that where is the English Minister, or Member of Parliament, that
dares vote for the concession to them? The pretensions of France I
believe would be so moderate, that possibly they might be acceded to.
But it is much to be feared, that Spain, who deserves the least, will
demand the most; in short, the work of peace appears so impracticable
and chimerical, that I am happy in being restrained to this country,
by my duty, and by this means excused from troubling my head much
about it.

I have a letter from America, that informed me, that Mr Jay had
refused to act in the commission for peace; but if he is on the way to
Paris, as you suppose, I presume my information must be a mistake,
which I am very glad of. Mr Laurens did me the honor of a very short
visit, in his way to France, but I was very sorry to learn from him,
that in a letter to your Excellency from Ostend, he had declined
serving in the commission for peace. I had vast pleasure in his
conversation, for I found him possessed of the most exact judgment
concerning our enemies, and of the same noble sentiments in all
things, which I saw in him in Congress.

What is the system of Russia? Does she suppose, that England has too
many enemies upon her, and that their demands and pretensions are too
high? Does she seek to embroil affairs, and to light up a general war
in Europe? Is Denmark in concert with her, or any other power? Her
conduct is a phenomenon. Is there any secret negotiation or intrigue
on foot to form a party for England among the powers of Europe, and to
make a balance against the power of the enemies of England?

The States of Holland and several other provinces have taken a
resolution against the mediation for a separate peace; and this nation
seems to be well fixed in its system, and in the common cause.

My best respects and affections to my old friend, Mr Jay, if you
please. I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient and most
humble servant,

  JOHN ADAMS.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Philadelphia, June 23d, 1782.

  Dear Sir,

This will be sent with duplicates of some of my former letters to the
southward, to embrace the first opportunity, that shall offer from
thence. By so uncertain a conveyance you can expect nothing. Nor
indeed does our present situation furnish anything, that calls for
your immediate attention, unless it be the unanimity with which the
people of all ranks agree in determining to listen to no proposals
from England, which have not the alliance with France for their basis.
Perhaps the joy they have discovered, in celebrating the birth of the
Dauphin, will be considered as a proof of their sincere attachment to
the present illustrious monarch of France and his family.

Leslie has endeavored to bring General Greene to agree to a suspension
of arms for the Southern Department, which he has very prudently
refused.

Nothing has yet been determined, or rather executed, with respect to
Captain Asgill. The enemy are holding a Court Martial on Lippincott,
the executioner of Captain Huddy; on their decision the life of
Captain Asgill will depend. Such is the melancholy necessity, which
the cruelty of the enemy has imposed.

You enclosed a letter from the Count de Vergennes, on the subject of
the pension due M. Tousard. Congress are too sensible of that
gentleman's merit to deprive him of it. But as it is necessary, that
everything of this kind be transacted at one office, it is proper that
he direct some person as his agent to apply to the Treasury office
here, and produce your certificate of the time to which the last
payment was made, or at least transmit a statement of his account, on
which the balance will be paid, and his pension regularly settled with
his attorney in future.

The case of the brigantine Ernten has been decided upon in the
inferior courts, and in the Court of Appeals. The latter have been
prevailed upon at my request to give a rehearing, which is not yet
determined. Should its determination be against the vessel or cargo,
on a conviction, that she was British property, Congress will not
choose to interfere in the execution of the sentence, which the court
they have instituted is competent to award.

I could wish to know from you what allowance you make to your private
Secretary, and to have an accurate estimate of those contingent
expenses of your office, which you think ought to be charged as
distinct from your salary.

I enclose a copy of a letter from Mr Deane to Governor Trumbull, with
his answer, which you will please to forward. A copy of the answer is
also enclosed.

  I have the honor to be, &c.

  ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

  Passy, June 25th, 1782.

  Sir,

I have received your respective letters of January 26th and February
13th. The first was accompanied with a form of a convention for the
establishment of consuls. Mr Barclay having been detained these six
months in Holland, though in continual expectation of returning
hither, I have yet done nothing in that business, thinking his
presence might be of use in settling it. As soon as he arrives I shall
move the completion of it.

The second enforces some resolutions of Congress, sent me with it,
respecting a loan of 12,000,000 of livres, to be demanded of France
for the current year. I had already received the promise of six
millions, together with the clearest and most positive assurances,
that it was all the King could spare to us, that we must not expect
more, that if drafts and demands came upon me beyond that sum, it
behoved me to take care how I accepted them, or where I should find
funds for the payment, since I could certainly not be further assisted
out of the royal treasury. Under this declaration, with what face
could I ask for another six millions? It would be saying, you are not
to be believed, you can spare more; you are able to lend me twice the
sum if you were but willing. If you read my letter to Mr Morris of
this date, I think you will be convinced how improper any language,
capable of such a construction, would be to such a friend. I hope,
however, that the loan Mr Adams has opened in Holland for three
millions of florins, which it is said is likely to succeed, will
supply the deficiency.

By the newspapers I have sent you will see, that the general
disposition of the British nation towards us had been changed. Two
persons have been sent here by the new ministers, to propose treating
for peace. They had at first some hopes of getting the belligerent
powers to treat separately, one after another, but finding that
impracticable, they have, after several messengers sent to and fro,
come to a resolution of treating with all together for a general
peace, and have agreed, that the place shall be Paris. Mr Grenville is
now here with full powers for that purpose, (if they can be reckoned
full with regard to America, till a certain act is completed for
enabling his Majesty to treat, &c, which has gone through the Commons,
and has been once read in the House of Lords.) I keep a very
particular journal of what passes every day in the affair, which is
transcribing to be sent to you. I shall, therefore, need to say no
more about it in this letter, except, that though I still think they
were sincere at first in their desire of peace, yet since their
success in the West Indies, I imagine, that I see marks of their
desiring rather to draw the negotiations into length, that they may
take the chance of what the campaign shall produce in their favor, and
as there are so many interests to adjust, if will be prudent for us to
suppose, that even another campaign may pass before all can be
agreed. Something too may happen to break off the negotiations, and we
should be prepared for the worst.

I hoped for the assistance of Mr Adams and Mr Laurens. The first is
too much engaged in Holland to come hither, and the other declines
serving; but I have now the satisfaction of being joined by Mr Jay,
who happily arrived here from Madrid last Sunday. The Marquis de
Lafayette is of great use in our affairs here, and as the campaign is
not likely to be very active in North America, I wish I may be able to
prevail with him to stay a few weeks longer. By him you will receive
the journal abovementioned, which is already pretty voluminous, and
yet the negotiations cannot be said to be opened.

Ireland you will see has obtained all her demands triumphantly. I meet
no one from that country, who does not express some obligations to
America for their success.

Before I received your just observations on the subject, I had
obtained from the English Ministers a resolution to exchange all our
prisoners. They thought themselves obliged to have an act of
Parliament about it for authorising the King to do it, this war being
different from others, as made by an act of Parliament declaring us
rebels, and our people being committed for high treason. I empowered
Mr Hodgson, who was chairman of the committee, that collected and
dispensed the charitable subscriptions for the American prisoners, to
treat and conclude on the terms of their discharge, and having
approved of the draft he sent me of the agreement, I hope Congress
will see fit to order a punctual execution of it. I have long suffered
with those poor brave men, who with so much public virtue have endured
four or five years hard imprisonment, rather than serve against their
country. I have done all I could afford towards making their
situation more comfortable; but their numbers were so great, that I
could do but little for each, and that very great villain, Digges,
defrauded them of between three and four hundred pounds, which he drew
from me on their account. He lately wrote me a letter, in which he
pretended he was coming to settle with me, and to convince me, that I
had been mistaken with regard to his conduct; but he never appeared,
and I hear he is gone to America. Beware of him, for he is very
artful, and has cheated many. I hear every day of new rogueries
committed by him in England.

The Ambassador from Sweden to this Court applied to me lately to know,
if I had powers that would authorise my making a treaty with his
master in behalf of the United States. Recollecting a general power,
that was formerly given to me with the other Commissioners, I answered
in the affirmative. He seemed much pleased, and said the King had
directed him to ask the question, and charged him to tell me that he
had so great esteem for me, that it would be a particular satisfaction
to him to have such a transaction with me. I have perhaps some vanity
in repeating this; but I think too, that it is right that Congress
should know it, and judge if any use may be made of the reputation of
a citizen for the public service. In case it should be thought fit to
employ me in that business, it will be well to send a more particular
power, and proper instructions. The Ambassador added, that it was a
pleasure to him to think, and he hoped it would be remembered, that
Sweden was the first power in Europe, which had voluntarily offered
its friendship to the United States without being solicited. This
affair should be talked of as little as possible till completed.

I enclose another complaint from Denmark, which I request you will lay
before Congress. I am continually pestered with complaints from French
seamen, who were with Captain Cunningham in his first cruise from
Dunkirk; from others who were in the Lexington, the Alliance, &c.
being put on board prizes that were retaken, were never afterwards
able to join their respective ships, and so have been deprived of the
wages, &c. due to them. It is for our national honor, that justice
should be done them if possible; and I wish you to procure an order of
Congress for inquiring into their demands, and satisfying such as
shall be found just. It may be addressed to the Consul.

I enclose a note from M. de Vergennes to me, accompanied by a memoir
relating to a Swiss, who died at Edenton. If you can procure the
information desired, it will much oblige the French Ambassador in
Switzerland.

I have made the addition you directed to the cypher. I rather prefer
the old one of Dumas, perhaps because I am more used to it. I enclose
several letters from that ancient and worthy friend of our country. He
is now employed as secretary to Mr Adams, and I must, from a long
experience of his zeal and usefulness, beg leave to recommend him
warmly to the consideration of Congress, with regard to his
appointments, which have never been equal to his merit. As Mr Adams
writes me the good news, that he shall no longer be obliged to draw on
me for his salary, I suppose it will be proper to direct his paying
that which shall be allowed to M. Dumas.

Be pleased to present my duty to the Congress, and believe me to be,
with great esteem and regard,

  B. FRANKLIN.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

  Passy, June 29th, 1782.

  Sir,

In mine of the 25th instant, I omitted mentioning, that at the
repeated earnest instances of Mr Laurens, who had given such
expectations to the Ministry in England, when his parole or securities
were discharged, as that he could not think himself at liberty to act
in public affairs, till the parole of Lord Cornwallis was absolved by
me in exchange, I sent to that General the paper of which the enclosed
is a copy;[35] and I see by the English papers, that his Lordship
immediately on the receipt of it appeared at Court, and has taken his
seat in the House of Peers, which he did not before think was
warrantable. My authority for doing this appeared questionable to
myself, but Mr Laurens judged it deducible from that respecting
General Burgoyne, and, by his letters to me, seemed so unhappy till it
was done, that I ventured it, with a clause, however, as you will see,
reserving to Congress the approbation or disallowance of it.

  [35] See above, p. 362.

The enabling act is now said to be passed, but no copy of it is yet
received here, so that as the bill first printed has suffered
alterations in passing through Parliament, and we know not what they
are, the treaty with us is not yet commenced. Mr Grenville expects his
courier in a few days, with the answer of his Court to a paper given
him on the part of this. That answer will probably afford us a clearer
understanding of the intentions of the British Ministry, which for
some weeks past have appeared somewhat equivocal and uncertain. It
looks as if, since their late success in the West Indies, they a
little repented of the advances they had made in their declarations,
respecting the acknowledgment of our independence; and we have pretty
good information, that some of the Ministers still flatter the King
with the hope of recovering his sovereignty over us, on the same terms
as are now making with Ireland. However willing we might have been at
the commencement of this contest to have accepted such conditions, be
assured we can have no safety in them at present. The King hates us
most cordially. If he is once admitted to any degree of power and
government among us, however limited, it will soon be extended by
corruption, artifice, and force, till we are reduced to absolute
subjection, and that the more easily, as, by receiving him again for
our King, we shall draw upon us the contempt of all Europe, who now
admire and respect us, and shall never again find a friend to assist
us. There are, it is said, great divisions in the Ministry on other
points as well as this, and those who aim at engrossing the power,
flatter the King with this project of reunion, and, it is said, have
much reliance on the operations of private agents sent into America to
dispose minds there in favor of it, and to bring about a separate
treaty there with General Carleton. I have not the least apprehension,
that Congress will give into this scheme, it being inconsistent with
our treaties, as well as with our interest; but I think it will be
well to watch the emissaries, and secure, or banish immediately, such
as shall be found tampering and stirring up the people to call for it.

The firm united resolution of France, Spain, and Holland joined with
ours, not to treat of a particular, but a general peace,
notwithstanding the separate tempting offers to each, will in the end
give us the command of that peace. Every one of the other powers see
clearly its interest in this, and persists in that resolution. The
Congress I am persuaded are as clear sighted as any of them, and will
not depart from the system, which has been attended with so much
success, and promises to make America soon both great and happy.

I have just received a letter from Mr Laurens, dated at Lyons, on his
journey into the south of France for his health. Mr Jay will write
also by this opportunity.

  With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN.

JOURNAL

OF THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN

FROM MARCH 21ST TO JULY 1ST, 1782.

  Passy May 9th, 1782.

As since the change of the Ministry of England, some serious
professions have been made of their disposition to peace, and of their
readiness to enter into a general treaty for that purpose; and as the
concerns and claims of five nations are to be discussed in that
treaty, which must therefore be interesting to the present age, and to
posterity, I am inclined to keep a journal of the proceedings as far
as they come to my knowledge, and to make it more complete, I will
first endeavor to recollect what has already past. Great affairs
sometimes take their rise from small circumstances. My good friend and
neighbor Madame Brillon, being at Nice all last winter for her health,
with her very amiable family, wrote to me that she had met with some
English gentry there, whose acquaintance proved agreeable; among them
she named Lord Cholmondely, who she said had promised to call in his
return to England, and drink tea with us at Passy. He left Nice sooner
than she supposed, and came to Paris long before her. On the 21st of
March, I received the following note.

     "Lord Cholmondely's compliments to Dr Franklin; he sets out for
     London tomorrow evening, and should be glad to see him for five
     minutes before he went. Lord Cholmondely will call upon him at
     any time in the morning he shall please to appoint.

     Thursday evening. Hotel de Chartres."

I wrote for answer, that I should be at home all the next morning, and
glad to see his Lordship if he did me the honor of calling on me. He
came accordingly. I had before no personal knowledge of this nobleman.
We talked of our friends whom he left at Nice, then of affairs in
England, and the late resolutions of the Commons on Mr Conway's
motion. He told me that he knew Lord Shelburne had a great regard for
me, that he was sure his Lordship would be pleased to hear from me,
and that if I would write a line he should have a pleasure in carrying
it. On which I wrote the following.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

  Passy, March 22d, 1782.

  "My Lord,

"Lord Cholmondely having kindly offered to take a letter from me to
your Lordship, I embrace the opportunity of assuring the continuance
of my ancient respect for your talents and virtues, and of
congratulating you on the returning good disposition of your country
in favor of America, which appears in the late resolutions of the
Commons. I am persuaded it will have good effects. I hope it will tend
to produce a _general peace_, which I am sure your Lordship, with all
good men, desires, which I wish to see before I die, and to which I
shall, with infinite pleasure, contribute everything in my power.

"Your friends, the Abbé Morellet and Madame Helvetius, are well. You
have made the latter very happy by your present of gooseberry bushes,
which arrived in five days, and in excellent order. With great and
sincere esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

Soon after this we heard from England, that a total change had taken
place in the Ministry, and that Lord Shelburne had come in as
Secretary of State. But I thought no more of my letter, till an old
friend and near neighbor of mine many years in London appeared at
Passy, and introduced a Mr Oswald, whom he said had a great desire to
see me, and Mr Oswald, after some little conversation, gave me the
following letters from Lord Shelburne and Mr Laurens.

LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

  London, April 6th, 1782.

  "Dear Sir,

"I have been favored with your letter, and am much obliged by your
remembrance. I find myself returned early to the same situation, which
you remember me to have occupied nineteen years ago, and I should be
very glad to talk to you as I did then, and afterwards in 1767, upon
the means of promoting the happiness of mankind, a subject much more
agreeable to my nature, than the best concerted plans for spreading
misery and devastation. I have had a high opinion of the compass of
your mind, and of your foresight. I have often been beholden to both,
and shall be glad to be so again, as far as is compatible with your
situation. Your letter discovering the same disposition, has made me
send to you Mr Oswald. I have had a longer acquaintance with him,
than even I have had the pleasure to have with you. I believe him an
honest man, and, after consulting some of our common friends, I have
thought him the fittest for the purpose. He is a pacifical man, and
conversant in those negotiations, which are most interesting to
mankind. This has made me prefer him to any of our speculative
friends, or to any person of higher rank. He is fully apprized of my
mind, and you may give full credit to everything he assures you of. At
the same time, if any other channel occurs to you, I am ready to
embrace it. I wish to retain the same simplicity and good faith, which
subsisted between us in transactions of less importance. I have the
honor to be, &c.

  SHELBURNE."

HENRY LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

  London, April 7th, 1782.

  "Dear Sir,

"Richard Oswald, Esquire, who will do me the honor of delivering this,
is a gentleman of the strictest candor and integrity. I dare give such
assurances from an experience little short of thirty years, and to
add, you will be perfectly safe in conversing freely with him on the
business he will introduce, a business, which Mr Oswald has
disinterestedly engaged in, from motives of benevolence, and from the
choice of the man a persuasion follows, that the Electors mean to be
in earnest.

"Some people in this country, who have too long indulged themselves in
abusing everything American, have been pleased to circulate an
opinion, that Dr Franklin is a very cunning man, in answer to which, I
have remarked to Mr Oswald, 'Dr Franklin knows very well how to
manage a cunning man, but when the Doctor converses, or treats with a
man of candor, there is no man more candid than himself.' I do not
know whether you will ultimately agree on political sketches, but I am
sure, as gentlemen, you will part very well pleased with each other.
Should you, Sir, think proper to communicate to me your sentiments and
advice on our affairs, the more amply the more acceptable, and
probably the more serviceable; Mr Oswald will take charge of your
despatches, and afford a secure means of conveyance.

"To this gentleman I refer you for general information of a journey,
which I am immediately to make, partly in his company, at Ostend, to
file off for the Hague. I feel a willingness, infirm as I am, to
attempt doing as much good as can be expected from such a prisoner
upon parole. As General Burgoyne is certainly exchanged, (a
circumstance, by the by, which possibly might have embarrassed us, had
your late propositions been accepted) may I presume at my return to
offer another Lieutenant General, now in England, a prisoner upon
parole, in exchange; or what shall I offer in exchange for myself, a
thing in my own estimation of no great value? I have the honor to be,
with great respect, and, permit me to add, great reverence, Sir, &c.

  HENRY LAURENS."

I entered into conversation with Mr Oswald. He was represented in the
letter as fully apprized of Lord Shelburne's mind, and I was desirous
of knowing it. All I could learn was, that the new Ministry sincerely
wished for a peace, that they considered the object of the war, to
France and America, as obtained. That if the independence of the
United States was agreed to, there was no other point in dispute, and
therefore nothing to hinder a pacification. That they were ready to
treat of _Peace_, but he intimated, that if France should insist upon
terms too humiliating to England, they could still continue the war,
having yet great strength, and many resources left. I let him know,
that America would not treat but in concert with France, and that my
colleagues not being here, I could do nothing of importance in the
affair; but that, if he pleased, I would present him to M. de
Vergennes, Secretary of State for foreign Affairs. He consenting, I
wrote and sent the following letter.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

  Passy, April 15th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"An English nobleman, Lord Cholmondely, lately returning from Italy,
called upon me here, at the time when we received the news of the
first resolutions of the House of Commons, relating to America. In
conversation he said, that he knew his friend, Lord Shelburne, had a
great regard for me, that it would be pleasing to him to hear of my
welfare, and receive a line from me, of which he, Lord Cholmondely,
should like to be the bearer, adding, if there should be a change of
Ministry, he believed Lord Shelburne would be employed. I thereupon
wrote a few lines, of which I enclose a copy. This day I received an
answer, which I also enclose, together with another letter from Mr
Laurens. They both, as your Excellency will see, recommend the bearer,
Mr Oswald, as a very honest, sensible man. I have had a little
conversation with him. He tells me, that there has been a desire of
making a separate peace with America, and continuing the war with
France and Spain, but that now all wise people give up that idea as
impracticable, and it is his private opinion, that the Ministry do
sincerely desire a _general peace_, and that they will readily come
into it, provided France does not insist upon conditions too
humiliating for England, in which case she will make great and violent
efforts, rather than submit to them, and that much is still in her
power, &c.

"I told the gentleman, that I could not enter into particulars with
him, but in concert with the Ministers of this Court. And I proposed
introducing him to your Excellency, after communicating to you the
letters he had brought me, in case you should think fit to see him,
with which he appeared to be pleased. I intend waiting on you
tomorrow, when you will please to acquaint me with your intentions,
and favor me with your counsels. He had heard nothing of Forth's
mission, and the old Ministry had not acquainted the new with that
transaction. Mr Laurens came over with him in the same vessel, and
went from Ostend to Holland. With great respect, I am, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

The next day, being at Court with the Foreign Ministers, as usual on
Tuesdays, I saw M. de Vergennes, who acquainted me, that he had caused
the letters to be translated, had considered the contents, and should
like to see Mr Oswald. We agreed that the interview should be on
Wednesday at 10 o'clock. Immediately on my return home, I wrote to Mr
Oswald, acquainting him with what had passed at Versailles, and
proposing, that he should be with me at half past eight the next
morning, in order to proceed thither. I received from him the
following answer.

  Paris, April 16th.

  "Sir,

"I have the honor of yours by the bearer, and shall be sure to wait on
you tomorrow, at half past eight, and am, with much respect, &c.

  RICHARD OSWALD."

He came accordingly, and we arrived at Versailles punctually. M. de
Vergennes received him with much civility. Mr Oswald not being ready
in speaking French, M. de Rayneval interpreted. Mr Oswald at first
thought of sending an express, with the account of the conversation,
which continued near an hour, and was offered a passport, but finally
concluded to go himself; and I wrote the next day the letter
following.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

  Passy, April 18th, 1782.

  "My Lord,

"I have received the letter your Lordship did me the honor of writing
to me on the 6th instant. I congratulate you on your new appointment
to the honorable and important office you formerly filled so worthily,
which must be so far pleasing to you, as it affords you more
opportunities of doing good, and of serving your country essentially
in its great concerns.

"I have conversed a good deal with Mr Oswald, and am much pleased with
him. He appears to me a wise and honest man. I acquainted him, that I
was commissioned, with others, to treat of and conclude a peace. That
full powers were given us for that purpose, and that the Congress
promised in good faith to ratify, confirm, and cause to be faithfully
observed, the treaty we should make; but that we would not treat
separately from France, and I proposed introducing him to the Count de
Vergennes, to whom I communicated your Lordship's letter containing Mr
Oswald's character, as a foundation for the interviews. He will
acquaint you, that the assurance he gave of His Britannic Majesty's
good dispositions towards peace was well received, and assurances
returned of the same good dispositions in His Most Christian Majesty.

"With regard to circumstances relative to a treaty, M. de Vergennes
observed, that the King's engagements were such, that he could not
treat without the concurrence of his allies, that the treaty should,
therefore, be for a general, not a partial peace, that if the parties
were disposed to finish the war speedily by themselves, it would
perhaps be best to treat at Paris, as an Ambassador from Spain was
already there, and the Commissioners from America might easily and
soon be assembled there. Or, if they chose to make use of the proposed
mediation, they might treat at Vienna; but that the King was so truly
willing to put a speedy end to the war, that he would agree to any
place the King of England should think proper.

"I leave the rest of the conversation to be related to your Lordship
by Mr Oswald, and that he might do it more easily and fully, than he
could by letter, I was of opinion with him, that it would be best he
should return immediately and do it _viva voce_. Being myself but one
of the four persons now in Europe, commissioned by the Congress to
treat of peace, I can make no propositions of much importance without
them. I can only express my wish, that, if Mr Oswald returns hither,
he may bring with him the agreement of your Court to treat for a
general peace, and the proposal of place and time, that I may
immediately write to Messrs Adams, Laurens, and Jay. I suppose, that
in this case, your Lordship will think it proper to have Mr Laurens
discharged from the engagements he entered into, when he was admitted
to bail. I desire no other channel of communication between us, than
that of Mr Oswald, which I think your Lordship has chosen with much
judgment. He will be witness of my acting with all the simplicity and
good faith, which you do me the honor to expect from me, and if he is
enabled, when he returns hither, to communicate more fully your
Lordship's mind on the principal points to be settled, I think it may
contribute much to the blessed work our hearts are engaged in.

"By the Act of Parliament relative to American prisoners, I see the
King is empowered to exchange them. I hope those you have in England
and Ireland may be sent home soon to their country, in flags of truce,
and exchanged for an equal number of your people. Permit me to add,
that I think it would be well if some kindness were mixed in the
transaction, with regard to their comfortable accommodation on
shipboard, as these poor unfortunate people have been long absent from
their families and friends, and rather hardly treated. With great and
sincere respect, I have the honor to be, my Lord, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

To the account contained in this letter, of what passed in the
conversation with the Minister, I should add his frank declaration,
that, as the foundation of a good and durable peace should be laid in
justice, whenever a treaty was entered upon, he had several demands of
justice to make from England. Of this, says he, I give you previous
notice. What these demands were, he did not particularly say. One
occurred to me, viz. reparation for the injury done in taking a number
of French ships by surprise, before the declaration of the preceding
war, contrary to the law of nations. Mr Oswald seemed to wish to
obtain some propositions to carry back with him, but M. de Vergennes
said to him very properly, there are four nations engaged in the war
against you, who cannot, till they have consulted and know each
other's minds, be ready to make propositions. Your Court being without
allies and alone, knowing its own mind, can express it immediately. It
is therefore more natural to expect the first proposition from you.

On our return from Versailles, Mr Oswald took occasion to impress me
with ideas, that the present weakness of the government of England,
with regard to continuing the war, was owing chiefly to the division
of sentiments about it. That in case France should make demands too
humiliating for England to submit to, the spirit of the nation would
be roused, unanimity would prevail, and resources would not be
wanting. He said there was no want of money in the nation, that the
chief difficulty lay in the finding out new taxes to raise it, and,
perhaps, that difficulty might be avoided by shutting up the
Exchequer, stopping the payment of the interests of the public funds,
and applying that money to the support of the war. I made no reply to
this, for I did not desire to discourage their stopping payment, which
I considered as cutting the throat of the public credit, and a means
of adding fresh exasperation against them with the neighboring
nations. Such menaces were besides an encouragement with me,
remembering the adage, that _they who threaten are afraid_.

The next morning, when I had written the above letter to Lord
Shelburne, I went with it to Mr Oswald's lodgings, and gave it to him
to read before I sealed it, that in case anything might be in it with
which he was not satisfied, it might be corrected; but he expressed
himself much pleased.

In going to him, I had also in view the entering into a conversation,
which might draw out something of the mind of his Court on the subject
of Canada and Nova Scotia. I had thrown some loose thoughts on paper,
which I intended to serve as memorandums for my discourse, but without
a fixed intention of showing them to him. On his saying that he was
obliged to me for the good opinion I had expressed of him to Lord
Shelburne in my letter, and assuring me, that he had entertained the
same of me, I observed, that I perceived Lord S. had placed great
confidence in him, and as we had happily the same in each other, we
might possibly, by a free communication of sentiments, and a previous
settling of our own minds on some of the important points, be the
means of great good, by impressing our sentiments on the minds of
those with whom they might have influence, and where their being
received might be of importance. I then remarked, that his nation
seemed to desire a reconciliation, that to obtain this, the party
which had been the aggressor and had cruelly treated the other, should
show some marks of concern for what was past, and some disposition to
make reparation; that perhaps there were things, which America might
demand by way of reparation, and which England might yield, and that
the effect would be vastly greater if they appeared to be voluntary,
and to spring from returning good will; that I, therefore, wished
England would think of offering something to relieve those, who had
suffered by its scalping and burning parties. Lives indeed could not
be restored nor compensated, but the villages and houses wantonly
destroyed might be rebuilt, &c. I then touched upon the affair of
Canada, and, as in a former conversation he had mentioned his opinion,
that the giving up of that country to the English, at the last peace,
had been a politic act in France, for that it had weakened the ties
between England and her Colonies, and that he himself had predicted
from it the late revolution, I spoke of the occasions of future
quarrel that might be produced by her continuing to hold it, hinting
at the same time, but not expressing too plainly, that such a
situation, to us so dangerous, would necessarily oblige us to
cultivate and strengthen our union with France. He appeared much
struck with my discourse, and, as I frequently looked at my paper, he
desired to see it. After some little delay, I allowed him to read it;
the following is an exact copy.

NOTES FOR CONVERSATION.

"To make a peace durable, what may give occasion for future wars
should if practicable be removed.

"The territory of the United States and that of Canada, by long
extended frontiers, touch each other.

"The settlers on the frontiers of the American provinces are generally
the most disorderly of the people, who, being far removed from the eye
and control of their respective governments, are more bold in
committing offences against neighbors, and are forever occasioning
complaints and furnishing matter for fresh differences between their
States.

"By the late debates in Parliament, and public writings, it appears
that Britain desires a _reconciliation_ with the Americans. It is a
sweet word. It means much more than a mere peace, and what is heartily
to be wished for. Nations make a peace whenever they are both weary of
making war. But if one of them has made war upon the other unjustly,
and has wantonly and unnecessarily done it great injuries, and refuses
reparation, there may, for the present, be peace, the resentment of
those injuries will remain, and will break out again in vengeance when
occasions offer. These occasions will be watched for by one side,
feared by the other, and the peace will never be secure; nor can any
cordiality subsist between them.

"Many houses and villages have been burnt in America by the English
and their allies, the Indians. I do not know that the Americans will
insist on reparation; perhaps they may. But would it not be better for
England to offer it? Nothing would have a greater tendency to
conciliate, and much of the future commerce and returning intercourse
between the two countries may depend on the reconciliation. Would not
the advantage of reconciliation by such means be greater than the
expense?

"If then a way can be proposed, which may tend to efface the memory of
injuries, at the same time that it takes away the occasions of fresh
quarrels and mischief, will it not be worth considering, especially if
it can be done, not only without expense, but be a means of saving?

"Britain possesses Canada. Her chief advantage from that possession
consists in the trade for peltry. Her expenses in governing and
defending that settlement must be considerable. It might be
humiliating to her to give it up on the demand of America. Perhaps
America will not demand it; some of her political rulers may consider
the fear of such a neighbor, as a means of keeping the thirteen States
more united among themselves, and more attentive to military
discipline. But on the mind of the people in general, would it not
have an excellent effect, if Britain should voluntarily offer to give
up this Province; though on these conditions, that she shall in all
times coming have and enjoy the right of free trade thither,
unincumbered with any duties whatsoever; that so much of the vacant
lands there shall be sold, as will raise a sum sufficient to pay for
the houses burnt by the British troops, and their Indians; and also to
indemnify the royalists for the confiscation of their estates?

"This is mere conversation matter between Mr Oswald and Mr Franklin,
as the former is not empowered to make propositions, and the latter
cannot make any without the concurrence of his colleagues."

He then told me, that nothing in his judgment could be clearer, more
satisfactory and convincing, than the reasonings in that paper; that
he would do his utmost to impress Lord Shelburne with them; that, as
his memory might not do them justice, and it would be impossible for
him to express them so well, or state them so clearly as I had written
them, he begged I would let him take the paper with him, assuring me
that he would return it safely into my hands. I at length complied
with this request also. We parted exceeding good friends, and he set
out for London.

By the first opportunity after his departure, I wrote the following
letter to Mr Adams, and sent the papers therein mentioned, that he
might fully be apprized of the proceedings. I omitted only the paper
of _Notes for Conversation_ with Mr Oswald, but gave the substance,
as appears in the letter. The reason of my omitting it was, that, on
reflection, I was not pleased with my having hinted a reparation to
tories for their forfeited estates, and I was a little ashamed of my
weakness in permitting the paper to go out of my hands.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

  Passy, April 20th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I hope your Excellency received the copy of our instructions, which I
sent by the courier from Versailles, some weeks since. I wrote to you
on the 13th, to go by Captain Smedley, and sent a packet of
correspondence with Mr Hartley. Smedley did not leave Paris so soon as
I expected; but you should have it by this time.

"With this I send a fresh correspondence, which I have been drawn
into, viz. 1st, A letter I sent to Lord Shelburne before he was a
Minister. 2dly, His answer since he was a Minister, by Mr Oswald.
3dly, A letter from Mr Laurens. 4thly, My letter to M. de Vergennes.
5thly, My answer to Lord Shelburne. 6thly, My answer to Mr Laurens.
7thly, Copy of Digges's report. These papers will inform you pretty
well of what passed between me and Mr Oswald, except that in a
conversation at parting, I mentioned to him, that I observed they
spoke much in England of obtaining a _reconciliation_ with the
Colonies; that this was more than a peace; that the latter might
possibly be obtained without the former; that the cruel injuries
constantly done us by burning our towns, &c. had made deep impressions
of resentment that would long remain; that much of the advantage to
the commerce of England from a peace would depend on a _reconciliation_;
that the peace without reconciliation would probably not be durable;
that after a quarrel between friends, nothing tended so much to
_conciliate_, as offers made by the aggressor of reparation for
injuries done by him in his passion. And I hinted, that if England
should make us a voluntary offer of Canada, expressly for that
purpose, it might have a good effect.

"Mr Oswald liked much the idea, and said they were too much straitened
for money to make us pecuniary reparation, but he should endeavor to
persuade their doing it this way. He is furnished with a passport to
go and return by Calais, and I expect him back in ten or twelve days.
I wish you and Mr Laurens could be here when he arrives, for I shall
much want your advice, and cannot act without your concurrence. If the
present crisis of your affairs prevents your coming, I hope, at least,
Mr Laurens will be here, and we must communicate with you by
expresses, for your letters to me by post are generally opened. I
shall write by the next post, requesting Mr Jay to be here also as
soon as possible.

"I received your letter advising of your draft on me for a quarter's
salary, which will be duly honored. With great esteem, I have the
honor to be, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

Supposing Mr Laurens to be in Holland with Mr Adams, I, at the same
time, wrote to him the following letter.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

  Passy, April 20th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I received, by Mr Oswald, the letter you did me the honor of writing
to me on the 7th instant. He brought me also a letter from Lord
Shelburne, which gave him the same good character that you do, adding,
'He is fully apprized of my mind, and you may give full credit to
everything he assures you of.' Mr Oswald, however, could give me no
other particulars of his Lordship's mind, but that he was sincerely
disposed to peace. As the message seemed, therefore, rather intended
to procure or receive propositions than to make any, I told Mr Oswald
that I could make none but in concurrence with my colleagues in the
commission, and that if we were together, we should not treat but in
conjunction with France; and I proposed introducing him to M. de
Vergennes, which he accepted.

"He made to that Minister the same declaration of the disposition of
England to peace, who replied, that France had assuredly the same good
disposition; that a treaty might be immediately begun, but it must be
for a _general_, not a _particular_ peace. That, as to the place, he
thought Paris might be the most convenient, as Spain had here already
an Ambassador, and the American Commissioners could easily be
assembled here; this, upon a supposition of the parties treating
directly with each other without the intervention of mediators, but if
the mediation was to be used, it might be at Vienna. The King, his
master, however, was so truly disposed to peace, that he would agree
to any place that the King of England should choose, and would, at the
treaty, give proof of the confidence that might be placed in any
engagements he should then enter into, by the fidelity and exactitude
with which he should observe those he already had with his present
allies.

"Mr Oswald is returned with these general answers by the way of
Calais, and expects to be here again in a few days. I wish it might be
convenient for you and Mr Adams to be here at the same time; but if
the present critical situation of affairs there, makes his being in
Holland necessary just now, I hope you may, nevertheless, be here,
bringing with you his opinion and advice. I have proposed to Lord
Shelburne, to discharge you from the obligations you entered into at
the time of your enlargement, that you may act more freely in the
treaty he desires.

"I had done myself the honor of writing to you a few days before the
arrival of Mr Oswald. My letter went by Mr Young, your Secretary, and
enclosed a copy of your commission, with an offer of money if you had
occasion for any. Hoping that you will not return to England before
you have been at Paris, I forbear enlarging on the state of our
affairs here and in Spain. M. de Vergennes told me he should be very
glad to see you here. I found Mr Oswald to answer perfectly the
character you gave me of him, and was much pleased with him. I have
the honor to be, &c. &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

Just after I had despatched these letters, I received the following
from Mr Adams.

JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Amsterdam, April 16th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"Yesterday noon, Mr William Vaughan, of London, came to my house with
Mr Laurens, the son of the President, and brought me a line from the
latter, and told me the President was at Haerlem, and desired to see
me. I went to Haerlem and found my old friend at the Golden Lion. He
told me he was come partly for his health and the pleasure of seeing
me, and partly to converse with me, and see if he had at present just
ideas and views of things, at least to see if we agreed in sentiment,
having been desired by several of the new Ministry to do so. I asked
him if he was at liberty? He said no, that he was still under parole,
but at liberty to say what he pleased to me. I told him that I could
not communicate to him, being a prisoner, even his own instructions,
nor enter into any consultation with him as one of our colleagues in
the commission for peace; that all I should say to him would be as one
private citizen conversing with another; but that upon all such
occasions, I should reserve a right to communicate whatever should
pass to our colleagues and allies.

"He said that Lord Shelburne, and others of the new Ministers, were
anxious to know whether there was any authority to treat of a separate
peace, and whether there could be an accommodation upon any terms
short of independence; that he had ever answered them that nothing
short of an express or tacit acknowledgment of our independence, in
his opinion, would ever be accepted, and that no treaty ever would, or
could be made separate from France. He asked me, if his answers had
been right? I told him that I was fully of that opinion. He said that
the new Ministers had received Digges's report, but his character was
such, that they did not choose to depend upon it; that a person by the
name of Oswald, I think, set off for Paris to see you, about the same
time he came away to see me.

"I desired him, between him and me, to consider, without saying
anything of it to the Ministry, whether we could ever have a real
peace, with Canada or Nova Scotia in the hands of the English? And
whether we ought not to insist, at least, upon a stipulation, that
they should keep no standing army, or regular troops, nor erect any
fortifications upon the frontiers of either? That, at present, I saw
no motive that we had to be anxious for a peace, and if the nation was
not ripe for it upon proper terms, we might wait patiently till they
should be so.

"I found the old gentleman perfectly sound in his system of politics.
He has a very poor opinion, both of the integrity and abilities of the
new Ministry, as well as the old. He thinks they know not what they
are about; that they are spoiled by the same insincerity, duplicity,
falsehood, and corruption, with the former. Lord Shelburne still
flatters the King with ideas of conciliation and a separate peace, &c.
yet the nation, and the best men in it, are for universal peace and an
express acknowledgment of American independence, and many of the best
are for giving up Canada and Nova Scotia. His design seemed to be
solely to know how far Digges's report was true. After an hour or two
of conversation, I returned to Amsterdam, and left him to return to
London.

"These are all but artifices to raise the stocks, and if you think of
any method to put a stop to them, I will cheerfully concur with you.
They now know sufficiently, that our commission is to treat of a
general peace, and with persons vested with equal powers; and if you
agree to it, I will, never to see another messenger that is not a
Plenipotentiary.

"It is expected that the seventh Province, Guelderland, will this day
acknowledge American Independence. I think we are in such a situation
now, that we ought not, upon any consideration, to think of a truce,
or anything short of an express acknowledgment of the sovereignty of
the United States. I should be glad, however, to know your sentiments
upon this point. I have the honor to be, &c.

  JOHN ADAMS.

To the above, I immediately wrote the following answer.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

  Passy, April 21st, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I have just received the honor of yours, dated the 16th instant,
acquainting me with the interview between your Excellency and Mr
Laurens. I am glad to learn, that his political sentiments coincide
with ours, and that there is a disposition in England to give us up
Canada and Nova Scotia.

"I like your idea of seeing no more messengers, that are not
Plenipotentiaries; but I cannot refuse seeing again Mr Oswald, as the
Minister here considered the letter to me from Lord Shelburne as a
kind of authentication given that messenger, and expects his return
with some explicit propositions. I shall keep you advised of whatever
passes.

"The late act of Parliament, for exchanging American prisoners _as
prisoners of war_, according to the law of nations, _anything in their
commitments notwithstanding_, seems to me a renunciation of their
pretensions to try our people as subjects guilty of high treason, and
to be a kind of tacit acknowledgment of our independency. Having taken
this step, it will be less difficult for them to acknowledge it
expressly. They are now preparing transports to send the prisoners
home. I yesterday sent the passports desired of me.

"Sir George Grand shows me a letter from Mr Fizeaux, in which he says,
that if advantage is taken of the present enthusiasm in favor of
America, a loan might be obtained in Holland, of five or six millions
of florins, for America, and if their house is empowered to open it,
he has no doubt of success; but that no time is to be lost. I
earnestly recommend this matter to you, as extremely necessary to the
operations of our financier, Mr Morris, who, not knowing that the
greatest part of the last five millions had been consumed by purchase
of goods, &c. in Europe, writes me advice of large drafts, that he
shall be obliged to make upon me this summer.

"This Court has granted us six millions of livres for the current
year; but it will fall vastly short of our occasions, there being
large orders to fulfil, and near two millions and a half to pay M.
Beaumarchais, besides the interest, bills, &c. The house of Fizeaux
and Grand is now appointed banker for France, by a special commission
from the King, and will, on that, as well as other accounts be, in my
opinion, the fittest for this operation. Your Excellency being on the
spot can better judge of the terms, &c. and manage with that house the
whole business, in which I should be glad to have no other concern
than that of receiving assistance from it, when pressed by the dreaded
drafts. With great respect, I am, Sir, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

In reply to this, Mr Adams wrote to me as follows.

JOHN ADAMS TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Amsterdam, May 2d, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I am honored with your favor of the 20th of April, and Mr Laurens's
son proposes to carry the letter to his father forthwith. The
instructions by the courier from Versailles came safe, as all other
despatches by that channel no doubt will do. The correspondence with
Mr Hartley I received by Captain Smedley, and will take the first good
opportunity by a private hand to return it, as well as that with the
Earl of Shelburne.

"Mr Laurens and Mr Jay will, I hope, be able to meet at Paris, but
when it will be in my power to go, I know not. Your present
negotiation about peace falls in very well to aid a proposition, which
I am instructed to make, as soon as the Court of Versailles shall
judge proper, of a triple or quadruple alliance. This matter, the
treaty of commerce, which is now under deliberation, and the loan,
will render it improper for me to quit this station, unless in case of
necessity. If there is a real disposition to permit Canada to accede
to the American association, I should think there would be no great
difficulty in adjusting all things between England and America,
provided our allies are contented too. In a former letter, I hinted
that I thought an express acknowledgment of our independence might now
be insisted on, but I did not mean that we should insist upon such an
article in the treaty. If they make a treaty of peace with the United
States of America, this is acknowledgment enough for me.

"The affair of a loan gives me much anxiety and fatigue. It is true I
may open a loan for five millions, but I confess I have no hopes of
obtaining so much; the money is not to be had. Cash is not infinite in
this country. Their profits by trade have been ruined for two or three
years, and there are loans open for France, Spain, England, Russia,
Sweden, Denmark, and several other powers, as well as their own
national, provincial, and collegiate loans. The undertakers are
already loaded with burthens greater than they can bear, and all the
brokers in the republic are so engaged, that there is scarcely a ducat
to be lent but what is promised.

"This is the true cause why we should not succeed, yet they will seek
an hundred other pretences. It is considered such an honor, and such
an introduction to American trade to be the house, that the eagerness
to obtain the title of American banker is prodigious. Various houses
have pretensions, which they set up very high, and let me choose which
I will, I am sure of a cry and a clamor. I have taken some measures to
endeavor to calm the heat, and give a general satisfaction, but have
as yet small hopes of success. I would strike with any house, that
would insure the money, but none will undertake it now it is offered,
although several were very ready to affirm that they could, when it
began to be talked of. Upon inquiry, they do not find the money easy
to obtain, which I could have told them before. It is to me,
personally, perfectly indifferent which is the house, and the only
question is, which will be able to do best for the interest of the
United States. This question, however simple, is not easy to answer.
But I think it clear, after very painful and laborious inquiry for a
year and a half, that no house whatever will be able to do much.
Enthusiasm at some times, and in some countries, may do a great deal,
but there has, as yet, been no enthusiasm in this country for America
strong enough to untie many purses. Another year, if the war
continues, perhaps we may do better. I have the honor to be, &c.

  JOHN ADAMS."

During Mr Oswald's absence, I received the following from Mr Laurens.

HENRY LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

  London, April 20th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I wrote to you on the 7th instant, by Mr Oswald, since which, that is
to say, on the 28th, I was honored by the receipt of your letter of
the 12th, enclosing a copy of the commission for treating for peace,
by the hands of Mr Young. The recognizance exacted from me by the late
Ministry, has been vacated and done away by the present; these have
been pleased to enlarge me without formal conditions, but, as I would
not consent that the United States of America should be outdone in
generosity, however late the marks appeared on this side, I took upon
me to assure Lord Shelburne, in a letter of acknowledgment for the
part, which his Lordship had taken for obtaining my release, that
Congress would not fail to make a just and adequate return. The only
return in my view, is Lieutenant General Lord Cornwallis. Congress
were pleased sometime ago, to offer a British Lieutenant General for
my ransom, and as I am informed, a special exchange of Lord Cornwallis
for the same subject was lately in contemplation, it would afford me
very great satisfaction to know, that you will join me in cancelling
the debt of honor, which we have impliedly incurred, by discharging
his Lordship from the obligations of his parole.

"For my own part, though not a bold adventurer, I think I shall not
commit myself to the risk of censure, by acting conjunctly with you in
such a bargain. I entreat you, Sir, at least, to reflect on this
matter; I shall take the liberty of requesting your determination when
I reach the continent, which will probably happen in a few days.

"Lord Cornwallis, in a late conversation with me, put the following
case. 'Suppose,' said his Lordship, 'it shall have been agreed, in
America, that Lord Cornwallis should be offered in exchange for Mr
Laurens, don't you think, although you are now discharged, I ought to
reap the intended benefit?' A reply from the feelings of the heart, as
I love fair play, was prompt; 'Undoubtedly, my Lord, you ought to be,
and shall be, in such case, discharged, and I will venture to take the
burthen upon myself.' Certain legal forms, I apprehend, rendered the
discharge of me, without condition, unavoidable; but I had previously
refused to accept of myself for nothing, and what I now aim at was
understood as an adequate return; it is not to be doubted, his
Lordship's question was built on this ground.

"I had uniformly and explicitly declared to the people here, people in
the first rank of importance, that nothing short of independence in
terms of our treaty of alliance, would induce America to treat for
truce or peace, and that no treaty could be had without the consent of
our ally first obtained; in a word, if you mean to have peace, you
must seek for a general peace. The doctrine was ill relished,
especially by those whose power only could set the machine in motion;
but having, since my return from Haerlem, asserted in very positive
terms, that I was confirmed in my former opinions, the late obduracy
has been more than a little softened, as you will soon learn from the
worthy friend, by whom I addressed you on the 7th, who two days ago
set out on his return to Passy and Versailles, with, I believe, a more
permanent commission than the former.

"Accept my thanks, Sir, for the kind offer of a supply of money. I
know too well how much you have been harassed for that article, and
too well, how low our American finances in Europe are; therefore, if I
can possibly avoid it, I will not further trouble you, nor impoverish
them, or not till the last extremity. Hitherto I have supported myself
without borrowing from anybody, and I am determined to continue living
upon my own stock while it lasts; the stock is indeed small; my
expenses have been and shall be in a suitable modest style. I pray God
to bless you. I have the honor be, &c.

  HENRY LAURENS."

_P. S._ "I judged it proper not only to show the peace commission to
Lord Shelburne, but to give his Lordship a copy of it, from an opinion
that it would work no evil, being shown elsewhere."

On the 4th of May, Mr Oswald returned, and brought me the following
letter from Lord Shelburne.

LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Shelburne House, April 20th, 1782.

  "Dear Sir,

"I have received much satisfaction in being assured by you, that the
qualifications of wisdom and integrity, which induced me to make
choice of Mr Oswald, as the fittest instrument for the renewal of our
friendly intercourse, have also recommended him so effectually to your
approbation and esteem. I most heartily wish the influence of this
first communication of our mutual sentiments may be extended to a
happy conclusion of all our public differences.

"The candor with which the Count de Vergennes expresses His Most
Christian Majesty's sentiments and wishes, on the subject of a speedy
pacification, is a pleasing omen of its accomplishment. His Majesty is
not less decided in the same sentiments and wishes, and it confirms
his Majesty's Ministers in their intention to act in like manner, as
most consonant to the true dignity of a great nation. In consequence
of these reciprocal advances, Mr Oswald is sent back to Paris, for the
purpose of arranging and settling with you the preliminaries of time
and place. And I have the pleasure to tell you, that Mr Laurens is
already discharged from those engagements, which he entered into when
he was admitted to bail.

"It is also determined, that Mr Fox, from whose department that
communication is necessarily to proceed, shall send a proper person,
who may confer and settle immediately with the Count de Vergennes the
further measures and proceedings, which may be judged proper to adopt
toward advancing the prosecution of this important business.

"In the mean time, Mr Oswald is instructed to communicate to you my
thoughts upon the principal objects to be settled. Transports are
actually preparing for the purpose of conveying your prisoners to
America, to be there exchanged, and we trust, that you will learn,
that due attention has not been wanting to their accommodation and
good treatment.

"I have the honor to be, with very sincere respect, dear Sir, your
very faithful and obedient humble servant,

  SHELBURNE."

Having read the letter, I mentioned to Mr Oswald the part, which
refers me to him for his Lordship's sentiments. He acquainted me,
that they were very sincerely disposed to peace; that the whole
Ministry concurred in the same disposition; that a good deal of
confidence was placed in my character for open, honest dealing; that
it was also generally believed, I had still remaining some part of my
ancient affection and regard for Old England, and it was hoped it
might appear on this occasion. He then showed me an extract from the
Ministers of Council, but did not leave the paper with me. As well as
I can remember, it was to this purpose.

"At a Cabinet Council, held April 27th, 1782, Present, Lord
Rockingham, Lord Chancellor, Lord President, Lord Camden, &c. &c. to
the number of fifteen or twenty, being all Ministers, and great
officers of State,

"It was proposed to represent to his Majesty, that it would be well
for Mr Oswald to return to Doctor Franklin and acquaint him, that it
is agreed to treat for a general peace, and at Paris; and that the
principal points in contemplation are, the allowing of American
Independence, on condition that England be put into the same
situation, that she was left in by the peace of 1763."

Mr Oswald also informed me, that he had conversed with Lord Shelburne
on the subject of my paper of _Notes_, relating to reconciliation.
That he had shown him the paper, and had been prevailed on to leave it
with him a night, but it was on his Lordship's solemn promise of
returning it, which had been complied with, and he now returned it to
me. That it seemed to have made an impression, and he had reason to
believe that matter might be settled to our satisfaction towards the
end of the treaty; but in his own mind he wished it might not be
mentioned at the beginning. That his Lordship indeed said, he had not
imagined reparation would be expected, and he wondered I should not
know whether it was intended to demand it. Finally, Mr Oswald
acquainted me, that as the business now likely to be brought forward
more particularly appertained to the department of the other
Secretary, Mr Fox, he was directed to announce another agent coming
from that department, who might be expected every day, viz. the
honorable Mr Grenville, brother to Lord Temple, and son of the famous
Mr George Grenville, formerly Chancellor of the Exchequer. I
immediately wrote the following note to the Count de Vergennes.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

  Passy, May 4th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that Mr Oswald is just
returned from London, and is now with me. He has delivered me a letter
from Lord Shelburne, which I enclose for your perusal, together with a
copy of my letter, to which it is an answer. He tells me, that it has
been agreed in Council to treat at Paris, and to treat of a _general
peace_; and that, as it is more particularly in the department of Mr
Fox to regulate the circumstantials, a gentleman, Mr Grenville, to be
sent by him for that purpose, may be daily expected here. Mr Oswald
will wait on your Excellency whenever you shall think fit to receive
him. I am, with respect, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

And the next day I received the following answer.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Translation.

  Versailles, May 5th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me
the 4th instant, as also those which accompanied it. I will see you
with your friend, with pleasure, at eleven o'clock tomorrow morning. I
have the honor to be, &c.

  DE VERGENNES."

Accordingly, on Monday morning I went with Mr Oswald to Versailles,
and we saw the Minister. Mr Oswald acquainted him with the disposition
of his Court to treat for a general peace, and at Paris; and he
announced Mr Grenville, who he said was to set out about the same time
with him, but as he would probably come by way of Ostend, might be a
few days longer on the road. Some general conversation passed,
agreeable enough, but not of importance.

In our return, Mr Oswald repeated to me his opinion, that the affair
of Canada would be settled to our satisfaction, and his wish that it
might not be mentioned, till towards the end of the treaty. He
intimated too, that it was apprehended, the greatest obstructions in
the treaty might come from the part of Spain; but said, if she was
unreasonable, there were means to bring her to reason. That Russia was
a friend to England, had lately made great discoveries on the back of
North America, could make establishments there, and might easily
transport an army from Kamsckatka to the Coast of Mexico, and conquer
all those countries. This appeared a little visionary at present, but
I did not dispute it.

On the whole, I was able to draw so little from Mr Oswald of the
sentiments of Lord Shelburne, who had mentioned him as intrusted with
the communication of them, that I could not but wonder at his being
sent again to me, especially as Mr Grenville was so soon to follow.

On Tuesday I was at Court, as usual on that day. M. de Vergennes asked
me if Mr Oswald had not opened himself further to me? I acquainted him
with the sight I had had of the minute of Council, and of the loose
expressions contained in it, of what was in contemplation. He seemed
to think it odd, that he had brought nothing more explicit. I supposed
Mr Grenville might be better furnished. The next morning I wrote the
following letter to Mr Adams.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

  Passy, May 8th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"Mr Oswald, whom I mentioned in a former letter, which I find you have
received, is returned, and brought me another letter from Lord
Shelburne, of which the above is a copy. It says Mr Oswald is
instructed to communicate to me his Lordship's thoughts. He is,
however, very sparing of such communication. All I have got from him
is, that the Ministry have in contemplation the allowing independence
to America, on condition of Britain being put again into the state she
was left in by the peace of 1763, which I suppose means being put
again in the possession of the islands, which France has taken from
her. This seems to me a proposition of selling to us a thing, that was
already our own, and making France pay the price they are pleased to
ask for it.

"Mr Grenville, who is sent by Mr Fox, is expected here daily. Mr
Oswald tells me, that Mr Laurens will soon be here also. Yours of the
2d instant is just come to hand. I shall write to you on this affair
hereafter, by the Court couriers, for I am certain, that your letters
to me are opened at the Post Office, either here or in Holland, and I
suppose that mine to you are treated in the same manner. I enclose the
cover of your last, that you may see the seal. With great respect, I
am, Sir, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

I had but just sent away this letter, when Mr Oswald came in, bringing
with him Mr Grenville, who was just arrived. He gave me the following
letter from Mr Secretary Fox.

CHARLES J. FOX TO B. FRANKLIN.

  St James's, May 1st, 1782.

  "Sir,

"Though Mr Oswald will, no doubt, have informed you of the nature of
Mr Grenville's commission, yet I cannot refrain from making use of the
opportunity that his going offers me, to assure you of the esteem and
respect, which I have borne to your character, and to beg you to
believe, that no change in my situation has made any in those ardent
wishes for reconciliation, which I have invariably felt from the very
beginning of this unhappy contest.

"Mr Grenville is fully acquainted with my sentiments upon this
subject, and with the sanguine hopes, which I have conceived, that
those with whom we are contending are too reasonable to continue a
contest, which has no longer any object, either real or even
imaginary. I know your liberality of mind too well to be afraid, lest
any prejudices against Mr Grenville's _name_ may prevent you from
esteeming those excellent qualities of heart and head, which belong
to him, or from giving the fullest credit to the sincerity of his
wishes for peace, in which no man in either country goes beyond him. I
am, with great truth and regard, &c.

  C. J. FOX."

I imagined the gentlemen had been at Versailles, as I supposed Mr
Grenville would first have waited on M. de Vergennes before he called
on me. But finding, in conversation, that he had not, and that he
expected me to introduce him, I immediately wrote to that Minister,
acquainting him, that Mr Grenville was arrived, and desired to know
when his Excellency would think fit to receive him, and I sent an
express with my letter.

I then entered into conversation with him on the subject of his
mission, Mr Fox having referred me to him, as being fully acquainted
with his sentiments. He said that peace was really wished for by
everybody, if it could be obtained on reasonable terms, and as the
idea of subjugating America was given up, and both France and America
had thereby obtained what they had in view originally, it was hoped,
that there now remained no obstacle to a pacification. That England
was willing to treat of a general peace with all the powers at war
against her, and that the treaty should be at Paris.

I did not press him much for further particulars, supposing they were
reserved for our interview with M. de Vergennes. The gentlemen did me
the honor of staying to dinner with me, on the supposition, which I
urged, that my express might be back before we parted. This gave me an
opportunity of a good deal of general conversation with Mr Grenville,
who appeared to me a sensible, judicious, intelligent, good tempered,
and well instructed young man, answering well the character Mr Fox had
given me of him.

They left me, however, about six o'clock, and my messenger did not
return till near nine. He brought me the answer of the Count de
Vergennes, that he was glad to hear of Mr Grenville's arrival, and
would be ready to receive us tomorrow, at half past ten or eleven
o'clock. I immediately enclosed his note in one to Mr Grenville,
requesting him to be with me at Passy by eight, that we might have
time to breakfast before we set out. I have preserved no copy of these
three last mentioned notes, or I should have inserted them, as I think
that though they seem of almost too trifling a nature, they serve
usefully sometimes to settle dates, authenticate facts, and show
something of the turn and manner of thinking of the writers on
particular occasions. The answer I received was as follows.

"Mr Grenville presents his compliments to Mr Franklin, and will
certainly do himself the honor of waiting upon Mr Franklin tomorrow
morning at eight o'clock."

"Rue de Richelieu, Wednesday night."

We set out accordingly the next morning in my coach, and arrived
punctually at Count de Vergennes', who received Mr Grenville in the
most cordial manner, on account of the acquaintance and friendship
that had formerly subsisted between his uncle and the Count de
Vergennes, when they were ambassadors together at Constantinople.

After some little agreeable conversation, Mr Grenville presented his
letters from Mr Secretary Fox, and, I think, from the Duke of
Richmond. When these were read, the subject of peace was entered
upon. What my memory retains of the discourse amounts to little more
than this, that after mutual declarations of the good dispositions of
the two Courts, Mr Grenville having intimated that in case England
gave America independence, France, it was expected, would restore the
conquests she had made of British islands, receiving back those of
Miquelon and St Pierre. And the original object of the war being
obtained, it was supposed that France would be contented with that.
The Minister seemed to smile at the proposed exchange, and remarked,
the offer of giving independence to America amounted to little.
"America," said he, "does not ask it of you; there is Mr Franklin, he
will answer you as to that point." "To be sure," I said, "we do not
consider ourselves as under any necessity of bargaining for a thing
that is our own, which we have bought at the expense of much blood and
treasure, and which we are in possession of." "As to our being
satisfied with the original object of the war," continued he, "look
back to the conduct of your nation in former wars. In the last war,
for example, what was the object? It was the disputed right to some
waste lands on the Ohio and the frontiers of Nova Scotia. Did you
content yourselves with the recovery of those lands? No, you retained
at the peace all Canada, all Louisiana, all Florida, Grenada, and
other West India islands, the greatest part of the Northern Fisheries,
with all your conquests in Africa and the East Indies." Something
being mentioned of its not being reasonable that a nation, after
making an unprovoked and unsuccessful war upon its neighbors, should
expect to sit down whole, and have everything restored, which she had
lost in such a war, I think Mr Grenville remarked, the war had been
provoked by the encouragement given by France to the Americans to
revolt. On which the Count de Vergennes grew a little warm, and
declared firmly, that the breach was made, and our independence
declared, long before we received the least encouragement from France;
and he defied the world to give the smallest proof of the contrary.
"There sits," said he, "Mr Franklin, who knows the fact, and can
contradict me if I do not speak the truth."

He repeated to Mr Grenville, what he had before said to Mr Oswald,
respecting the King's intention of treating fairly and keeping
faithfully the conventions he should enter into, of which disposition
he should give at the treaty convincing proofs by the fidelity and
exactitude, with which he should observe his engagements with his
present allies, and added, that the points which the King had chiefly
in view were _justice_ and _dignity_; these he could not depart from.
He acquainted Mr Grenville, that he should immediately write to Spain
and Holland, communicate to those Courts what had passed, and request
their answers; that, in the meantime, he hoped Mr Grenville would find
means of amusing himself agreeably, to which he should be glad to
contribute; that he would communicate what had passed to the King, and
he invited him to come again the next day.

On our return, Mr Grenville expressed himself as not quite satisfied
with some part of the Count de Vergennes' discourse, and was
thoughtful. He told me that he had brought two State messengers with
him, and perhaps, after he had had another interview with the
Minister, he might despatch one of them to London. I then requested
leave to answer, by that opportunity, the letters I had received from
Lord Shelburne and Mr Fox, and he kindly promised to acquaint me in
time of the messenger's departure. He did not ask me to go with him
the next day to Versailles, and I did not offer it.

The coming and going of these gentlemen were observed, and made much
talk at Paris, and the Marquis de Lafayette having learned something
of their business from the Minister, discoursed with me about it.
Agreeably to the resolutions of Congress, directing me to confer with
him, and take his assistance in our affairs, I communicated to him
what had passed. He told me that during the treaty at Paris for the
last peace, the Duc de Nivernois had been sent to reside in London,
that this Court might, through him, state what was from time to time
transacted in the light they thought best, to prevent misrepresentations
and misunderstandings. That such an employ would be extremely
agreeable to him on many accounts; that as he was now an American
citizen, spoke both languages, and was well acquainted with our
interests, he believed he might be useful in it; and that as peace was
likely from appearances to take place, his return to America was
perhaps not so immediately necessary. I liked the idea, and encouraged
his proposing it to the Ministry. He then wished I would make him
acquainted with Messrs Oswald and Grenville, and for that end proposed
meeting them at breakfast with me, which I promised to contrive if I
could, and endeavor to engage them for Saturday.

Friday morning, the 10th of May, I went to Paris, and visited Mr
Oswald. I found him in the same friendly dispositions, and very
desirous of good, and seeing an end put to this ruinous war. But I got
no further sight as to the sentiment of Lord Shelburne respecting the
terms. I told him the Marquis de Lafayette would breakfast with me
tomorrow, and as he, Mr Oswald, might have some curiosity to see a
person who had in this war rendered himself so remarkable, I proposed
his doing me the same honor. He agreed to it cheerfully. I came home
intending to write to Mr Grenville, who I supposed might stay and dine
at Versailles, and therefore did not call on him. But he was returned,
and I found the following note from him.

  Paris, May 10th.

     "Mr Grenville presents his compliments to Mr Franklin; he
     proposes sending a courier to England at ten o'clock tonight, and
     will give him in charge any letters Mr Franklin may wish to send
     by him."

I sat down immediately, and wrote the two short letters following to
the Secretaries of State.

TO MR SECRETARY FOX.

  Passy, May 10th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I received the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr
Grenville, whom I find to be a sensible, judicious, and amiable
gentleman. The name, I assure you, does not with me lessen the regard
his excellent qualities inspire. I introduced him as soon as possible
to Count de Vergennes; he will himself give you an account of his
reception. I hope his coming may forward the blessed work of
pacification, in which, for the sake of humanity, no time should be
lost, no reasonable cause as you observe existing at present for the
continuance of this abominable war. Be assured of my endeavors to put
an end to it.

"I am much flattered by the good opinion of a person I have long
highly esteemed, and I hope it will not be lessened by my conduct in
the affair, that has given rise to our correspondence. With great
respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

  Passy, May 10th, 1782.

  "My Lord,

"I have received the honor of your Lordship's letter, dated the 28th
past, by Mr Oswald, informing me that he is sent back to settle with
me the preliminaries of time and place. Paris, as the place, seemed to
me yesterday to be agreed on, between Mr Grenville and M. de
Vergennes, and is perfectly agreeable to me. The time cannot well be
settled till this Court has received answers from Madrid, and the
Hague, and until my colleagues are arrived. I expect daily Messrs Jay
and Laurens. Mr Adams doubts whether he can be here, but that will not
hinder our proceeding.

"It gave me great pleasure to hear Mr Laurens is discharged entirely
from the obligations he had entered into. I am much obliged by the
readiness with which your Lordship has conferred that favor. Please to
accept my thankful acknowledgments.

"I am happy too, in understanding from your letter, that transports
are actually preparing to convey our prisoners to America, and that
attention will be paid to their accommodation and good treatment.
Those people on their return will be dispersed through every part of
America, and the accounts they will have to give of any marks of
kindness received by them under the present Ministry, will lessen much
the resentment of their friends against the nation, for the hardships
they suffered under the _past_.

"Mr Oswald rests here awhile by my advice, as I think his presence
likely to be useful. With great, and sincere respect, I have the honor
to be, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

And I sent them to Mr Grenville with the following note.

     "Mr Franklin presents his compliments to Mr Grenville, and thanks
     him for the information of his courier's departure, and his kind
     offer of forwarding Mr Franklin's letter; he accepts the favor
     and encloses two.

     "The Marquis De Lafayette and Mr Oswald will do Mr Franklin the
     honor of breakfasting with him tomorrow, between nine and ten
     o'clock. Mr Franklin will also be happy to have the company of Mr
     Grenville if agreeable to him. He should have waited upon Mr
     Grenville today at Paris, but he imagined Mr Grenville was at
     Versailles.

     "Passy, Friday evening, May 10th."

To which Mr Grenville sent me this answer.

     "Mr Grenville presents his compliments to Mr Franklin, and will,
     with great pleasure, do himself the honor of breakfasting with Mr
     Franklin tomorrow between nine and ten o'clock. Mr Grenville was
     at Versailles today, and should have been sorry if Mr Franklin
     should have given himself the trouble of calling at Paris this
     morning. The courier shall certainly take particular care of Mr
     Franklin's letters.

     "Paris, Friday, May 10th."

The gentlemen all met accordingly, had a good deal of conversation at,
and after breakfast, staid till after one o'clock, and parted much
pleased with each other.

The Monday following, I called to visit Mr Grenville. I found with him
Mr Oswald, who told me he was just about returning to London. I was a
little surprised at the suddenness of the resolution he had taken, it
being, as he said, to set out the next morning early. I conceived the
gentleman was engaged in business, so I withdrew, and went to write a
few letters, among which was the following to Lord Shelburne, being
really concerned at the thought of losing so good a man as Mr Oswald.

TO LORD SHELBURNE.

  Passy, May 13th, 1782.

  "My Lord,

"I did myself the honor of writing to your Lordship a few days since,
by Mr Grenville's courier, acknowledging the receipt of yours of the
28th past, by Mr Oswald.

"I then hoped that gentleman would have remained here some time, but
his affairs, it seems, recall him sooner than he imagined. I hope he
will return again, as I esteem him more, the more I am acquainted with
him, and believe his moderation, prudent counsels, and sound judgment
may contribute much, not only to the speedy conclusion of a peace, but
to the framing such a peace as may be firm and lasting. With great
respect, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

I went in the evening to Mr Oswald's lodging with my letters, when he
informed me his intention was to return immediately hither from
England, and, to make the more despatch in going and returning, he
should leave his carriage at Calais, as the embarking and debarking of
carriages in the packet boats often occasioned a tide's delay. I did
not inquire the reason of this movement. We had but little
conversation, for Mr Grenville coming in, I soon after wished him a
good journey and retired, that I might not interrupt their
consultations.

Since his departure, Mr Grenville has made me a visit; and entering
into conversation with me, exactly of the same tenor with the letters
I formerly received from Mr Hartley, stating suppositions that France
might insist on points totally different from what had been the object
of our alliance, and that, in such case, he should imagine we were not
at all bound to continue the war to obtain such points for her, &c. I
thought I could not give him a better answer to this kind of
discourse, than what I had given in two letters to Mr Hartley, and,
therefore, calling for those letters, I read them to him. He smiled,
and would have turned the conversation; but I gave a little more of my
sentiments on the general subject of benefits, obligation, and
gratitude. I said I thought people had often imperfect notions of
their duty on those points, and that a state of obligation was to many
so uneasy a state, that they became ingenious in finding out reasons
and arguments to prove that they had been laid under no obligation at
all, or that they had discharged it, and they too easily satisfied
themselves with such arguments.

To explain clearly my ideas on the subject, I stated a case. A, a
stranger to B, sees him about to be imprisoned for a debt by a
merciless creditor, he lends him the sum necessary to preserve his
liberty. B then becomes the debtor of A, and, after some time, repays
the money. Has he then discharged the obligation? No. He has
discharged the money debt, but the obligation remains, and he is a
debtor for the kindness of A, in lending him the sum so seasonably.
If B should afterwards find A in the same circumstances, that he, B,
had been in when A lent him the money, he may then discharge this
obligation or debt of kindness _in part_, by lending him an equal sum.
_In part_, I said, and not _wholly_, because, when A lent B the money,
there had been no prior benefit received to induce him to it. And,
therefore, if A should a second time need the same assistance, I
thought B, if in his power, was in duty bound to afford it to him.

Mr Grenville conceived that it was carrying gratitude very far, to
apply this doctrine to our situation in respect to France, who was
really the party served and obliged by our separation from England, as
it lessened the power of her rival and relatively increased her own.

I told him I was so strongly impressed with the kind assistance
afforded us by France in our distress, and the generous and noble
manner in which it was granted without exacting or stipulating for a
single privilege, or particular advantage to herself in our commerce,
or otherwise, that I could never suffer myself to think of such
reasonings for lessening the obligation, and I hoped, and indeed, did
not doubt but my countrymen were all of the same sentiments.

Thus he gained nothing of the point he came to push, we parted,
however, in good humor. His conversation is always polite, and his
manner pleasing. As he expressed a strong desire to discourse with me
on the means of a reconciliation with America, I promised to consider
the subject, and appointed Saturday the first day of June, for our
conversation, when he proposed to call on me. The same day I received
another letter from my old friend, Mr Hartley. Our former
correspondence on the subject of peace since the beginning of this
year, I have kept by itself, as it preceded this, was in the time of
the old Ministry, and consisted wholly of letters unmixed, with
personal conversation. This being the first letter from him under the
new Ministry, and as it may be followed by others, which may relate to
the negotiation, I insert it here, with my answer, and shall continue
to insert the future letters I may receive from him relative to the
same subject.

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

  London, May 3d, 1782.

  "My Dear Friend,

"I write to you only one line, just to inform you, that a general
order is issued by our government for the release of all the American
prisoners everywhere. I have had this from Lord Shelburne, who
informed me, that the order was not partial or conditional, but
general and absolute. I heartily congratulate you upon this first step
towards _sweet reconciliation_. I hope other things will follow. I had
a long conversation with Lord Shelburne relating to America, in which
he expressed himself in most favorable terms. I shall have the honor
of seeing and conversing with you again. But at present, as you know,
certain matters are depending from your side of the water.

"Mr Laurens is entirely at liberty. I see him very frequently, and
when you see him he will tell you many things from me, which have
occurred to me in my poor endeavors to promote the cause of peace. _Da
pacem, Domine, in diebus nostris._ Your affectionate, &c.

  DAVID HARTLEY."

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

  Passy, May 13th, 1782.

  "My Dear Friend,

"I have just received your favor of the 3d instant. I thank you much
for the good news you give me, that 'an order is issued by your
government for the release of all the American prisoners _everywhere_,
an order not _partial_ or _conditional_, but _general_ and
_absolute_.' I rejoice with you in this step, not only on account of
the unhappy captives, who by it will be set at liberty and restored to
their friends and families, but as I think it will tend greatly
towards a reconciliation, on which alone the hope of a durable peace
can be founded. I am much indebted to your good brother for a very
kind and obliging letter, which was mislaid when it should have been
answered. I beg you would present to him my thankful acknowledgments
and my very sincere respects. I join with you most heartily in the
prayer that ends your letter, _Da pacem, Domine, in diebus nostris_. I
am ever, my friend, yours most affectionately,

  B. FRANKLIN."

Our business standing still at present, till the return of Mr Oswald,
gives me a void, that I may fill up with two or three circumstances,
not at present connected with this intended treaty, but which serve to
show something of the disposition of Courts who have, or may have a
concern in it.

Mr Jay had written to me, from time to time, of the unaccountable
delays he had met with since his residence at the Court of Spain, and
that he was now no nearer in the business he had been charged with,
than when he first arrived. Upon the first coming of Mr Oswald, and
the apparent prospect of a treaty, I wrote to press his coming hither,
and, being a little out of humor with that Court, I said, they have
taken four years to consider whether they should treat with us, give
them forty, and let us mind our own business; and I sent the letter
under cover to a person at Madrid, who I hoped would open and read it.

It seems to me, that we have in most instances, hurt our credit and
importance, by sending all over Europe, begging alliances, and
soliciting declarations of our independence. The nations, perhaps,
from thence seemed to think, that our independence is something they
have to sell, and that we do not offer enough for it. Mr Adams has
succeeded in Holland, owing to their war with England, and a good deal
to the late votes in the Commons towards a reconciliation, but the
Ministers of the other powers refused, as I hear, to return his
visits, because our independence was not yet acknowledged by their
Courts. I had heard here, by good luck, that the same resolution was
taken by several of them not to return the visits I should make them
(as they supposed) when I was first received here as Minister
Plenipotentiary, and disappointed their project by visiting none of
them. In my private opinion, the first civility is due from the old
resident to the stranger and new comer. My opinion indeed is good for
nothing against custom, which I should have obeyed, but for the
circumstances, that rendered it more prudent to avoid disputes and
affronts, though at the hazard of being thought rude or singular.

While I am writing, something ridiculous enough on this head has
happened to me. The Count du Nord, who is son of the Empress of
Russia, arriving at Paris, ordered, it seems, cards of visit to be
sent to all the Foreign Ministers. One of them, on which was written,
"_Le Comte du Nord et le Prince Bariatinski_," was brought to me. It
was on Monday evening last. Being at Court the next day, I inquired of
an old Minister, my friend, what was the etiquette, and whether the
Count received visits. The answer was, _Non, on se fait ecrire, voila
tout_. This is done by passing the door, and ordering your name to be
written on the porter's book. Accordingly, on Wednesday I passed the
house of Prince Bariatinski, Ambassador of Russia, where the Count
lodged, and left my name on the list of each. I thought no more of the
matter; but this day, May the 24th, comes the servant who brought the
card in great affliction, saying he was like to be ruined by his
mistake in bringing the card here, and wishing to obtain from me some
paper, of I know not what kind, for I did not see him. In the
afternoon came my friend, Mr Leroy, who is also a friend of the
Prince's, telling me how much he, the Prince, was concerned at the
accident, that both himself and the Count had great personal regard
for me and my character, but that our independence not yet being
acknowledged by the Court of Russia, it was impossible for him to
permit himself to make me a visit as Minister. I told M. Leroy it was
not my custom to seek such honors, though I was very sensible of them
when conferred upon me; that I should not have voluntarily intruded a
visit, and that, in this case, I had only done what I was informed the
etiquette required of me, but if it would be attended with any
inconvenience to Prince Bariatinski, whom I much esteemed and
respected, I thought the remedy was easy, he had only to erase my
name out of his book of visits received, and I would burn their card.

All the Northern Princes are not ashamed of a little civility
committed towards an American. The King of Denmark, travelling in
England under an assumed name, sent me a card, expressing in strong
terms his esteem for me, and inviting me to dinner with him at St
James's. And the Ambassador from the King of Sweden lately asked me,
whether I had powers to make a treaty of commerce with their kingdom,
for he said his master was desirous of such a treaty with the United
States, had directed him to ask me the question, and had charged him
to tell me, that it would flatter him greatly to make it with a person
whose character he so much esteemed, &c. Such compliments might make
me a little proud, if we Americans were not naturally as much so
already as the porter, who being told he had with his burthen jostled
the Great Czar, Peter, then in London, walking the street; "_Poh!_"
says he, "_we are all Czars here_."

I did not write by Mr Oswald to Mr Laurens, because, from some
expressions in his last to me, I expected him here, and I desired Mr
Oswald, if he found him still in London, or met him on the road, to
give him that reason. I am disappointed in my expectation, for I have
now received (May 25th) the following letter from him.

HENRY LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Ostend, May 17th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I had the honor of addressing you on the 30th ult. by post, a
duplicate of which will accompany this, in order to guard against the
effect of a miscarriage in the first instance, and I beg leave to
refer you to the contents.

"On the 10th current and no sooner, your very obliging favor of the
20th preceding reached me in London. Being then on the point of
leaving that place, I deferred a reply until my arrival on this side.
This happened yesterday, too late to catch the post of the day, except
by a single letter, put into my hands, I believe, by Dr Price, which I
sent forward.

"I sincerely and heartily thank you, Sir, for the cordial contents of
your last letter; but, from the most mature reflection, and taking
into consideration my present very infirm state of health, I have
resolved to decline accepting the honor intended me by Congress, in
the commission for treating with Great Britain, and I find the less
difficulty in coming to this determination, from a persuasion in my
own mind that my assistance is not essential, and that it was not the
view or expectation of our constituents, that every one named in the
commission should act. I purpose to repair to, or near Mr Adams, and
inquire of him whether I may yet be serviceable under the commission
to which I had been first appointed, that for borrowing money for the
use of the United States; if he speaks in the affirmative, I shall,
though much against my own grain, as is well known at our little
Court, proceed in the mission with diligence and fidelity; otherwise,
I shall take a convenient opportunity of returning to give an account
there, of having in the course of two years and upwards done nothing,
excepting only the making a great number of rebels in the enemy's
country, and reconciling thousands to the doctrine of absolute and
unlimited independence; a doctrine, which I asserted and maintained
with as much freedom in the Tower of London, as I ever had done in
the State House at Philadelphia, and having contentedly submitted to
the loss of my estate, and being ready to lay down my life in support
of it, I had the satisfaction of perceiving the coming of converts
every day. I must not, however, conclude this head without assuring
you, that should you think proper to ask questions respecting American
commerce, or the interest of any particular State, I will answer with
candor and the best judgment I am possessed of, but of that judgment I
sincerely protest I have the utmost diffidence. God prosper your
proceedings in the great work; you shall be called blessed by all the
grateful of the present generation, and your name will be celebrated
by posterity. I feel myself happy in reflecting, that, in the great
outlines of a treaty, our opinions exactly coincide, that we shall not
want the countenance and assistance of our great and good ally, and
that you have so honest a man as Mr Oswald to deal with for
preliminaries. I know him to be superior to chicanery, and am sure he
will not defile his mind by attempting any dirty thing.

"I entreat you, Sir, to present my humble respects to M. de Vergennes,
and thank his Excellency for his polite expressions respecting me, and
be so good as to say all that shall appear necessary in excuse for my
non-appearance at his Court.

"Lord Cornwallis called on me the day before I left London, and was,
as you may suppose, very anxious to know when he might probably hear
from me on the subject of his release; let me, therefore, request your
opinion in answer to what I had the honor of writing in my last
concerning that affair. I wish it may prove satisfactory to his
Lordship, by enabling me, with your consent and concurrence, to
cancel a debt, which does not set easy upon me, and which cannot with
honor to our country remain unpaid. I think we shall not, it is
impossible we should, incur displeasure by doing an act of common
justice, and our authority may be fairly implied.

"His Lordship declares he has no intention of returning to America,
but desires to be reinstated in his legislative and military character
in his own country, and I am of opinion, that in the former he will
rather be friendly to us than otherwise. For my own part, if the war
continues, I should not be uneasy if his Lordship were to go to the
Chesapeake again.

"I have a thousand compliments and good wishes to present to you from
friends in England, where, males and females, I am sure you have at
least so many, that your own remembrance will lead you to individuals
of your old acquaintance.

"Tomorrow I intend to proceed to Brussels, and thence, probably, to
the Hague and Amsterdam; my movements must, unavoidably, be as slow as
water carriage. My weak under limbs cannot bear continual thumping on
the pavement in the rough machines of this country, and the feebleness
of my pocket will not admit the indulgence of a more convenient
vehicle. I beg, Sir, you will write to me at the house of Mr Edward
Jennings, or under the protection of any other friend in that city,
that will be at the trouble of finding out a voyager, who is at all
times, and in all places, with the highest esteem and respect, Sir,
&c.

  HENRY LAURENS."

To the above, I wrote the following answer.

TO HENRY LAURENS.

  Passy, May 25th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I am now honored with yours of the 17th. I had before received one of
the 7th, which remained unanswered, because from the words in it,
'when I reach the Continent, which will probably happen in a few
days,' I flattered myself with the pleasure of seeing you here. That
hope is disappointed by your last, in which you tell me you are
determined not to act in the commission for treating of peace with
Great Britain. I regret your taking this resolution, principally
because I am persuaded, that your assistance must have been of great
service to our country. But I have besides some private or particular
reasons, that relate to myself.

"To encourage me in the arduous task, you kindly tell me I shall be
_called blessed_, &_c._ I have never yet known of a peace made, that
did not occasion a great deal of popular discontent, clamor, and
censure on both sides. This is, perhaps, owing to the usual management
of the leaders and Ministers of the contending nations, who, to keep
up the spirits of their people for continuing the war, generally
represent the state of their own affairs in a better light, and that
of the enemy in a worse, than is consistent with the truth; hence the
populace on each side expect better terms than can really be obtained,
and are apt to ascribe their disappointment to treachery. Thus the
peace of Utrecht, and that of Aix la Chapelle, were said in England to
have been influenced by French gold, and in France, by English
guineas. Even the last peace, the most glorious and advantageous for
England that ever she made, was, you may remember, violently decried,
and the makers as violently abused. So that the blessing promised to
peace-makers, I fancy, relates to the next world, for in this they
seem to have a greater chance of being cursed. And, as another text
observes, that in '_the multitude of counsellors there is safety_,'
which I think may mean safety to the counsellors as well as to the
counselled, because if they commit a fault in counselling, the blame
does not fall upon one or a few, but is divided among many, and the
share of each is so much the lighter, or because when a number of
honest men are concerned, the suspicion of their being biassed is
weaker, as being more improbable; or, because _defendit numerus_; for
all these reasons, but especially for the support your established
character of integrity would afford me against the attacks of enemies,
if this treaty take place, and I am to act in it, I wish for your
presence, and the presence of as many of the Commissioners as
possible, and I hope you will reconsider and change your resolution.

"In the meantime, as you have had opportunities of conversing with the
new Ministers, and other leading people in England, and of learning
their sentiments relating to terms of peace, &c. I request you would
inform me by letters of what you think important. Letters from you
will come safer by the Court courier than by the post, and I desire
you would, if you should continue determined not to act, communicate
to me your ideas of the terms to be insisted on, and the points to be
attended to respecting commerce, fisheries, boundaries, and every
other material circumstance, that may be of importance to all or any
of the United States.

"Lord Shelburne having written to me on the subject of the wished for
peace, I acquainted him in my answer, sent by our friend, Mr Oswald,
that you were one of the Commissioners, appointed by Congress to treat
with Britain, and that I imagined his Lordship would therefore think
proper to discharge you entirely from the obligations you entered
into, when you were admitted to bail, that you might be at liberty to
act freely in the commission. He wrote to me in reply, that you were
accordingly discharged immediately. His Lordship mentioned nothing of
any exchange being expected for you, nevertheless I honor your
sensibility on the point, and your concern for the credit of America,
that she should not be outdone in generosity by Great Britain, and
will cheerfully join with you in any act, that you may think proper,
to discharge in return the parole of Lord Cornwallis, as far as in our
power may lie; but we have no express authority for that purpose, and
the Congress may possibly, in the meantime, have made some other
arrangement relative to his exchange. I conceive, that our acts should
contain a clause, reserving to Congress the final approbation or
disallowance of the proceeding; and I have some doubt whether Lord
Cornwallis will think himself well freed of his engagements, and at
liberty to exercise his military employments, by virtue of any
concession in his favor made by persons, who are not vested with
authority for that purpose. So that, on the whole, perhaps the best
and surest way will be our writing immediately to Congress, and
strongly recommending the measure. However, I will do what you shall
think best.

"I heartily wish you success in any endeavors you may use in Holland
for raising a loan of money. We have pressed rather too hard on this
Count, and we still want more than they can conveniently spare us; but
I am sorry, that too scrupulous regard to our wants and difficulties
should induce you, under the present infirmity of your lower limbs, to
deny yourself the necessary comfort of an easy carriage, rather than
make any use of the public assistance, when the public must be much in
your debt. I beg you would get over that difficulty, and take of me
what you may have occasion for.

"The letter you forwarded to me was from America's constant friend,
the good Bishop of St Asaph. He speaks of you in terms of the highest
esteem and respect.

"Mr Oswald has gone back again to London, but intended to return again
immediately. Mr Grenville remains here, and has received power to
treat, but no further steps can be taken till Spain and Holland have
empowered Ministers for the same purpose.

"I shall inform you and Mr Adams, (if he does not come) of the
proceeding from time to time, and request your counsel in cases of any
difficulty. I hope you will not think of hazarding a return to America
before a peace, if we find any hopes of its being soon obtained; and
that if you do not find you can be useful in the manner you wish, in
Holland, you will make me happy by your company and counsel here. With
great and sincere esteem, &c.

  B. FRANKLIN."

May the 26th, I received the following letters and papers from Mr
Hartley.

[One of these letters is dated May 1st, which, together with a paper
called the _Breviate_, is printed above, pp. 343, 351.]

DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

  London, May 13th, 1782.

  "My dear friend,

"I wrote you a long letter dated May 1st, 1782, by Mr Laurens, who
left London on Saturday last, but I will add a few lines now by a
conveyance, which I believe will overtake him, just to tell you two or
three things, which I believe I omitted in my last. Perhaps they may
not be of any consequence, but as they relate to my own conduct, I
could wish to have you understand them.

"After several conferences with the late Ministry, I gave in the
paper, called the _Breviate_, on the 7th of February, but I never
received any answer from them. They resigned on the 20th of March.
Upon the accession of the new Ministry, I heard nothing from them upon
the subject, nor indeed did I apply to them. I did not know whether
that paper would not come into their hands by succession, and I
doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to wait till I
heard from them. While I remained doubtful about this, I received your
letters, which determined me to go to Lord Shelburne. This was about
the beginning of the present month. I communicated to him some
extracts, such as those about the prisoners, &c. and likewise the
whole of your letter of April 13th, containing the offer of the late
Ministry, the King of France's answer, together with your reflections
in the conclusion respecting peace. As you had given me a general
permission, I left with him a copy of the whole letter.

"Upon the occasion of this interview, Lord Shelburne told me that he
had made much inquiry in the offices for the correspondence and
papers, which had passed between the late Ministry and me, but that he
could not meet with them. He expressed a regret, that he had not
conversed with me at an earlier day, with many civilities of that
kind. In short, I had been backward to intrude myself, and he
expressed regret that he had not sent for me.

"Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what
passed between the late Ministry and myself, and I left a copy of the
_Breviate_ with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took
that opportunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could,
upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing his regret that
he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I always had been, and
always should be, most ready to give any assistance in my power
towards the work of peace. I say the same to you.

"I do not believe that there is any difference of sentiment between
you and me, _personally_, in our own minds upon independence, &c. &.c.
But we belong to different communities, and the right of judgment, and
of consent and dissent, is vested in the community. Divide
independence into six millions of shares, and you should have been
heartily _welcome_ to _my_ share from the beginning of the war. Divide
Canada into six millions of shares, I could find a better method of
disposing of _my_ share, than, by offering it to France, to abandon
America. Divide the rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I
can only answer for one portion. Let Reason and Justice decide in any
such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those
who wish well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to
give and to receive equal justice.

"I agree with you, that the equitable and the philosophical principles
of politics can alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace; and
the contraries to them, though highly patronized by nations
themselves, and their Ministers, are no better than vulgar errors; but
nations are slow to convictions from the personal arguments of
individuals. 'They are jealous in honor, seeking the _bubble
reputation_ even in the cannon's mouth.' But until a confirmed
millennium, founded upon wiser principles, shall be generally
established, the _reputation_ of nations is not merely a _bubble_. It
forms their real security.

"To apply all this, in one word, let all nations agree, with one
accord, to beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into
pruning hooks, or give me wooden walls to Great Britain! I have
nothing further to add. My reason for writing this, was just to
communicate to you in what position I had delivered over my
conferences and arguments with the late Ministry into the hands of the
present. And I will conclude with your own words, may God send us all
more wisdom. I am ever, most affectionately, yours, &c.

  D. HARTLEY."

"_P. S. May 17th, 1782._ Since writing the above, I have likewise
left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with Lord Shelburne."

PRELIMINARIES.

  May, 1782.

"1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the Thirteen
Provinces of North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and
the said Provinces, for ---- years. (Suppose ten or twenty years.)

"2. That a negotiation for peace shall _bona fide_ be opened between
Great Britain and the allies of America.

"3. If the proposed negotiation between Great Britain and the allies
of America should not succeed so far as to produce peace, but that war
should continue between the said parties, that America should act, and
be treated as a neutral nation.

"4. That whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the
allies of America, the truce between Great Britain and America shall
be converted into a perpetual peace, the independence of America shall
be admitted and guarantied by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty
settled between them.

"5. That these propositions shall be made to the Court of France, for
communication to the American Commissioners, and for an answer to the
Court of Great Britain."

The same day Mr Grenville visited me. He acquainted me, that his
courier was returned, and had brought him full powers in form to treat
for a peace _with France and her allies_. That he had been at
Versailles, and had shown his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a
copy with him. That he had also a letter of credence, which he was not
to deliver till France should think fit to send a Minister of the same
kind to London; that M. de Vergennes had told him, that he would lay
it before the King, and had desired to see him again on Wednesday.
That Mr Oswald had arrived in London, about an hour before the courier
came away. That Mr Fox in his letter had charged him to thank me for
that which I had written, and to tell me, that he hoped I would never
forget, that he and I were of the same country.

I answered, that I should always esteem it an honor to be owned as a
countryman of Mr Fox. He had requested me at our last interview, that
if I saw no impropriety in doing it, I would favor him with a sight of
the treaty of alliance between France and America. I acquainted him
that it was printed, but that if he could not readily meet with a
copy, I would have one written for him. And as he had not been able to
find one, I this day gave it to him.

He lent me a London gazette, containing Admiral Rodney's account of
his victory over M. de Grasse, and the accounts of other successes in
the East Indies, assuring me, however, that these events made not the
least change in the sincere desire of his Court to treat for peace.

In the afternoon the Marquis de Lafayette called upon me. I acquainted
him with what Mr Grenville had told me respecting the credential
letter, and the expectation that a person on the part of this Court
would be sent to London with a commission similar to his. The Marquis
told me he was on his way to Versailles, and should see M. de
Vergennes. We concluded, that it would now be proper for him to make
the proposition we had before talked of, that he should be the person
employed in that service.

On Monday, the 27th, I received a letter from Mr Jay, dated the 8th,
acquainting me, that he had received mine of the 21st and 22d past,
and had concluded to set out for Paris about the 19th, so that he may
be expected in a few days.

I dined this day with Count d'Estaing, and a number of brave marine
officers, that he had invited. We were all a little dejected with the
news. I mentioned, by way of encouragement, the observation of the
Turkish bashaw, who was taken with his fleet at Lepanto, by the
Venetians. "Ships," says he, "are like my master's beard, you may cut
it, but it will grow again. He has cut off from your government all
the Morea, which is like a limb, which you will never recover." And
his words proved true.

On Tuesday I dined at Versailles with some friends, so was not at home
when the Marquis de Lafayette called to acquaint me, that M. de
Vergennes informed him, that the full power received by Mr Grenville
from London, and communicated by him, related to France only. The
Marquis left for me this information, which I could not understand. On
Wednesday I was at Court, and saw the copy of the power. It appeared
full with regard to treating with France, but mentioned not a word of
her allies. And, as M. de Vergennes had explicitly and constantly,
from the beginning, declared to the several messengers, Mr Forth, Mr
Oswald, and Mr Grenville, that France could only treat in concert with
her allies, and it had in consequence been declared on the part of the
British Ministry, that they consented to treat for a general peace,
and at Paris, the sending this partial power seemed to be insidious,
and a mere invention to occasion delay, the late disasters to the
French fleet having probably given the Court of England fresh courage
and other views.

M. de Vergennes said he should see Mr Grenville on Thursday, and would
speak his mind to him, on the subject very plainly. "They want," said
he, "to treat with us for you, but this the King will not agree to. He
thinks it not consistent with the dignity of your state. You will
treat for yourselves; and every one of the powers at war with England
will make its own treaty. All that is necessary for our common
security is, that the treaties go hand in hand, and are signed all on
the same day."

Prince Bariatinski, the Russian Ambassador, was particularly civil to
me this day at Court, apologised for what passed relating to the
visit, expressed himself extremely sensible of my friendship in
covering the affair, which might have occasioned to him very
disagreeable consequences, &c. The Count du Nord came to M. de
Vergennes, while we were drinking coffee, after dinner. He appears
lively and active, with a sensible, spirited countenance. There was an
opera at night for his entertainment. The house being richly finished
with abundance of carving and gilding, well illuminated with wax
tapers, and the company all superbly dressed, many of the men in cloth
of tissue, and the ladies sparkling with diamonds, formed altogether
the most splendid spectacle my eyes ever beheld.

I had some little conference today with M. M. Berkenrode, Vanderpierre
and Boeris, the Ambassador of Holland and the agents of the Dutch East
India Company. They informed me, that the second letter of Mr Fox to
the mediating Minister of Russia, proposing a separate peace with
Holland, made no more impression than the first, and no peace would be
made but in concurrence with France.

The Swedish Minister told me he expected orders from his Court
relative to a treaty, &c.

I had, at our last interview, given Mr Grenville a rendezvous for
Saturday morning, and having some other engagements for Thursday and
Friday, though I wish to speak with him on the subject of his power, I
did not go to him, but waited his coming to me on Saturday. On Friday,
May 31st, Mr Oswald called on me, being just returned, and brought me
the following letters from Lord Shelburne, the first of which had been
written before his arrival.

LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Whitehall, May 28th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I am honored with your letter of the 10th instant, and am very glad
to find that the conduct, which the King has empowered me to observe
towards Mr Laurens, and the American prisoners, has given you
pleasure. I have signified to Mr Oswald his Majesty's pleasure, that
he shall continue at Paris till he receives orders from hence to
return. In the present state of this business, there is nothing for me
to add, but my sincere wishes for a happy issue, and to repeat my
assurances, that nothing shall be wanting on my part which can
contribute to it. I have the honor to be, with very great regard,

  SHELBURNE."

LORD SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN.

  Whitehall, May 29th, 1782.

  "Sir,

"I have the honor to receive your letter of the 13th of May, by Mr
Oswald. It gives me great pleasure to find my opinion of the
moderation, prudence, and judgment of that gentleman confirmed by your
concurrence. For I am glad to assure you, that we likewise concur in
hoping that those qualities may enable him to contribute to the speedy
conclusion of a peace, and such a peace as may be firm and long
lasting. In that hope he has the King's orders to return immediately
to Paris, and you will find him, I trust, properly instructed to
co-operate in so desirable an object. I have the honor to be, &c.

  SHELBURNE."

I had not then time to converse much with Mr Oswald, and he promised
to come and breakfast with me on Monday.

_Saturday, June 5th._ Mr Grenville came, according to appointment. Our
conversation began by my acquainting him that I had seen the Count de
Vergennes, and had perused the copy left with him of the power to
treat. That after what he, Mr Grenville, told me of its being to treat
with France _and her allies_, I was a little surprised to find in it
no mention of the allies, and that it was only to treat with the King
of France and his Ministers; that, at Versailles, there was some
suspicion of its being intended to occasion delay, the professed
desire of a speedy peace being, perhaps, abated in the British Court
since its late successes; but that I imagined the words relating to
the allies might have been accidentally omitted in transcribing, or
that, perhaps, he had a special power to treat with us distinct from
the other. He answered, that the copy was right, and that he had no
such power in form, but that his instructions were full to that
purpose, and that he was sure the Ministers had no desire of delay,
nor any of excluding us from the treaty, since the greatest part of
those instructions related to treating with me. That, to convince me
of this sincerity of his Court respecting us, he would acquaint me
with one of his instructions, though, perhaps, the doing it now was
premature, and therefore a little inconsistent with the character of a
politician, but he had that confidence in me that he should not
hesitate to inform me, (though he wished that at present it should go
no further,) _he was instructed to acknowledge the independence of
America, previous to the commencement of the treaty_. And he said he
could only account for the omission of America in the POWER, by
supposing that it was an old official form copied from that given to
Mr Stanley, when he came over hither before the last peace. Mr
Grenville added that he had, immediately after his interview with the
Count de Vergennes, despatched a courier to London, and hoped, that
with his return the difficulty would be removed. That he was perfectly
assured their late success had made no change in the disposition of
his Court to peace, and that he had more reason than the Count de
Vergennes to complain of delays, since five days were spent before he
could obtain a passport for his courier, and then it was not to go and
return by way of Calais, but to go by Ostend, which would occasion a
delay of five days longer. Mr Grenville then spoke much of the high
opinion the present Ministry had of me, and their great esteem for me,
their desire of a perfect reconciliation between the two countries,
and the firm and general belief in England, that no man was so capable
as myself of proposing the proper means of bringing about such a
reconciliation, adding that if the old Ministers had formerly been too
little attentive to my counsels, the present were very differently
disposed, and he hoped that in treating with them, I would totally
forget their predecessors.

The time has been when such flattering language, as from great men,
might have made me vainer, and had more effect on my conduct, than it
can at present, when I find myself so near the end of life as to
esteem lightly all personal interests and concerns, except that of
maintaining to the last, and leaving behind me the tolerably good
character I have hitherto supported.

Mr Grenville then discoursed of our resolution not to treat without
our allies. This, says he, can only properly relate to France, with
whom you have a treaty of alliance, but you have none with Spain, you
have none with Holland. If Spain and Holland, and even if France
should insist on unreasonable terms of advantage to themselves, after
you have obtained all you want, and are satisfied, can it be right
that America should be dragged on in a war for their interest only? He
stated this matter in various lights and pressed it earnestly. I
resolved, from various reasons, to evade the discussion, therefore
answered, that the intended treaty not being yet begun, it appeared
unnecessary to enter at present into considerations of that kind. The
preliminaries being once settled and the treaty commenced, if any of
the other powers should make extravagant demands on England, and
insist on our continuing the war till those were complied with, it
would then be time enough to consider what our obligations were, and
how far they extended. The first thing necessary was for him to
procure the full powers, the next for us to assemble the
plenipotentiaries of all the belligerent parties, and then
propositions might be mutually made, received, considered, answered,
or agreed to. In the meantime I would just mention to him, that though
we were yet under no obligations to Spain by treaty, we were under
obligations of gratitude for the assistance she had afforded us; and
as Mr Adams had some weeks since commenced a treaty in Holland, the
terms of which I was not yet acquainted with, I knew not but that we
might have already some alliance and obligations contracted there. And
perhaps we ought, however, to have some consideration for Holland on
this account, that it was in vengeance for the friendly disposition
shown by some of her people to make a treaty of commerce with us, that
England had declared the war against her.

He said it would be hard upon England, if having given reasonable