parts of the land; although, notwithstanding that,
not much is seen among the Indians (although the mines are rich)
because they are a lazy race, because the slaves are very arrogant, and
because of the plundering and warfare among themselves, so that they do
not dare to leave their houses unless they are in bands and armed.
However, the chief mines that the Indians work and of which we have
notice, are those of Pangasinan, Ylocos, those of Paracali, Vicor,
Camarines, and Bongdo. They are all located in the island of Luzon, and
in another island outside it, called Catandoanes. Item: In the island
of Ybabao, in that of Samal, in that of Masbat, in the island that the
Spaniards call Vermeja about two leguas from Çurigao, where, according
to the report of the Indians, was the greatest wealth of all. However,
that island is now deserted because of a certain superstition until the
death of the children of the one who was its ruler. Also in many parts
of the island of Mindanao, especially in the river of Çurigao, in that
of Parasao, in that of Butuan, and in that of Vaguindanao. The gold in
the last named island is fine and in quantity.

Pearls are also found near Tandaya in the island of Ybabao, in the
island of Vatayan, in that of the Cagayanes, in that of Bohol, in that
of Mindanao between Cavite and the bay of Baguindanao, and in the
island of Xolo, where there is reported to be a very great quantity.

There are spices and drugs, especially cinnamon, in the island of
Mindanao, where it is found in quantities in Cavite, in Cagayan, in
Compor, and in the bay near Butuan. There is also pepper, both long and
round, although not in quantity, but if it were planted, as much as one
would desire could be raised. There are quantities of it in an island
called Cauchin [55] located near China where there are also many
elephants. There are also elephants in the island of Xoloc. [56] There
are ginger, cubebs, tamarinds, and other drugs. This is without
touching on the mainland of China, Sian, and Patani, or in Java or the
Malucos, where all manner of spices, drugs, and perfumes are found. In
some of those places precious stones are found, according to the report
of both the Portuguese and the Borneans who trade with them.

LETTER FROM MARTIN DE RADA TO VICEROY MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

May the grace of the Holy Ghost dwell forever in the soul of your
Excellency. I received a letter from your Excellency last year after
the departure of the ships from this place, in which your Excellency
orders me to write at length and minutely of events in these islands.
Although I wrote your Excellency last year and father Fray Diego de
Herrera went to that country from here to report both to your
Excellency and to his Majesty concerning all the matters of this land,
and concerning the manner of the conquest and the wars waged here, and
concerning the encomiendas: yet inasmuch as we do not know what
happened in the voyage nor how affairs have been discussed there, I
shall briefly retell the most essential things, first advising your
Excellency of what happened here after [the departure of the ships].
This is that the governor immediately sent Captain Juan de Salzedo
accompanied by Captain Pedro de Chaves and some men to pacify the river
of Vicor and the Camarines, which are located in this same island of
Lusson. The people there are the most valiant and best armed men of all
these islands. Consequently, although they never attacked the
Spaniards, still they defended themselves in all their villages, and
would not surrender unless conquered by force of arms. Consequently all
those villages were entered in the same way, by first summoning them to
submit peacefully, and to pay tribute immediately unless they wished
war. They replied that they would first prove those to whom they were
to pay tribute, and consequently, the Spaniards attacking them, an
entrance was made among them by force of arms, and the village was
overthrown and whatever was found pillaged. Then the Spaniards sent to
have the natives summoned to submit peacefully. When the natives came,
they asked them to immediately give them tribute in gold and to an
excessive amount, for which they promised to give them writs of peace.
Therefore, since all the people defended themselves, more have perished
in that land than in any other yet conquered. After he had accomplished
this, Juan de Salzedo returned with the gold, and left Pedro de Chaves
settled on the river of Vicor with seventy men. Juan de Salzedo having
returned, the governor again sent him with forty or fifty men to
colonize Ylocos. He apportioned the land among them, and in that the
governor showed himself to be very partial; for although three
companies had come together from Nueva España, namely, those of Felipe
de Salzedo (which was later transferred to Juan de Salcedo), Artieda,
and Andres de Ivarra, to only the company of Juan de Salsedo did he
grant repartimientos, while he gave nothing at all to those other
companies. Although we have declared here how unjust has been the
affair of the Ylocos, as is so evident a thing, they cannot believe us,
for they have done nothing there for two years back but make raids to
tell the people that they should be friends and pay tribute
immediately. Accordingly, a portion of the people gave it through fear,
and a portion because they are not very warlike; and they did the same
lately for the second year. They even pillaged the people in the place
where they fled and wasted their village. They have now gone to collect
the tribute for the third time. They have done them no other benefit or
kindness and have had no other communication or contact with them than
the abovesaid. The same thing happened in the island of Acuyo which was
granted some two months ago to Luys de la Haya. The master-of-camp went
there about four years ago with soldiers and pillaged them of tribute
to the sum of two hundred taes. As they have been unable to go there
since it is out of the way, the governor ordered those who went thither
for Luys de la Haya to collect the entire sum that those people ought
to have paid during the past years for his Majesty, and the tribute of
this year for Luys de la Haya. But since the Indians either refused or
were unable to pay the back tribute, they paid only that of the present
year. The governor exhibited considerable annoyance over this, and
finally took one-half of what they brought in the name of his Majesty.
Although there is little or no justice or reason in the other regions
[of the Indias] for the tribute that is asked of those districts, there
is no trace or surplus of it here. Besides that the tribute that is
collected from the natives is excessive and intolerable, judging by the
wretchedness of the natives; and in order that your Excellency may see
the senselessness and harm perpetrated there in all this matter, I am
enclosing to your Excellency in this present letter, the copy of an
“Opinion” I handed to the governor the other day, in regard to the
tribute that was collected. [57] In that “Opinion” I declared
briefly, inasmuch as I was dealing with a person who knows the
conditions of the country, the injustice that was and that is being
done. Although I believe that he will send it to your Excellency, still
whether he does or not, I am sending this copy. Although I charge in it
that war has been made without his Majesty’s order, besides that the
land is so slightly pacified that the collectors have to go in bands to
ask the tribute and with guards and arquebuses to collect the tribute.
Little is consequently lacking to make them highwaymen. Item: The
villages that are somewhat distant from the Spaniards also pillage one
another as before, and as many pirates are to be seen as formerly. Even
those who come to plead justice are very ill attended to or despatched.
Finally since both the governor and the officials and all the rest who
hold posts are encomenderos, there is no one to protect the poor
Indians. The governor having assembled the men who were in this city,
read them this “Opinion” of ours, and asked them for their opinion.
They all said as one man that the tribute which was given them was
little in proportion to what could be given, for each of them was
considering his own interests and was not frank. In regard to the
justification for their wars, they say that some are waged on the
authority of father Fray Andres de Urdaneta, and some on mine. In those
on my authority, I know that they have never asked my opinion in any of
them except at the beginning (not at the first entrance in Çubu, but
in the insignificant warfare waged at Baybay). That was for no other
purpose than to destroy some boats of the natives, for no people or
anything else were encountered in the villages. Also at other times
when they were going in search of provisions when they were suffering
dire necessity, [my opinion was asked]. They also summoned me when it
was resolved that the master-of-camp should go for the first time to
this city of Manila. It was, however, resolved in that council that
hostilities must not be engaged in with the natives, although the
Spaniards should be provoked. Whether they did it is seen from the
result, for they entered Manila by force of arms, and turned the very
artillery of the natives upon the latter when they were fleeing, and
burned their village. If they have no blame in the matter, then let
them allege their excuses, and that doctrine has been preached to them
often. 1 gave my “Opinion” in writing so that they can clear
themselves if they can truly do so; for I wish that most heartily, or
any greater good, rather than that they should have any blame before
God. However, I cannot discover that they are cleared, for they have
made war and conquest by their sole authority and without his
Majesty’s order. After that they made a false report to his Majesty,
saying that the land was subdued, and that the natives had become
subject to his Majesty voluntarily and without any war. I would like,
just as was shown by our “Opinion,” that you would examine his
Majesty’s instructions, so that one may see whether I say true, or
whether the conquest has been made according to his Majesty’s
instructions. Many complaints are made against the governor, and some
of them with good reason. For will your Excellency consider whether he
can be a good governor who is favorable to bribes, and not only that,
but who even asks them from all persons, even if they be for mean
considerations; and who although they be given outright and not loaned,
readily grants his pay-warrant [on the treasury], the payment for which
will be made even if another [than the original holder] should demand
it; and who hates to hear Indians on whom he was taking vengeance
complain. But insomuch as this is so notorious here that your
Excellency can get information regarding it from all who come to this
country, I refer the above to them, as well as other slight faults of
which I shall say nothing although they arc public property. I will say
no further, for I am well assured that some one will not be lacking who
will give his pen full sway in this, to say nothing of his tongue.

Blessed be God, the instruction goes on, and the Indians are taking it
up. Already there are many Christians here at Manila. Although there
are religious also at Tondo, Lubao, Mindoro, Octon, Çubu, Vahi, and
Bonbon, the Indians have not yet begun to be converted. [58] We priests
are living each one singly in his own house, except in Manila where
there are two, and in Çubu where there are also two.

Although some of the religious desire to return to that Nueva España
because of their great scruples concerning the actions of this country
and the lack of permanence here, I have detained them and am detaining
them in the hope that your Excellency or his Majesty will provide the
relief that is advisable by the first ships.

A general epidemic of smallpox has raged here this year, which has
spared neither childhood, youth, nor old age. I believe that there are
very few who have not had it (that is, of the natives), and many people
have died of it.

I have seen one of his Majesty’s decrees, in which he orders the
governor to inform him of the causes for making slaves among these
natives. [59] Although the causes might be more largely drawn out, yet
all the causes might be covered under four heads: those who are slaves
of long standing or from their birth; those by captivity; those for
crimes; and those for loans. Although there is nothing known about the
causes for the slavery of those were born slaves, because their fathers
and grandfathers were slaves, it is presumed that the cause is one of
the other three. The captives are generally made slaves by unjust wars,
for all these people are pirates who go annually by sea to pillage
those who live in careless ease, or to any village which may not be
bound to them by ties of blood or alliance. At times when they see
their own people, they do not even keep peace with them. I speak of the
Visayans or Pintados, who are more quarrelsome than the Lussones or
Moros. However, some villages have just wars against others because the
others have shown them some act of treachery under guise of friendship;
for they are a very treacherous people, and eager to shed blood. But
very few are captured in this way unless they are very young children,
for they kill all of them, even the women, when they make any
prisoners. Those enslaved for crimes are generally enslaved for theft,
however small it be; and for other small offenses that break their laws
and prohibitions. The chiefs invent many things in order to subject the
common people. When they break any of the laws, whether they know it or
not, they are immediately fined. If the culprit has nothing with which
to pay the fine to which he is condemned, he is immediately enslaved.
If one commits a serious crime such as murder, adultery, administering
poison to any influential person, not only he but his children,
parents, brothers and sisters, and relatives are enslaved. Slaves are
also made for loans, for the principal of the loan continues to
increase at such a rate that however small a sum may have been borrowed
(although it be only of the value of four reals), it will have
increased to such an extent before four years have passed that one will
become wholly a slave on account of it. The same thing occurs for the
mere fact of having fed one for a few days during a period of need.
Also among the slaves lately made one may, strange to say, find a man
who seems to have been made a slave justly, and we believe it is also
true of those slaves of long standing, although the origin of their
slavery is unknown. I write this here distinctly and clearly as a man
who has mixed and lived with the natives and in their midst from the
beginning. I know their customs, more intimately, I believe, than most
of the people who live in this country. [I write this] so that there
may be no occasion for the ruination of the land because of the false
relations made there [in Nueva España]. May our Lord preserve the
great and excellent person of your Excellency and prosper you for many
years with ever increasing station. Manila, the last of June, 1574.
Your Excellency’s most humble servant and chaplain kisses your hands.

    Fray Martin de Herrada

LETTER FROM THE ROYAL OFFICIALS TO FELIPE II

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

We wrote your Majesty a report of occurrences in these regions by the
ships that left these islands in the month of July of last year.
Inasmuch as we have heard from the viceroy and officials of Mexico that
the letters have been received, as well as the other things sent to
your Majesty, we shall repeat nothing of that letter in this except to
say that the ship “San Juan,” one of the three that set out last
year, returned to port again, although we thought here at the time of
its return that it was already in Nueva Spaña. Consequently, it was
necessary to allow it to remain, and again careen and scrape it since
there was time for it. Therefore the deck was again entirely replanked
and the keel releaded, and it is as good as if just from the shipyard.
It will sail somewhat short of rigging, for we have not been able to
get any, try as we would; and although we have written to Mexico asking
them to supply it thence, we have not been supplied because of what
will be related below in the present letter. However, it is ready to
sail at the first opportunity with that defect remedied as well as
possible. Consequently, we are writing this letter in order to advise
your Majesty of the other things that have occurred hereabouts.

We are again sending in the ship “San Juan” certain cases of
earthenware, boxes, and gold jewels which were sent your Majesty in the
same ship last year; and in addition, one crown, two chains, and two
daggers for the prince Don Ffernando our sovereign (whom may God
preserve for many years). At the news of his birth we thanked our Lord
heartily for having given your Majesty an heir, [60] as well as for the
good news and the victory of his most serene [Don Juan] of Austria,
[61] against the Turks, which came together with the news of your heir.
May our Lord preserve your Majesty and give you life to enjoy such
victories for many years and other greater ones for the exaltation of
His holy Catholic faith.

A ship from Nueva Spaña arrived here on the sixth of the present
month, which was despatched by the viceroy and royal officials. One
night before these islands were sighted, the other ship separated [from
it], not because of bad weather but because the flagship struck its
sails while the almiranta passed on ahead though somewhat senselessly.
It is thought to be among these islands taking on fresh supplies, for
the ships sailed somewhat short. Consequently, we are looking for it
daily, and we have sent a searching party for it, in case that it needs
anything. If it arrives ere the departure of this ship, we shall inform
your Majesty of it. We have already said that we have informed your
Majesty of all the discoveries made here [as yet]. Later occurrences
are that the province of Ylocos which is located in the northern part
of this island of Luçon has been allotted in repartimientos, and we
have sent men to colonize it. Another province located in the eastern
part of this same island, called Camarines, has also been explored and
pacified. The men are warlike and well armed for Indians; for they have
corselets of buffalo hide, iron greaves, and helmets set with fishbones
and stout shells, which no weapon except the arquebus can damage. Those
people told us that they would be our friends, and they are so,
according to the advices that we have received. We are awaiting a
captain who is there with some soldiers, in order to see the result of
what has happened, and in order that we may assign the land, and reward
in your Majesty’s name those who have served and are serving you in
these regions.

The king of Burney was expected here last year, for we heard that he
was going to attack us with more than three hundred sail. In reality we
have learned that he had tried to do it, as he has two young warlike
sons who intended to come for that purpose; but some chiefs of this
island advised them not to do it. On the contrary we have heard from
some men who have come from that island that the king desires our
friendship and to become your Majesty’s vassal. Upon that the
governor sent a Moro messenger, a native of this island, to the king
with letters advising him to become our friend and your Majesty’s
vassal. The letters said that all those who wished should come to these
islands to trade as formerly, and the governor offered them all peace
and love. We are daily expecting the return of those who went thither.
When they have come, we shall also advise your Majesty of it. It will
be a great benefit for us who live here to have that king as our
friend.

The chief and ruler of the river of Mindanao has also written a letter
to us in which he says that he wishes our friendship and to become your
Majesty’s vassal. He has put his desire into works, for while the
Spaniards were at the point of Cabit bartering for cinnamon (for it is
obtained in quantity there in that same island called Bindanao) that
king came personally with five ships laden with food and other things
for the Spaniards. The Spaniards had already left when he arrived, and,
upon discovering that, the king determined to send some Moros of this
island of Luçon with a letter, in which he offered himself as a
friend. They also sent us an oral message by those who came, to the
effect that the chief would aid and protect us in all our necessities.
Since these two chiefs have become our friends this whole land is very
quiet. This will be of great service to your Majesty.

The Chinese come hither annually with their merchandise, although they
do not bring anything valuable. Six ships came this year—three here
and three to Bindoro. They have been told to bring good and rare
articles, and they have promised to do so next year. They were very
well satisfied with the good treatment that has always been and is
shown them, because of the profit that they make in trade with us. If
they bring rare articles, we shall serve your Majesty with what shall
be brought. This archipelago of islands is large and the islands many.
This island of Luçon is the best and largest of all because it has a
numerous population. It is rich in gold, and has mines. So long as the
mines are unworked, your Majesty cannot fail to incur great expense in
these parts; and since ships have to be sent annually, as is ordinarily
done, by granting permission for this to merchants, your Majesty could
send what people had to come here and the reënforcements; and from the
cargoes that they carried to these parts, you could impose such and
such a per cent; whence you could meet the expenses [incurred here].
You could send only one large ship of five hundred tons or more, in
which the cinnamon and other spices and drugs which are being found
could be carried, while another consignment could be carried in each
merchantman. This ship which is about to sail now is small and will not
carry more than eighty quintals or so of cinnamon. A huge quantity of
cinnamon is gathered here and will be gathered for next year. We shall
continue yearly to send to Mexico what can be carried there, whence
advice will be given to your Majesty of what will be sent as well as of
what shall have been done in regard to that which has been sent during
former years.

We have written to Nueva Spaña to the viceroy and officials of your
Majesty, notwithstanding that no treasures have been sent them since we
have not had them hitherto in so great quantity, in order that they
might send us in your Majesty’s name, the necessities that are needed
daily in these regions. The officials reply to us that they have no
commission from your Majesty for it. We beseech your Majesty to
exercise your magnanimity and please have your officials of Mexico
ordered to supply us with the things for which we send to ask them for
the service of your Majesty and the sustenance of this camp. At the
least, we generally need powder, arquebuses, and the other ammunition
that is generally used, besides the other things that must necessarily
be had, in consideration of the fact that your Majesty’s ships must
come to these districts. For the most abundant thing that we have for
this ship “San Juan” which is now about to depart, is the poor
rigging that it carries, for there is no other, although it is taken
from three ships which are here. The ship which arrived lately carried
nothing of consideration except that which it needed for itself.
Therefore, there is great need of rigging also. The memorandum which
was sent to them [i.e., the viceroy and the royal officials of Mexico]
in the other ships is herewith enclosed for your Majesty, so that you
may please have rigging provided although it arrive late. The viceroy
and officials write us that they have given your Majesty a report of it
in the advice ships which they despatched from Nueva España to your
Majesty.

We have heard that your Majesty sent us certain decrees in the time of
the adelantado [Miguel Lopez de Legazpi] which we have not as yet seen;
but the governors retain them without giving us any knowledge of them.
We petition your Majesty that the decrees and provisions be sent to us
henceforth and enclosed in the letters that your Majesty may be pleased
to write us, so that your Majesty’s orders to us may be carried out
with all diligence; and that you will have the governors of these
districts ordered not to meddle in what concerns the royal treasury and
estate, in accordance with the concession that your Majesty has granted
to the officials of Mexico, and that we be neither more nor less than
they, judges and officials of your Majesty’s royal estate; for so is
it advisable for your royal service.

The Augustinian religious who are in these districts have endeavored to
appraise the tributes of this land, both those of the villages assigned
to your Majesty and the others which are held by the encomenderos.
However, no more is collected than that assigned and imposed by the
adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi. That consists of one manta two
brazas long and one wide, and two fanegas of rice, and if they do not
possess that, three maes of gold. Each maes is equivalent to two and
one-half reals, which is its value in this land. The Augustinians
declare on their consciences that it is enough for each Indian to pay a
tribute of one maes or two and one-half reals. We have daily disputes
on this score and the Augustinians even went so far during the Lent
just past as refusing to confess us. They have declared that your
Majesty does not own or possess this land with good title, and say that
the order requisite in the conquest and pacification of it has not been
observed. Will your Majesty order what must be done in this matter and
whether we are here in this land under a just title or not. The
governor is sending a detailed relation and report to your Majesty
regarding all the above, so that after you have seen it you may enact
what must be done regarding it and in the other matters, so that the
encomenderos and people in this country may be rewarded for their
labors and may not go to hell as the friars say. Until this matter is
determined, we shall collect the amount imposed by the said adelantado,
for most of the encomenderos have less than one thousand Indians. [62]

We are advising the viceroy so that he can write to your Majesty,
representing the slight benefit that we have received as yet, and after
so long a time, although we were among the first to come for the
discovery of this land, in order that we may enjoy some repartimientos
as conquistadors, explorers, and colonists—at least I the accountant,
Andres Cauchela. For your Majesty’s treasury has not contained the
wherewithal from which we may be paid our salaries because of assisting
with its receipts in the affairs of this camp—a matter for the good
of all—and in aiding the carpenters and the other men who are wage
earners. Therefore, we petition your Majesty to please remunerate us in
this by exercising your so magnanimous power as king and sovereign.
Inasmuch as the governor is writing to your Majesty at length and is
giving you advice of all the events of these districts, we refer you to
him in this regard.

When Governor Miguel Lopez de Legaspi died, Guido de Labaçaris was
treasurer of your Majesty’s royal estate. He succeeded Legaspi and is
now the governor of these districts.

Inasmuch as that office [of treasurer] became vacant, and the factor
Andres de Mirandaola was sent a prisoner to Nueva Spaña, and hence
only the accountant was left to look after the royal estate, the
governor appointed me, Salvador de Aldave, to the office of treasurer
until your Majesty should provide otherwise. I petition your Majesty to
please concur in this and confirm it, in consideration of the fact that
I have served your Majesty well and faithfully in these parts for more
than seven years in the discovery, conquest, and pacification of these
islands. May our Lord preserve your royal Majesty’s sacred Catholic
person with an increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories as we your
Majesty’s servants desire. Manila, July 17, 1574. Sacred Catholic
Majesty, your Majesty’s faithful servants who humbly kiss your royal
feet.

    Andres Cabchela
    Salvador de Aldave

ENCOMIENDAS ASSIGNED BY LEGAZPI

[The following document has been abstracted from a portion of the
original document by Pablo Pastells, S.J., and is given by him in his
edition of Colin’s Labor evangélica (Barcelona, 1904), i, pp. 157,
158, note. In it will be found many of the names of the early
conquistadors, and abundance of proof of the inexact knowledge of the
country obtained by the Spaniards.]

In the testimony given by the notary Fernando Riquel in the city of
Manila, June 2, 1576, and which was taken from the government records,
appears an attested relation of the encomiendas which were distributed
among the original Spanish conquistadors of Filipinas. From this
document especially noteworthy from the viewpoints of history,
geography, and politics, it appears that the islands at the time of
Sande’s arrival, had been divided into encomiendas in the following
manner. In Cebú, Legazpi assigned to his Majesty the port and the
village as far as Canipata (January 16, 1571). In the rest of the
island he apportioned (January 25, 1571) 3,000 Indians to Jerónimo de
Monzón; 2,000 to Cristóbal Sánchez; and 1,000 to Francisco Carreño.
In Panay, he assigned to his Majesty (January 16, 1571) the river and
settlement of Panay from the coast to Catitlán. On October 31, he
apportioned about 4,000 Indians of Sogut (the mouth of the Araut River)
and Malpa, with their tingües (mountains) and hills to the
chief-constable Gabriel de Ribera; about 6,000 Indians on the Araut
River near the coast from the villages of Dayt, Payán, Pinabao, Tongo,
Pandán, Nonoc, Dumangal, Cararao, Balig, Bantao, Mata, Harún, Daripe,
and the villages of the tributary that flows into the Bumey River
between Potocán and Bulney with their tingües and hills, to Captain
Luis de la Haya; to Lope Rodríguez and Diego López de Valdepeñas,
2,000 Indians apiece, in the villages of Cali and Sibucao up the river
(at the entrance of the Araut River) past the village of Daripe and as
far as Sicapurut. On November 2, he assigned 4,000 Indians of the Pua
River between Bago and Marianao, and the branch of Barbarán, with
their tingües and hills, to the soldiers Baltasar Rodríguez and
Alonso Sánchez; 2,000 Indians apiece on the tributary of the Sibalinte
between Amíndan and Banga to the soldiers Francisco de Ribera and
Diego García; the Indians of Maluhud and its creeks to the soldier
Alvaro de Angulo; 2,000 Indians of the bay of Moguín, namely, the
Indians of the creek of Batán, Aguísan, Initantarón, Capulanbaril,
Dinao, Moguin, and Manuc, with their tingües and hills, to the soldier
Gonzalo Riquel; and 2,000 on the tributary of the Mayo to the soldier
Francisco Rey. On November 3, 2,000 Indians on the river of Daclan, and
the villages of Amacatan and Tagaun, with their tingües and hills, to
Antonio Flores; the Indians of the villages of Guimba, Caranga,
Argahao, Marabagui, and Bugau, with their tingües and hills to
Hernando de Monroy; the Indians of the river of Arui, and the natives
of Barugo, Uyungán, Cuyuran, Naorguán, Bangot, Tibao, Lonio,
Cabáyan, Lalac, and Tabangan, with their tingües and hills to Rodrigo
de Vargas; the Indians of Tibaguán and Baguinguín, with their
tingües and hills to Estéban Rodríguez; and the Indians of the river
of Xaro and those of the villages of Calataca, Pasanhan, Cabuga,
Alenguen, Samble and Sunamburi, with their tingües and hills, to
Francisco Durán. On April 5, 1572, the natives of Xaro and the others
whom Francisco Durán had held to Luis Pérez. On April 15, the Indians
of Dulúngan, Antique, Bunital, and Aslúman to Diego Ximénez. On June
1, the Indians of the villages of Otón with its tingües and hills to
Miguel de Loarca. In Cibabao and Paita, on January 25, 1571, Legazpi
assigned the 2,000 first Indians to Bartolomé Cindila; 2,000 to Juan
de Aguera; 2,000 to Diego de Quintanilla; 1,500 to Diego Godínez;
1,500 to Damián González; 1,500 to Antonio Ginovés; and the same
number each to Juan Méndez, Francisco de Torres, Andrea de Luca, de la
Xari, and Juan Pérez; 1,000 on the river of Panae of the said islands
to Augustín Duerto. On above two islands in order to avoid disputes
among February 14, Legazpi united the encomiendas of the the
encomenderos, giving the Indians of Limanca, Vaván, and Samal to
Augustín Duerto and Bartolomé Andrea; those of Paita to Juan Griego;
those of Caguayán to Juan Méndez; those of Buri to Felipe de la Xara;
those of Tunaoyiran to Juan Pérez; those of Paranas to Andrés de
Luca; those of Calviga to Juan Gutiérrez; and those of Bondó to
Miguel Godínez and Antonio Ginovés.

In the island of Mindanao, the chief river Vindanao, the point of
Cauit, the port of Caldera, the village of Zamboanga and all the
villages and coast where cinnamon is grown, were assigned by the
adelantado to his Majesty on January 16, 1571. On January 25, he
assigned to Juan Griego the natives of the villages of Cagayan, Gonpot,
and Tagoloan(?), with their tingües and hills; to Pedro Brizeño de
Oseguera, regidor of the town of Santísimo Nombre de Jesús, the
Indians of Dapitan, Si Cáyap, Siripolo (Dipólog) and Guindáyan
(Ilaya), with their tingües and hills; to Pedro Navarro and Garci
Sierras Chacón, the rivers and villages of Surigao and Parasao, with
their tingües and hills; and to Diego de Porras, the villages of
Layaguán, Lucúlan, and Silamaylegue with their tingües and hills.
The same adelantado assigned, on January 25, 1571, to Luis de Santa
Cruz the first two thousand Indians to be reduced; to Diego López
Povedano, a like number; and the same to Mateo Sánchez, Domingo de
Zuazo, Benito de la Cerda, Francisco Rodríguez, Simón García,
Andrés de Villalobos, and Pedro Isardo; 1,500 to Alonso Osorio,
Martín López, Bartolomé Madrigal, Juan Gutiérrez, Cristóbal
Núñez Pareja, Miguel Galván, Gaspar Ruiz, and Martín de Campos. He
did not assign the above any definite villages, but the tribute was to
be divided pro rata in proportion to the number conceded to each one.
However, in order to avoid disputes, on September 6 of that same year,
Legazpi assigned to Francisco Rodríguez and Luis de Santa Cruz the
rivers of Tanac, Davi, and Monalongon, with their tingües and hills;
to Francisco Téllez, Domingo Zuazo, Benito de la Cerda, Martín
López, Simón García, and Martín de Campos, the river and villages
of Ilo and Majamio, with their tingües; to Andrés de Villalobos,
Diego Lopez Povedano, Mateo Sánchez, and Pedro Isardo, the river and
villages of Inabángan and Adelinte, with their tingües; to Juan
Gutiérrez Cortés, the river of Bago; to Gaspar Ruiz, that of
Tigaguán, and to Cristóbal Nuñez Pareja, that of Caracol. In the
island of Leite, Legazpi assigned, on January 25, 1571, the two
thousand Indians first reduced to Juan Martín; 2,000 to Juan Vexarano,
Lázaro Bruzo, Alonso de Henao, Francisco de Sepúlveda, and Pedro
Sedeño; 1,500 to Juan de Trujillo, Juan Fernández de León, Lorenzo
de Villafaña, Gaspar de los Reyes, and Martín de Aguirre. September
5, 1571, he assigned 2,000 Indians to Francisco de Quirós. On the
sixth, he assigned to the abovesaid the villages and environs of
Maracaya, Omoc, Calbacán, and the rivers of Barugo, Palos, Vito,
Mayay, Vincay, Inunganga, Zuundaya, Cabalían, Minaya, and de los
Mártires [i.e., of the martyrs], and the villages of Súgut,
Canamocán, and Ilongos.

In the island of Luzón, January 16, 1571, he assigned to his Majesty
the settlements of Manila, the port of Cavite, and the seacoast
settlements lying between them. July 28, he conceded to Goiti 8,000
Indians of the lake and river of Bombón; November 14, to Juan
González de Pedraza, the villages of Bondo, Butanguian, Tonacatán,
Marabatau, Purusgu, Manilau, Mahauay, Naos, Camaurón, Tarique,
Macabaras, Bigo, and Nuslan; to Fernando Riquel, the Indians of the
principal branch of the river Macabur, and its creeks; to Andrés de
Ibarra, from the point of the bay of Manila, to the terminus of Bonbon;
to Juan de la Isla, the Indians of Malinao, Banban, Tuxas, Palatnia,
and others of the Pasig River, island and hill, and the villages of
Bayáuan and Pasún; to Captain Juan Maldonado, the Indians of the
river of Morón of the lake of Bai, and eleven villages of the said
lake; to sargento-mayor Juan de Moron, the Indians of the Islet of
Calumpit; to Hernan Lopez, 19 villages of the province of Batán near
the river of Lubao of the bay of Manila; to Marcos de Herrera, 8
villages of the creek of Malolos; to Gaspar Ramírez, 16 villages, 14
of which are on the river of Calamba; to Francisco de León, 12
villages of the river of Lunbán, belonging to the lake; to Francisco
de Herrera, 4 other villages of the lake; to Martín Gutiérrez, 5
villages of the same; to Alonso Ligero, 5 villages; to Pedro de
Herrera, the Indians of the river of Sinoluán and 6 villages of the
lake; to Antonio Alvarez, 12 villages of the river of Manila; to Lope
García de Herrera, 4 [villages] of the lake. April 15, he assigned to
Jerónimo Tirado, 6 villages on the creek of Atlae; to Juan Mateo
Obregón, 15 [villages] of the lake; to Francisco Bañol, 3 [villages]
of the same lake; to Benito Díaz, 7 [villages] of the creek of
Olimare, toward Pampanga; to Amador de Carrurán, 15 villages. May 16,
1572, the adelantado assigned to his Majesty the village of Castilla,
[63] (so that no other but his Majesty might be lord of the village
that bears such a name), and the villages of Cabacite and Cabuyal, and
likewise those of Ubán, and Bilílan, of the bay of Ibalón. May 17,
he assigned to Cristóbal Sánchez, 13 villages of the bay of Ibalón;
and to Juan Lopez, 15 [villages] of the same bay. May 23, to Pedro de
Arnedo, 1 village of the bay, and 7 on the coast opposite the entrance
to Ibalón, called Busáygan. In the islands of Mindoro, Lubán, and
Elín, on January 16, Legazpi assigned to his Majesty the port and
village of Vindoro. April 15, 1572, he assigned to Felipe Salcedo the
rest of the island of Vindoro, and those of Lubán and Elín. April 10,
1571, the island of Imarás, to Juan Ramos; February 12, to Andrés
López Povedano and to Andrés de Villalobos, the islands of Masbat,
Capul, and Maçagua; April 11, 1571, the island of Maripipi to Agustín
Duerto; January 25, 1571, the island of Camiguinin to Pedro de
Figueroa; November 2, those of Tablas and Çubuyan, and the creeks of
Mahalúd, of the island of Panae, to Alvaro de Angulo; June 28, 1571,
the islands of Bohol and Bantayán to Rodrigo de Frías; October 31, of
the same year, the islands of Malinduque and Bantón to Pedro de Mena;
April 24, that of Donblón to Gonzalo Riquel; September 12, 1572, that
of Cagallanes or Negros to Benito de la Cerda, Domingo de Zuazo,
Francisco Téllez, Martín López, Simón García, and Martín de
Campos. For brevity we omit the encomiendas assigned by Lavezaris and
Doctor Sande, which are also named in this document. This document
shows 143 encomenderos whose names are expressed in it.

DOCUMENTS OF 1580–1605

    Letter to the viceroy of Nueva España, Martin Enriquez. Miguel
    Loarca; June 15, 1580.
    Letter to Gregory XIII. Pablo de Jesus, O.S.F.; 14 Kalends
    of July, 1580.
    Bishop Salazar’s Council regarding slaves. [Notarial document
    signed by Bishop Domingo de Salazar, O.P.; October 17, 1581.]
    Erection of Manila cathedral. Bishop Domingo de Salazar, O.P.;
    December 21, 1581.
    Letter to Felipe II. Antonio Sedeño, S.J.; June 17, 1583.
    Letter to Felipe II. Bishop Domingo de Salazar, O.P.;
    June 18, 1583.
    Relation of the Philipinas Islands. [Unsigned and undated; 1586?]
    Letter to Felipe II. Juan Bautista Roman; July 2, 1588.
    Letter to Felipe II. Gomez Perez Dasmariñas; June 21, 1591.
    Royal decree regarding hospitals for natives. Felipe II;
    January 17, 1593.
    Augustinian affairs. Thomas Marquez, O.S.A., and the nuncio of
    Spain; 1599.
    Letter to Felipe III from the ecclesiastical cabildo. Juan de
    Bivero, and others; July 3, 1602.
    Letter to Felipe III. Bernardino Maldonado; June 21, 1605.

    Sources: These documents are all obtained from MSS. in the
    Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, except the second and
    eleventh, which are obtained from MSS. in the archives of the
    Vatican, Rome, and the seventh which is obtained from a
    pamphlet in the British Museum.

    Translations: The second, fourth, and eleventh are by Rev.
    T. C. Middleton, O.S.A.; the remainder are by James Alexander
    Robertson.

LETTER FROM MIGUEL LOARCA TO MARTIN ENRIQUEZ

Most Excellent Sir:

Whenever I have been in this city at the departure of the ship, I have
sent your Excellency a report of matters in this country. I did so last
year by the ship “Trinidad” which left this port of Manilla. I
informed your Excellency of the trouble and the expense to my property
to build that ship and the other oared vessels which were built during
the two years that the shipyard was established there and I was
superintendent of it; and of the pay which Doctor Francisco de Sande
gave me for it. He not only did not reward me, but tried to undo me in
all possible ways. [He would have done that] if it had been possible,
but God has ever upheld me by His hand, so that no unfitting thing
could be done to me. When he saw that he could not harm me, he deceived
me with promises, all of which have turned out false. All this great
hatred that he has exercised toward me has been because of my having
gone to explore China by order of Guido de Laveçaris while he was
inside the islands. He would have liked that expedition to have been
carried on by his own order. Now God has been pleased to deliver us
from his wrath. May it please God that it be for the best. I shall tell
here in brief what I know about China and this land, as a man who has
seen it all and understands a part. [64] I petition your Excellency
most humbly to pardon my extreme boldness. It is a fact that neither
his Majesty in España nor your Excellency in that land are informed
truly of what is advisable for the prosecution of these conquests and
the increase of his royal crown. Consequently, just the reverse to what
is necessary here is enacted, and thus the money is wasted, and all the
men who are sent are exhausted. I have recognized this during the
present year more strongly than in former years. I would willingly be
more specific, but I am sharply warned by experience. Thus the letters
which I wrote to your Excellency last year which were carried by father
Fray Jeronimo Marin, [65] the latter wrote me were either lost or
stolen from him. Next year, if it please God to have Captain Pedro
Caraballo make the journey I shall dare to write your Excellency at
greater length. I beg your Excellency to make use of me as a servant
and to shield me with your protection. That is what sustains all of us
who are here; and I need it more today than any one else. For, since I
had the shipyards for two years in my villages [66] without receiving
any salary, and without anything needed for the construction of the
ships being furnished, or help being sent to those who were working
there, and since I was continually written by Dr. Sande and his
Majesty’s officials that the royal treasury was entirely empty, and
that I should advance money from my household: consequently, as I
attended to my obligations in his Majesty’s service, I spent all my
substance and have exhausted all my repartimiento. Therefore have I
become poor and have now so little relief from any reward unless your
Excellency concedes it from there by ordering it to be given me. May
our Lord preserve your Excellency’s person for many long and happy
years with the health and increasing prosperity that your Excellency
merits and that your Excellency’s servants desire. The city of
Manilla, June 15, 1580. Most excellent sir, your Excellency’s humble
servant kisses the very excellent hands of your Excellency.

    Miguel de Loarca

LETTER FROM PABLO DE JESUS TO GREGORY XIII

    Account of the journey to the Philippine Islands of Brother Paul de
    Jesus of the congregation of the discalced [Franciscans].

To the most blessed father Gregory XIII, chief pontiff, the humble
congregation of discalced brethren resident in the Philippine Islands
offer homage.

Since in the midst of such weighty, such burdensome labors and
sorrows—the while everywhere the mighty forces of so many and such
various heresies are raising up storms against the Church, and
threatening it as it were with sword and flame, nay, even utter
destruction, there is no doubt that with the same charity wherewith, as
the true father of all, thou dost embrace all, thou deplorest this most
grievous loss of souls; nor can that benignity and clemency of thy
spirit, which is from on high, bear without grieving, nor grieve
without ceasing, for this most direful plague that is daily spreading
apace in the sight of all men, with the havoc of towns, cities,
provinces, even kingdoms that at one time were the flourishing abodes
of Catholic faith and piety. Therefore, most blessed Father, it has
seemed worth our while, as well as our duty, as thy most loyal
children, to strengthen thy Blessedness as it were with fresh pleasure
and fresh joy, through the recountal of those things which the most
merciful God is working in these far away seas and countries. Nor do we
think thy spirit, thirsty as it is for the safety of souls, will be
refreshed with merely ordinary joy at the news that in these islands of
the Indias holy Mother Church has brought forth without number as it
were new offspring and new children of the faith. For inasmuch as by
order of thy Holiness we have come to these shores, we deem it our duty
to relate the whole course of our journey and of our wanderings. From
the place where Brother Pedro Alfaro, at the time guardian of our
congregation, sent letters to thy Blessedness, we encountered a
difficult voyage, all of us nearly having been stricken down with
illness, wherefrom six of the brethren our companions died. At length
we reached Nova Hispania, whence after a sojourn of six months in order
to recover our strength and former good health, we set sail on the Ides
of March in the year 1578, [67] and after a very long voyage of two
thousand one hundred leagues, we fifteen brethren landed at the islands
known as the Philippines. While on our voyage thither we touched at a
certain island three hundred leagues distant from the Philippines, very
fruitful in rice, and cocoanut-bearing palms. This island is inhabited
by men who are savages going utterly stark, with no covering at all,
the women, however, concealing their private parts with the leaf of a
tree. The people are large of frame, robust, and given to pilfering,
whence the name of the island Ladrones. The natives brought us fruits,
fish, rice, and other eatables, which they bartered for iron, which
they value more than gold. Some of our companions through pity for
those islanders wished to remain with them, in order to bring them to
the light of the faith. But we did not think it wise to leave them
alone and without arms among such a multitude of barbarians. Sailing
thence we soon reached the Philippine Islands, where we found the
fathers of the Augustinian order, who, fairly worn out with their
unspeakable hardships, toils, dangers, and sufferings for the last
twelve years, gave us the heartiest of welcomes. In the beginning they
seemed to be without any hope that we ever could bring those Indians to
the light of the Christian faith; all their labors, they said, had been
fruitless, their efforts in vain, their toil for the benefit of those
people without result. For twelve years they had employed every
endeavor, nor left anything undone whereby they might induce them to
forswear their idols and embrace the true Catholic religion, but all to
no purpose. Wherefore, they had it in mind to prepare for baptism only
those whose tender and youthful age gave promise of success. But
happily by divine bounty, before long, after hope had given out, after
we had been stationed in different parts of the islands, so great a
multitude of men, women, and children flocked to us for instruction and
baptism, that we were unable to cope with their numbers—a matter that
was the more wonderful since this wild and savage race of men had never
displayed the slightest trace of religion, and had neither places of
worship, nor sacrifices. Very many of them practiced circumcision and
many other similar vanities from their relationships with the
Mahometans of Burneo, an island three hundred leagues distant. Thus
they would not eat swine-meat, nor that of animals that had been
strangled, besides other such practices. Some of them, who practiced
circumcision, traced its origin not to the Mahometans, with whom they
had no acquaintance, but to their own very remote ancestors. Some of
them worshiped a certain bird, others the crocodile; for holding the
same fancy regarding the transmigration of souls as was held by
Pythagoras in his palingenesis, they believed that, after certain
cycles of years, the souls of their forefathers were turned into
crocodiles. To their parents and children after death, they erected
statues rudely hewn of wood, in the belief that the souls of the
deceased found lodging in such images. They celebrated Bacchanalian
feasts with drinking-bouts and barbarous outcries, with offerings of
food and garments made to the idols themselves, from which they sought
health and riches. They worshiped the moon, with sacrificial offerings
to it in many places at the time of the new moon. Priapus [68] after a
similar fashion of the Romans they revered as the guardian of their
fields. Among these Indians were priests known as catolonas, who were
held in such respect that, if they prophesied of a person ill of any
disease that he would die of that disease, forthwith the poor patient
refusing all food would soon end his life through starvation. Among
them are no real rulers and no form of administrative government.
Whoever among them is mightiest in strength and riches, whether by
force or strategy, reduces all others to bondage to himself. As among
them there is constant recourse to bloodshed, robbery, and plundering,
so nothing is ever settled by agreement or law. With regard to marriage
the same custom does not hold everywhere. For some, the far greater
majority, even recognize no real marriage bonds, as for the most
trivial reasons they divorce their wives, take up with other women,
some of them, the chieftains especially, whom they style maguinoos,
having two wives at one time. We have been told that among some Indian
tribes the laws of marriage are held in much higher regard. For after
the marriage rite has been performed, prayers are offered to the gods
to endow the spouses with fruitfulness, nor ever let them be sundered
save by death; otherwise, should they be parted, they are cursed and
the wrath of the gods called down upon them. Should any person be
guilty of securing a divorce, the culprit is punished, the wife with
the loss of her dowry, the husband with the payment of gold. Whoever
violated these ancestral rites and customs forfeited the respect of the
people. By nature these barbarians are sharp-witted beyond belief, and
gifted with such tenacity of memory that whatever they once have been
taught, for they are wonderfully quick in learning, they rarely if ever
forget. Therefore, they easily yield to truth, and when shown what is
wrong, quickly detest it, treating the brethren who go among them
preaching with courtesy and kindness. Nay, not infrequently, they
themselves seek out a brother, to whom as they hearken with readiness
they let him depart with tears in their eyes. If we only had enough
missionaries, there would be nowhere in the Philippine Islands unbelief
of any sort. Very many of the natives confess their sins with sorrow
and faith. They believe in the many and very frequent miracles which
Almighty God works among them through blessed water, the sacred holy
gospels, and the relics of the saints.

Bearing in mind that mandate of our Redeemer, Jesus Christ our Lord,
“Go ye into the whole world and preach the gospel to every
creature” [Mark xvi, 15], we were fired more and more every day with
the desire of preaching the gospel in the mighty kingdom of China.
Wherefore, four brethren of our congregation with three soldiers sailed
in a small vessel to Quanton [i.e., Canton] the richest city of China,
where during their six months’ sojourn, by means of interpreters they
preached the gospel of the heavenly kingdom assiduously in the presence
of viceroys and governors. But the interpreters, through fear of losing
their heads should they speak in disfavor of idols, deceived our
brethren by giving their words a far different meaning than uttered.
The Chinese marveled indeed at the poorness of the clothing worn by our
brethren and their spare diet; while especially did they wonder at our
contempt of money when they offered us gold. For this people are lovers
of money beyond belief, wherefore they styled our brethren good men who
had fallen from the skies. Yet with all their pleadings could Ours not
get leave to remain any longer, since the laws forbade strangers from
taking up their abode in that kingdom. They accorded them leave,
however, to stay in the city of Machán [i.e., Macao], a place
inhabited by Portuguese, and distant from Quanton on the mainland
twenty leagues away, where two of our priests to the great delight of
the patriarch and the Portuguese found a home in the monastery which
they built. [69] Therein the fathers hoped that with the defeat of the
demon’s sway a vast field would be opened to the preaching of the
gospel. The kingdom of China is immense, being even a thousand leagues
in extent, with such a multitude of inhabitants that the whole kingdom
seems one mighty city. The Chinese are fair of color, with small eyes,
much given to trafficking, sharp-witted, and masters at trade, though
in matters that concern the safety of soul exceedingly dull and
senseless. Though fond of letters they yet are as babes in science,
with naught of artistic polish. Among them he is held as the greatest
scholar who is the quickest to read and write, and from such as these
are chosen governors, judges, viceroys, whom the people revere as gods.
Above all other nations they are given to sorcery, superstition, and
idol-worship. The sky they style the father of the gods, while to the
moon to whom they pay their vows, they offer a sheep, pig, goat, and
bull. To such men as they judge are superior to others in bravery and
probity of life they rear statues. They have too their own monks and
hermits, who living in out-of-the-way places feed on herbs and fruits
of trees under the belief that after death they will be summoned by the
moon to a residence in the sky. Among them reigns a great concern for
the observance of equity, along with great skill in the management of
the state. In their women so high is their regard for modesty, even in
the largest and wealthiest cities, that barely one ever was seen by
Ours. The men are most unchaste, utter slaves to sodomy, and so vain as
to think themselves the wisest of men.

Inasmuch, most blessed Father, as we were in doubt what course to
follow with regard to men, who having set aside their first wife had
married another, from whom no separation seemed feasible—a
stumbling-block too of no little importance in the way of their
conversion, we read the letters of the predecessor of thy Holiness,
Pius the Fifth of happy memory, which we have taken care shall
accompany this letter to thy Blessedness:

Inasmuch as we foresaw that many of these [heathen], if bound to return
to their first wives, would refuse baptism, after reading those letters
we allowed them, after baptism, to live with the wives they then were
mated with, although their former wives were still living, whom they
had divorced too for the most trivial of reasons. We were blamed by
some who held that the privilege of Pope Pius the Fifth of happy memory
was to be understood as applying to those who no longer remembered
which of their wives had been married first. But this does not seem
reasonable if the ground alleged in this privilege be well considered;
moreover, prior to this privilege is another granted by Paul the Third
of blessed memory, wherein this very case of one’s separation from
his first wife is recognized, should he fail to know which of them
really was first. But the second privilege, it seems, ought to have a
broader application than the former. Tell us now, most blessed Father,
we humbly implore thee, what we are to do—what course to take as to
the past, what provision for the future—whether in the case of wives
who have been set aside for the flimsiest of reasons, nay, for none
save sheer lust of passion, the [second] marriages are to be recognized
when made in pursuance of common custom and as it were by force of law.
For thus we shall be relieved of the chief part of our burden not only
here, but in the kingdom of China. Let thy Blessedness also give
instructions to the end that we be not hindered in any way by the
Spaniards when traveling to heathen countries, no matter where they be,
but on the contrary that we be aided in every manner with due help and
favor. Let thy Blessedness also impart from the treasures of holy
Church a share of indulgences to this new plantation and to us, the
most unworthy servants of thy Blessedness, especially that, whenever
mass be said at any altar in the Philippines and at any in the kingdom
of China, through the mercy of God a soul be freed from the pains of
purgatory. God grant, most blessed Pontiff, especially through thy
prayers and aid, that the intestine storms and havoc of heresy be
quelled, the pride of the Turks laid low, that with all peoples brought
to the light of Catholic faith in this thy age, with thee reigning as
pontiff, be fulfilled to thy supreme praise that prediction of our
Savior: “There shall be one fold and one shepherd” [John x, 16].
Manila 14 Kalends of July, 1580.

The most obedient son of thy Holiness,

    Brother Pablo de Jesus, and all our congregation

BISHOP SALAZAR’S COUNCIL REGARDING SLAVES

    The meeting and resolution held by the bishop in regard to the
    execution of the decree about slaves

Monday, October sixteen of this year one thousand five hundred and
eighty-one, while the most illustrious and reverend Don Fray Domingo de
Salazar, first bishop of these Philipinas Islands, was in the monastery
of St. Augustine in Tondo, he had the very reverend fathers, Fray Pablo
de Jesus, [70] custodian of the Order of St. Francis, Fray Andres de
Aguirre, [71] provincial of the Order of St. Augustine, Father Antonio
Sedeño, [72] rector of the Society of Jesus, Fray Francisco Manrrique,
[73] prior of the monastery of St. Augustine in Manila, Fray Diego de
Muxica, [74] prior of the said convent of Tondo, Father Alonso Sanchez,
[75] of the Society of Jesus, Fray Cristobal de Salvatierra, [76] of
the Order of St. Dominic and the bishop’s associate, Fray Puan de
Plasencia, [77] of the Order of St. Francis, and Fray Alonso de Castro
[78] and Fray Juan Pimentel, of the Order of St. Augustine, [79]
summoned and assembled in the said monastery. He informed them that the
very illustrious Don Gonçalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, his Majesty’s
governor of these said islands had communicated with his Lordship in
regard to the decree concerning the slaves certain methods that he
thought advisable in order that his Majesty’s instructions in regard
to the matter might be carried out with more mildness and less severity
and hardship to the community. Their Lordships having exchanged
opinions regarding the matter, the bishop declared that he thought the
matter one of so great seriousness as it touched so deeply on the life
and conscience that it ought not to be determined without referring it
to the prelates of the orders and the learned and weighty persons of
the orders. For his Majesty had sent him to that land and was
supporting them there for such necessities and cases. After his
Lordship had informed all the abovesaid fathers of the above matter, he
said that he had assembled them in order to lay the following matters
before them.

First: Whether the hardship that it is thought will follow on the part
of those who hold slaves or any other reason that the former can offer
in their behalf will be a sufficient reason so that the governor may in
conscience neglect to publish and execute the said decree.

Second: Whether, after the publication and order to execute [the
decree], he can in conscience neglect the prosecution of its terms and
execution because of the petition that may be presented to his Majesty
in behalf of the masters of the slaves.

Third: Whether, after the said decree has been ordered executed, the
governor can in good conscience assign any limit within which the
masters shall release the slaves and the latter be recognized as free;
or whether the masters be obliged to declare them free immediately.
Inasmuch as the matter is so serious the bishop requested and charged
them to commend it to God, and to consider and confer, and then under
charge of their consciences to declare their opinion with all freedom
and truth. After they had examined and conferred upon the matter among
themselves, they resolved as follows.

In reply to the first point they declared that his Majesty’s decree
is no new law or order, but a declaration of the justice that the
matter of the Indians has of itself, and a reply and resolution of the
petitions and reports that have been made from here. It is the
confirmation of another decree given for the same purpose by the
emperor Carlos Fifth of blessed memory in the former year one thousand
five hundred and thirty. He ordered therein that from the time of its
date and thenceforth all the Indians yet discovered or to be discovered
should not be allowed to become slaves however they might be acquired,
whether in just war, or got or bought from the natives, although they
should be held by the latter as legitimate slaves. Consequently, it is
clear from the above that no fear or suspicion of any inconvenience or
hardship is sufficient for the governor or any other person, on whom
devolves the execution of the decree, to neglect the execution of it,
or to declare the liberty which the Indians possess inherently, and
which his Majesty declares and concedes. On the other hand he who shall
do the contrary, besides the most grave sin that he will commit, will
be obliged to restore immediately to the Indians all the service and
wrongs that they shall have received in their persons, possessions, and
honors. The former governors were in duty bound to have endeavored to
free the slaves, although no new decrees were despatched by his
Majesty, both because of the decree already issued and because of the
manifest injustice that was being practiced toward one whom they were
obliged to protect, defend, and give justice; for his Majesty has sent
the governors to this land for the correction of those and other like
injuries, and thereby relieves his conscience through them. In regard
to what is feared from any troubles, it is not credible that they will
follow to a people so loyal and obedient to their king, because they
are ordered to obey him in a matter so just and so reasonable.

In reply to the second point, they declared that it is clearly inferred
from the answer to the first article that the governor cannot
conscientiously neglect to follow up the liberty of the said Indians,
even though their masters appeal from the decree. For his Majesty has
also been informed of this matter as appears from the old and new
decrees, and from the general custom of all the other Yndias, in all of
which nothing contrary has ever been allowed or any slave permitted.
Hence, it is clear that the present petition is only a means to
postpone and prolong the injustice. The judge on whom this matter
devolves cannot in good conscience neglect to execute the decree and to
further the liberty of the Indians, in spite of any petition or effort
to the contrary.

In reply to the third point, they declared that the freedom of the
Indians could not be deferred as it was a matter of natural and divine
right and clear justice, just as he who has anything belonging to
another is obliged instantly to restore it, as soon as he knows it, and
the judge who tries the case is bound to order the restoration.
However, they thought that if the Indians were declared free
immediately and were set at liberty, the governor could order them not
to leave their masters for a brief time, because of the trouble that
they would suffer if their slaves left them suddenly. When they were
asked how long his Lordship could detain them in the power of their
masters without endangering his conscience, they said that that
depended on the judgment of good and prudent sense. They all thought
that his Lordship might extend the time for them for the space of
twenty or thirty days. Whoever dared to detain them for a longer period
would be committing mortal sin and be obliged to make restitution.

The bishop having examined the opinions of the abovesaid fathers,
declared that after he had left his Lordship he had also considered the
matter very deeply and had conferred upon it with grave and very
erudite persons of conscience. The above opinions and the final
resolution of the fathers seemed to him to be quite in harmony with the
law of God, and with natural, divine, and human law, and to be
established on entire truth and justice. As such he approved and
confirmed those opinions and said that his opinion was the same as
theirs. In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, amen. His
Lordship signed the same and ordered it sealed with his seal. The
others above named, who gave their opinions in the form herein
contained, nemine discrepante, also signed it. Given in the convent of
Tondo, October seventeen, of the above-mentioned year. This opinion was
given to the governor with the signatures of all the religious herein
contained. In testimony thereof, I affixed my signature to it.

    Fray Domingo, bishop of the Filipinas.

ERECTION OF THE MANILA CATHEDRAL [80]

Brother Domingo de Salazar, by the grace of God and of the Apostolic
See bishop of the Philippines, to all the inhabitants thereof, of
either sex, faithful of Christ, health in Him, who is health indeed.

The providence of our Almighty God is such as it always has been and
will be for all time, that as ages roll by He reserves the doing of
certain wonders, whereby those things which happened to early
generations are more readily believed by their posterity, while their
descendants are led through the novelty of those wonders to a knowledge
of Him. Thus wonderful formerly was it that God led the children of
Israel, whom He had brought forth from Egypt, on dry land across the
Red Sea. While after the death of those who had been eyewitnesses of
this marvel it was believed by their children, just as it was believed
that God had the river bed of the Jordan made dry in order that He
might lead them into the Land of Promise. But not to delay in recalling
the marvels that as we read took place in the days of our early
fathers, let us pass to those that are nearer our times. Accordingly,
with the fulfilment of our redemption, our Redeemer being seated at the
right hand of His Father, what could have been greater, more wonderful,
not to say wholly unbelievable, than that a few men, and they of the
lowliest, as we read, should, with no human aid whatever, have
persuaded the men of their days, given over as they were to crimes and
lusts, and all of them thirsty for honors and the minions of riches, to
feel repentance for their sins and contempt for the world, besides
their belief in the Crucified? Yet in view of what we have witnessed
especially in our own days, this wonderful and almost unbelievable fact
ceases to be wonderful, or at the most is easy enough for belief. That
the Roman people proud in their conquests, haughty with their trophies,
and masterful through their spoils of a conquered world, should have
been brought to a belief in Christ, which demands that all these things
be despised, is a marvel that cannot be denied. But what surpassed the
power of Peter in the city of Rome, by whose [shadow] along the way the
ill were made well and set whole on their feet? or what could not Paul
attain at Antioch or Athens, whose girdle put evil spirits to flight?
or, in fine, what were the apostles not enabled to do in the whole
world, who, filled with the Holy Ghost, spoke in the tongues of those
to whom they were preaching the faith, who healed the ailing, and
raised the dead? Yet in the things that we have seen happen in our own
times, still mightier is shown the power of God, and more wonderful His
providence. Who, I ask, unless he wish to keep his eyes closed, but can
in an instant acknowledge that it has been even greater and more
wonderful that barbarous and unbelieving men, given over wholly to
vices of the flesh, sodden with the rites of their forefathers, with
barely other concern than that of bodily sense, should without
miracles, with no display of signs, but only through the preaching of
the word of God, have been converted to faith in Christ and bowed their
necks to the Christian religion, when in their conversion of the
Romans, haughty as these were through their conquests, or the Greeks
filled with their pride of letters, the apostles gave many signs, and
before their very eyes wrought so many and such stupendous miracles,
that for men, through the employment of sense alone, not to be
converted, would have been far stranger than their conversion after
seeing so many marvels.

But I am aware that many of Ours will assert that the heathen of our
time were won over to Christ and His teachings not through persuasion
but compelled thereto by the power of arms. But this very fact which
concerns this question very closely, displays the more marvelous power
of our God and the greater influence of His most holy faith, namely,
that human beings enslaved through force of arms, men dragged into most
pitiable bondage by savage enemies and stripped of their wives, their
offspring, and substance, should yearn to profess faith in that God and
embrace His law from whose followers they have received so many and
such woeful wrongs, and who by their practice belie the faith they have
taught. And what is still further amazing is the fact of their
conversion to this faith by ministers, who neither healed their sick as
Peter, nor raised their dead as did the apostles, nor spake with
tongues, but who without miracles of any kind, without any signs
whatever, save the preaching of the word of God, led them to embrace
the faith. Nay, what is even more wonderful, they were converted by
ministers who, though many of them were of unsullied life, and deeply
skilled in letters, yet (there is the fact, which, however, we wish not
to record as censure of any special individual but for the glory of God
and as signal proof of the power of faith), some of them were men utter
strangers to learning, and (what is more shameful) with but little
restraint on their lusts and vices. So great, however, was the
influence and power of faith whereby, through the medium of such
ministers, who portrayed its virtue by their preaching, so many
thousands of barbarians were brought to the bosom of holy Mother
Church, their number too still daily increasing more and more, that we
may recognize that the grandeur of the work is of God.

Thus, as one may see, this plain preaching of the word of God won over
for Christ and His church a new world, as it is styled, mightier than
the old. For that so great and marvelous work, the benignity of our
God, whose providence in human affairs is never wanting, received our
most glorious rulers of the Spains, the Catholic Sovereigns, at the
bidding of the holy Catholic Church, so that what He foresaw should be
lacking to preachers, might be supplied by those most powerful and most
Christian kings—a thing which was manifestly proved by the result.
For with such eagerness, such zeal for the spread of the faith and the
Christian religion did the sovereigns themselves welcome the task and
ministry thus entrusted to them by the Roman Church, that begrudging no
expense, undaunted by toils or dangers, moved neither by losses nor
hardships, they at no time set any bounds to their venture. Nay, with
no concern for these or other like drawbacks, they labor for this sole
end that by the inhabitants of the new world the Lord Christ might be
acknowledged, welcomed, and adored. Hence at the bidding and expense of
our kings have so many preachers of the mendicant orders and secular
clergy been enlisted to scour this new world and lead barbarous men to
the worship of the true God. Hence so many Spanish warriors [have been
enlisted] to guard these preachers from receiving harm from the
barbaric cruelty of infidels. Hence, in fine, so many metropolitan, so
many minor cathedral churches, have been erected, and sees established,
whereby the hierarchical order as maintained by the Roman Church, might
be upheld, and the budding colonies planted in the garden of the Church
bring forth fruit of their conversion. Moreover, in order that nothing
might be lacking to our most Christian king Philip, in his endeavor to
set further forward the bounds of the Roman Church, as he knew had been
the practice of his forefathers, from whom he had inherited zeal for
the faith and the Christian religion, as well as kingdoms without
bound, under his auspices were discovered the isles of the west called
the Philippines after his name, which besides being innumerable, abound
in worshipers without number, to whom at the behest of the Catholic
king, and not without great loss to his treasury, and many hardships
and dangers to his soldiers, the truth of the Gospel has been
announced, and hearkened to by no petty number, which daily even grows
greater, so that one may see fulfilled the prophecy of Isaias, wherein
he says: “The islands saw it, and feared, the ends of the earth were
astonished, they drew near, and came;” and again: “Thy sons shall
come from afar.... Then shalt thou see, and abound, and thy heart shall
wonder and be enlarged, when the multitude of the sea shall be
converted to thee;” and in another place: “Enlarge the place of thy
tent, and stretch out the skins of thy tabernacles, ... lengthen thy
cords, and strengthen thy stakes;” [81] to the end that as he forsaw
the Church might harbor so mighty a multitude as would be converted to
it images to come.

Such is the glory of the sovereigns of the Spains, which no other of
the rulers of the world has ever won. To whom else than the sovereigns
of the Spains, I ask, has it been given, along with the domain of the
world, to perform an angel’s task, and to wear as king a diadem that
has been adorned with the charge, ennobled with the dignity, and
accompanied with the authority of an apostle? Should one view the
temporal power of our sovereigns he will observe that they hold the
kingdoms of Castile, Leon, and Bœtia [i.e., Andalusia] by hereditary
right; those of Aragon, Flanders, Austria by the right of succession;
and those of Sicily and Naples by the right of war. But as to the other
kingdoms and provinces whereof the number is so great that one could
never count them, these they hold through the free will of God and from
the grant of holy Roman Church.

For should you travel from the land styled Labrador, [in the MS.:
“terra quæ laboris”], which faces the north, through the land of
Florida, New Spain, Tierra Firma, to the river Orellana [i.e., Amazon],
and thence towards the south to the Straits of Magellan, then through
the region of Chile and the kingdoms of Peru, how many thousands of
leagues would you not have to cover, and of how many races of men would
you not have to study diverse customs, besides languages beyond count?
Moreover should you embrace the countries, which, hitherto the property
of the kings of Lusitania [i.e., Portugal], now by right of succession
have fallen to the crown of Castile (to our invincible monarch Philip)
you would style king Philip master of the world rather than by any
other title. For if, after his victory over Darius and certain other
kings of Asia, Alexander of Macedon claimed to be master of the world;
if the Romans who however planted not their banners on the farthest
shores of Europe, or Africa, nor could subdue the whole of Asia, albeit
they too styled themselves conquerors and masters of the world: by how
much stronger right may not the kings of Spain be entitled, as in fact
they are, the masters of the world, when under their rule and sway have
fallen kingdoms without number, of boundless extent, whose very names
were unknown to Alexander or to Roman ear. Lest however our words bear
us farther away from our purpose, return we thither.

Accordingly, to the end that, as was befitting the grandeur of his
zeal, he might act in full correspondence with so excellent and divine
a charge—the conversion of peoples—which through his forefathers he
had received from God and Church, our most Christian and truly pious
and Catholic king Philip, in order that thence the light of the Gospel
might spread to foreign lands, choose therefore of all the Philippine
Islands, Luzon, which besides being nearer to the most mighty kingdom
of the “Sinorum,” commonly styled China, is nearer also to the
Japanese, the Moluccas, Burneo, and the Javas, greater and lesser,
besides other well-known islands. Wherefore, the aforesaid Catholic
sovereign obtained from our most holy master Gregory Thirteenth the
erection in the city of Manila, which is situated midway in the most
approachable part of that island, of a cathedral church [dedicated] to
the immaculate conception of the virgin, to which under one Catholic
prelate holding communion with holy Roman Church, all the other
Philippine Islands should be subject by diocesan law, and be governed
therefrom; who, moreover, in the said cathedral church was to
establish, erect, and create prebends, dignities, canonries, as well as
other church offices, and in the lesser churches, benefices, besides
all other things that appertain to the divine worship of God: to this
end that in these countries as elsewhere under obedience to the holy
Roman Church the order of the hierarchy (as said) should be established
and maintained. In furtherance of this design our said most holy master
at the instance of the most Christian king Philip, chose and named me
(a useless servant and one of the lowliest in the Order of Preachers),
as is more fully displayed in the letters of our same most holy master,
which with due reverence and loyalty we received at Madrid from the
official of the king—the same having been written after Roman style
on parchment with the apostolic seal in lead pendent therefrom on
silken cords of red and yellow color [whereof all were] whole, entire,
uninjured, not in any way giving rise to suspicion, but wholly
faultless and without flaw. Whereof here follows a literal copy.

Gregory Bishop, servant of the servants of God. In remembrance of the
affair forever.

Trusting in the guardianship of Him, whose are the hinges of the earth,
etc.

Accordingly, we, Brother Domingo de Salazar, the aforesaid bishop and
commissary, as appears from the aforesaid apostolic letters, desirous
as a true and obedient son to carry out fully with diligence (as we are
bound) the apostolic commands entrusted to us, do accept reverently the
said commission, and through the same apostolic authority wherewith in
this regard we are empowered, do, through tenor of these presents,
erect, create, and establish as cathedral church, the church of the
city of Manila, situated on the aforesaid island of Luzon, formerly
honored under the name of [blessed?] Peter Apostle, to the honor of
Almighty God and our Lord Jesus Christ, as well as of His most blessed
Mother Mary, under the title of whose conception the cathedral was
erected by the said our most holy master. Moreover, while decreeing and
declaring the church thus erected, created, and established, we
establish and create its dignities, prebends, canonries, along with the
portiones [82] and other offices and charges that are needed by the
same church for divine worship, in the following manner:

The dean, who in the Church ranks first after the bishop, has as his
duty the provision of whatsoever appertains to the divine office and
all other matters that regard the worship of God, both in choir as well
as at the altar, or in processions in church or outdoors, in chapter,
or wherever else church or chapter meetings be held, to the end that
all be done in silence, with due decency and modesty, according to
ritual and rightly. To the dean also it shall appertain, should any one
for reasons wish to leave choir, to give him leave after he has stated
his reasons and not otherwise.

The archdeacon of the same city, whose duty it shall be to examine
clerics for orders; attend the bishop at all solemn functions; visit
the city and diocese whenever so charged by the prelate; and anything
else ordained by common law. He shall be a graduate of some university,
a licentiate at least in one or the other law or in theology.

The chanter, for which post none may be presented unless he be learned
and skilled in music at least in plain song. It shall be his business
to sing and teach whatever chant requires. In choir or anywhere else he
shall of himself and not by proxy lead [the singers], and correct and
amend them.

The schoolmaster, for which post no one shall be presented who is not a
graduate of some general university, a bachelor in one or the other
law, or a court practitioner [in the MS.: “aut martibus”]. Either
of himself or by proxy he shall teach the clerics, the church servants,
and all the diocesans who wish to learn grammar.

The treasurer, whose duty it is to close and to open the church, ring
the bells, guard all church utensils, look after the lamps, and lights,
take care of the incense, candles, bread, wine, and whatever else is
needed for church celebrations, besides giving account whenever so
ordered by chapter of the Church revenues. Then ten canonries and
prebends, which besides decreeing their utter separation from the above
dignities, we ordain shall never be held along with any dignity.
Moreover, to the said canonries and prebends no one may be presented
who has not also been promoted to the holy order of priesthood. Each
canon besides shall celebrate mass daily, except on feasts of double
rite, [83] when the prelate, or if he be hindered, some one of the
dignitaries shall celebrate.

Moreover, as decreed by the holy Council of Trent, we ordain that,
whenever feasible, all dignities and a moiety at least of the canonries
in our cathedral church shall be conferred only on masters or doctors,
or at least on licentiates in theology or canon law.

Besides we establish six whole portiones and as many half ones. Whoever
is up for presentation for the said whole portiones, must have
deacon’s holy orders, which he is to exercise daily at the altar,
apart from his having to chant the Passions [84] [in Holy Week]. While
he who is to be presented for the half portiones, besides being in
subdeacon’s holy [orders] must chant the Epistles at mass, and the
Prophecies, Lamentations, and Lessons in choir.

Again we wish and decree that in chapter these portionarii, providing
they be in holy orders, and not otherwise, be entitled to vote with the
dignitaries and canons in spiritual affairs as well as temporal, but
not at elections or other cases reserved by law to dignitaries and
canons exclusively.

We also wish and ordain that to the said dignities, canonries, and
whole portiones as well as halves, or to any other benefice of our
whole diocese, no one be presented who by reason of any order,
privilege, or office is exempt from our jurisdiction. And should any
one thus exempt happen to be presented or installed, such presentation
or installation is to be held as null and void in law.

And, whereas the naming of rectors to whom is to be entrusted the care
of souls is of no slight moment, nay, one rather that bespeaks even
greater and more watchful care on our part, hence do we ordain that
whatever rectors we or our successors choose in our cathedral, as well
as in all parish churches of this our see, whether now erected, or to
be erected hereafter, just so many according to our judgment shall have
been needed for service. Their business is to celebrate mass according
to ritual and rightly; to confess the faithful entrusted to their care
and administer to them carefully and solicitously, by the other
sacraments; besides they are to fulfil and carry out all other duties
as such rectors are wont and bound to do. Whereof all and singular are
to be appointed by us, or our successors for the time being, and to be
removable at will.

Then six acolytes, who by our orders, are daily by turns to exercise
their office of acolyte in the ministry at the altar.

Besides these also six chaplains whereof, at both night and day offices
as well as at mass solemnities, one shall be personally present at the
faldstool in choir, and moreover, unless rightly hindered by illness or
impediment, shall celebrate monthly twenty masses.

The election or provision of the said acolytes and chaplains we decree
shall belong to us and our successors together with our chapter. We
wish, moreover, that the said chaplains, who are to be elected for the
time being, belong not to the bishop’s retinue, nor to that of any of
the said capitulars, even merely at the time of their appointment.

The duty however of sacristan is to do those things that appertain to
the treasurer’s duty, in the latter’s presence however and by his
commission; but in his absence by direction of the chapter.

The duty of organist is to play on feast days and at other times at the
direction of the chapter.

The duty of the beadle is to lead in processions, and go ahead of the
prelate, priest, deacon, subdeacon, and other ministers of the altar,
on their way from choir to sacristy or altar, or on their return from
altar to sacristy.

The duty of the econome, or procurator of the church building and
hospital, is to oversee the architects, carpenters, and other workmen
charged with the erection of churches. Either of himself or by agents
he shall collect and pay out the yearly revenues and incomes with
whatever other emoluments and obventions in any manner belong to the
said building and hospital, besides giving yearly to the bishop and
chapter, or the officials thus deputed by the same, an account of his
receipts and payments. He shall be appointed as well as removed at
their pleasure; but is not to be entrusted with administration without
first giving proper security.

The duty, moreover, of the chancellor or notary of the church chapter
is to note, copy, and guard all contracts whatever made between the
church, bishop and chapter and church or churches erected or to be
erected hereafter; to distribute to beneficiaries their share of the
revenues; and to keep and receive accounts.

The duty of the dog catcher [Canicularii] is to keep dogs away from the
church on all Saturdays and the vigils of whatever feasts have vigils,
and otherwise to clean the church wherever and whenever so bid by the
treasurer.

But inasmuch as for the present, the fruits, revenues, and incomes do
not support, nor are sufficient for the support of so many dignities
and prebends as have been enumerated and established by us in the
present erection, by the same apostolic authority, we decree and
declare that all the aforesaid five dignities, ten canonries, and six
whole and six half portiones, have been declared and newly established
and created for the service of our cathedral church to the end that
they need no establishment and creation hereafter, but are now as then
created and established. And thus do we mean it to be.

Moreover, we wish and declare that inasmuch as the said fruits and
revenues do not suffice for the support of so many ministers as have
been established by us in the present erection, we, or our successors,
may suppress as many of the dignities, canonries, and whole or half
portiones as the necessity of the times may seem to require, until such
fruits as derived from royal grant or donation, or from the payment of
tithes, prove sufficient for the proper and decent support of the
ministers so named and deputed for church service, to the end that
ecclesiastical dignity be not debased through a multitude of servers
having but a meager stipend. However at whatsoever time or in
whatsoever manner it may seem proper in our opinion, we, or our
successors, may make suitable provision therefor, since thus have we
been empowered. But after the said number of dignities, canonries, and
whole and half portiones has been filled by our nomination and
election, or that of our successors, by the same authority, we reserve
the nomination and presentation to all the said prebends whenever in
the future any fall vacant, to the Catholic Majesty of our sovereigns,
as provided by law and apostolic authority.

And inasmuch as, according to the apostle, whoso serves the altar is
entitled to support from the altar, [85] [we ordain] that to all and
singular the dignities, persons, and canons, prebendaries, and whole
and half portionarii, chaplains, petty clerics or acolytes, and other
offices with their officials, [shall be apportioned] according to the
enumeration above set forth, all and singular the fruits, revenues and
incomes deriving from royal donation as well as from right of tithes,
or otherwise in any manner whatsoever appertaining to them, either now
or in the future, as now is provided by written order [ut licet ordine
literario] to the dean, archdeacon, chanter, schoolmaster, treasurer,
and canons, as well as to the [whole] and half portiones, and all
others above noted and named, in the following manner:

To the dean, namely, one hundred and fifty libras [literally
“pounds”] pesos de Tepuz[que], as commonly styled in these
countries, whereof each is worth eight silver reals of Castilian money.

To the archdeacon, one hundred and thirty; to each of the dignities, as
many; to each of the canons, one hundred; to each of the portionarii,
seventy; to the halves, thirty-five; to each of the chaplains, twenty;
to each acolyte, twelve; to the organist, sixteen; to the notary, as
many; to the beadle, as many; to the econome, however, fifty; to the
dogcatcher, verily twelve libras of gold of the above value. Thus do we
now and henceforth, in accordance as said with the written order, apply
and assign the fruits, revenues, and perquisites as soon as the
increase thereof shall warrant.

And inasmuch as said we wish the benefice to be for duty fulfilled, we
strictly order and command, in virtue of holy obedience, that the said
stipends be daily distributions [to be] assigned [and] distributed
daily among those taking part in both each night and day hour on
account of their fulfilment of the said duties. Accordingly, no one
from dean to acolyte inclusively, who has been absent from any
[recitation of] hour in choir, shall receive the stipend or
distribution for that hour; and any official who has failed to exercise
or fulfil his duty, shall similarly be mulcted each time in so much of
his salary as would correspond to the distributions withheld from
absentees, the same to be divided among those who are present.

We wish also, and under the same authority ordain, that all and
singular the dignities, canons, and portionarii of our said cathedral
church be held to residence and service for nine continuous or
interrupted months. Otherwise, we or our successors for the time being,
or sede vacante, [86] the chapter, shall be bound, the delinquent first
having been summoned and heard (should he not have or allege a just and
reasonable cause), to pronounce the said dignity [personatum], canonry,
or portio, vacant, regard being had, should he be a capitular, to the
Council of Trent; and, moreover, to provide a fit incumbent for that
canonry, or that dignity, for presentation to his Catholic Majesty or
his successors in the Spanish kingdoms only. A just cause herein for
absence we define to be illness, provided, however, the ill beneficiary
stay in the city, or the suburbs of the city; or should he have
incurred illness, outside the city, when returning or preparing to
return thither; provided, however, he can show by legal proofs that he
was absent with leave of the bishop or of the chapter, and for the sake
or advantage of the Church. Accordingly, let both [87] these be
concurrent in his absence.

Moreover, we wish and by apostolic authority establish, decree, and
command, that the fruits, revenues, and income of all tithes both of
the cathedral and of other churches of the said city and diocese be
divided into four equal parts, whereof one shall belong to us and the
bishops our successors, for all times forever, for the maintenance of
the episcopal dignity; and in order that with greater decency, and in
view of the exigencies of the pontifical office, we may be enabled to
maintain our rank, we are to receive this without any decrease for our
episcopal revenues. To the deans, the chapter, and the other ministers
of the church as above we assign another fourth part, to be divided
among them in the manner set forth previously. The other two fourths we
decree shall be again divided into nine parts, whereof we apply two to
his royal Majesty to be presented to him in all times to come forever,
in token of his suzerainty and right of patronage, as well as of his
conquest of these kingdoms. The remaining seven parts of all tithes
whatsoever, we require shall be divided into two, whereof four of the
said seven we assign to the parish priests of our cathedral church as
chapter table so that the church be better administered; of these four
parts, we and our successors assign to each rector sixty pesos (as
commonly styled). To the sacristan, however, [we assign] forty, the
rectors to have all the first fruits excepting an eighth part thereof
which we assign to the sacristan. Moreover, to the end that they may be
more easily found, whenever the sacraments are to be conferred and
other church duties attended to, the same rectors shall daily be
present at the chief mass and evening hours only in choir; and until
such time as the fruits shall have increased [a stipend] from the said
four parts shall be given to the acolytes, organist, and beadle; while
should anything remain over it is to go to the chapter table.

In each of the parish churches of the said city as well as of our whole
diocese, we apply as benefices to be erected and created in each of the
said churches the said four parts of the said seven. We declare,
moreover, that in similar manner the eighth part of the said four parts
applied for benefices, is to be given to the sacristan of each parish
church of our said city and diocese.

Moreover we wish and ordain that, our cathedral church being excepted
in all the parish churches of our said city and diocese, as soon as
they can conveniently be erected, as many simple benefices be created
and established as [may be warranted] by the amount of the revenues of
the said four parts thus applied to these benefices. A suitable and
decent support, however, is to be assigned to the clerics to whom
benefices should be given. Accordingly, the number of the said
benefices has not been determined, but as soon as the fruits increase
in these churches, let the number of ministers also increase. And
whenever, for any reason, it happens that the said simple benefices of
service, which for the time being, as said, may be created in the said
churches, fall vacant, we wish provision to be made, and therefore
decree, that, after [due] competition and examination, the said
benefices are to be conferred only on the children, the patrimonial
descendants, of the settlers who come thither from Spain to the said
province, or who hereafter may come thither for the sake of becoming
residents. This shall be done until such time in the future, when we,
or our successors, shall have seen and recognized that the Christianity
and capacity of the Indians is such that the said benefices may be
conferred on them. Then they shall and must be conferred on the Indian
natives also in accordance with the aforesaid form. Moreover, we wish
and by apostolic authority decree and declare that, after the said
benefices in the parish churches of this city as well as in the
churches of our whole diocese have once been erected and created by us
or our successors for the first time, the collation of the same
benefices on the patrimonial children, according to their number or
capacity, or on others in default of patrimonials, is to be made by
presentation to the said Catholic sovereigns or their vicegerents and
not otherwise, as provided by law and apostolic authority.

But since principally and chiefly the care of souls of the said city
[and] of our whole diocese is incumbent on us and our future
successors, as being those who, according to the apostolic saying, are
to render an account thereof on the day of Judgment, by our aforesaid
authority and tenor we wish and ordain that in our cathedral church,
and in all the parish churches of the said city and of our diocese, we,
and the prelates for the time being, commend and enjoin the care of
souls, according to our free choice, on any beneficiary or
beneficiaries of the churches themselves, or on anyone else even a
non-beneficiary for the time being, and under such form as shall seem
to us best to ensure the care of the said souls; moreover, recognizing
that we, and all our successors, shall be at the Divine Judgment, we
exhort and require them in this commission of souls to have no respect
of persons, but to regard solely the advantage and safety of the souls
entrusted to them by God. And to the end that whoso undertakes the
aforesaid care of souls, receive also some temporal gain, to each one
of them we assign all the first fruits of that parish, whereof he has
undertaken the care of souls, a portion, however, as above designated
to be given to the sacristan.

Moreover, we wish and ordain that the appointment and removal of the
sacristans of all the churches of our diocese be always at the will and
discretion of ourselves and our successors for the time being, together
with the readjustment of their salary, whenever the said eighth part,
which as provided should be paid them, amounts to a large sum, in which
case whatever amount shall have been withdrawn from the said eighth
part by us or our successors is to be set aside for the maintenance
fund of the church itself, or some increase of divine worship, and for
no other use.

Likewise the three remaining parts of the said seven are to be divided
into two equal parts, whereof we freely assign one, namely, one-half of
the said three parts, to the church maintenance fund of each of the
above towns [i.e., towns in the diocese where churches may be
established]; the remaining part, however, namely, the other half of
the said three parts, we assign to the hospitals of each town, from
which half or part so applied the said hospitals are to pay a tenth to
the principal hospital standing in the place where the cathedral church
shall be. But inasmuch as at present no hospitals have been founded in
the towns of our diocese, nor does the necessity of the poor require
any, as moreover in this city the sick poor are cared for in the royal
hospital, we ordain that the revenue due the hospitals from the said
half of the three parts go by right to the seminary, or college, for
the support therein of poor students, wherein, according to the decree
of the holy Council [of Trent] ministers are trained and taught in
order that later on they may serve divine worship and the dioceses of
our Church more worthily. And this is to hold until, on account of
exigencies of place and time, some other arrangement be made by the
aforesaid Catholic Majesty, or ourselves, or our successors.

Likewise, by the same authority, we assign to the maintenance fund of
our said church of most holy Mary, all and singular the tithes of one
parishioner of the same church and of all other churches of the whole
city and diocese, provided, however, that the said parishioner be not
the first [in rank] or the elder, or wealthier member of our cathedral
church and the other churches of our said diocese, but the second after
the first.

Moreover we wish and ordain that, in our said cathedral church, besides
feast days, whereon only one mass is said solemnly, daily two masses be
celebrated at the hour of tierce [hora tertiarum], whereof on the first
Friday of each month one [mass] (the first) shall be an anniversary for
the sovereigns of Spain, past, present, and to come. On Saturdays,
however, the said mass shall be celebrated in honor of the glorious
Virgin, for the safety and health of the said sovereigns respectively.
On the first Monday of each month the same mass shall be celebrated
solemnly for all the souls dwelling in purgatory. On other days,
however, the said first mass may be celebrated according to the wish
and intention of any one wishing to endow it, and the said bishops and
chapter may receive for the celebration of the same mass any endowment
offered them by any person whatsoever. The second mass, however,
celebrated at the hour of tierce, according to the fashion of the Roman
Church, is to be of the feast of the feria [88] that whoever celebrates
the chief mass besides the usual share [distributionem] assigned, or to
be assigned, to all taking part in that mass, gains a threefold stipend
more than by celebrating at any other hour; the deacon also is to
receive a double stipend; and the subdeacon a single. And whoever shall
not have been present at the chief mass, is not to gain the tertia and
sexta [89] of that day, unless he have been away for reasonable and
just cause, and with leave of the dean, or whoever presided in choir at
the time; and herein we charge the conscience both of him who seeks
leave [to be away] and of him who grants it. And whoso likewise has
been present at matins and lauds shall gain a stipend threefold greater
than at any other hour of the day, besides the stipend for prime, even
though he were not present at it. We wish also, and by the aforesaid
authority decree that whoever was absent [from choir] at the first
vespers, or procession, or the chief mass of any feast of first class,
or was absent from the matins of Christmas or Easter, shall lose the
whole stipend of that day, even though he were present at the other
hours. Moreover, we ordain that chapter be held twice a week, namely,
on the third feria and the sixth; that on the third feria current
business matters be treated therein; while on the sixth feria nothing
else be treated of than the correction and emendation of faults
[morum], and of whatever appertains to the due celebration of divine
worship and the safeguarding of the decorum of clerics in and through
all things both in Church and outside. On all other days chapter is
forbidden, unless a case of emergency should warrant it. But hereby we
wish not that the jurisdiction of ourselves or our successors relative
to the correction and punishment of the said canons and of other
persons of our cathedral church should in any way be hampered. On the
contrary, in accordance with the chapter rules of the decree of the
Council of Trent, we reserve all jurisdiction, correction, and
punishment whatsoever of the said persons to ourselves and our
successors.

Likewise, by the same authority, we resolve and ordain that, in order
that any cleric of our said church and diocese having first tonsure
enjoy [his] privilege, he must carry the clerical tonsure [90] of the
size of one silver real [regalis] of the usual money of Spain; his hair
at the back of the head shall he wear clipped with scissors [scisirra]
only for two fingers’ breadth below the ears; he shall go decently
appareled, namely, with a cloak, or mantilla, or robe, commonly styled
loba, or a closed or open mantle reaching to the ground, not however of
red or yellow, but of some quiet color, which is to be used not only
for the outside clothing, but for the inner also.

Moreover, we determine and ordain that in choir, at the altar, in
processions, and on all other occasions relating to divine and church
worship, the ritual and ordo [91] to be used in our cathedral and in
all the parish churches of our diocese is to be the one held and
followed by holy Roman Church. And, by the same authority, we declare
and decree that, in the interest of good government and the adornment
of our cathedral and parish churches, we and our successors are
empowered and enabled freely and lawfully to employ and transplant the
praiseworthy and approved uses, fashions, and customs of other
churches, the Mexican especially, to which we and our church are
subject by metropolitan law.

Moreover, the divine office, of both daytime and night, at mass, as
well as in the hours in choir and outside must always follow the custom
and use of the Roman Church.

Moreover all the households, inhabitants, settlers, and residents,
inside the aforesaid city as well as in the suburbs thereof, at the
present time or hereafter inhabitants or dwellers therein, we depute
and assign as parishioners of our same cathedral church, which we have
erected forever in honor of the most blessed Virgin, until such time as
a division of parishes may conveniently be made by us or our
successors; and to it by parish law all the aforesaid shall pay their
tithes and first fruits and make their offerings, and from the rector
or rectors of the same church they shall all of them receive all the
sacraments.

While, moreover, to the same rector or rectors, we grant and bestow the
power of conferring the aforesaid sacraments to their said
parishioners, to the parishioners themselves, we likewise give leave to