┌──────────────────┬─────┴─────────────────┐
                 │                  │                       │
          Jacopo = Maddalena      Piero  =Fiammetta  Antonio=Cosa
     Gonfalonier │ Serristori. ambassador│Giugni.           │degli
     1469,       │             at Naples,│                  │Alessandri.
     d. 1478.    │             aid to    │                  │
                 │             Louis XI. │                  │
                 │             in 1461.  │                  │
             Caterina, b. 1463,          │                  │
          Abbess of Sta. Maria di        │                  │
           Monticelli, d. 1490.          │                  │
                                         │                  │
     ┌───────┬─────────┬─────────┬───────┴─┐                │
     │       │         │         │         │                │
  Renato.  Andrea.  Niccolò.  Leonardo.  Galeotto.          │
    1478.                                                   │
                   ┌─────────────────────┬──────────────────┴─────┐
                   │                     │                        │
               Guglielmo = Bianca      Giovanni = Beatrice     Francesco
                d. 1516. │ de Medici.  d. 1481.   Borromeo.    d. 1478.
                         │
                         ├─────────────────────┐
                         │                     │
                       Cosimo              Alessandro
             Archbishop of Florence       d. 1530.
                     d. 1513.

SODERINI.

                              TOMMASO SODERINI.
         Capitano di parte Guelfa 1377─78, then banished, returned 1381,
                         Gonfalonier 1395, d. 1402.
                                      │
                            ┌─────────┴─────────────────────┐
                            │                               │
                    Lorenzo = Ghilla Cambi.       Francesco = Margherita
  (nat., legitimatized),    │       of Elisabetta Altoviti,   dau. of
  knighted by K. Charles V. │        b. 1376, member of the   Palla
  1397, d. 1405.            │      magistracy of Eight 1433.  Strozzi
                            │
                  ┌─────────┴────────────────────────────────┐
                  │                                          │
               Niccolò                                Tommaso=Dianora
  b. 1401, Gonfalonier 1451 and 1465,  b. 1403. several times│Tornabuoni
  exiled in consequence of the         ambassador and five   │
  conspiracy of Diotisalvi Neroni,     times Gonfalonier,    │
   d. at Ravenna 1474.                 d. 1485.              │
                                                             │
        ┌────────────────┬───────────────┬──────────┬────────┴───┐
        │                │               │          │            │
    Francesco          Piero      Paol’Antonio    Tommaso  Gian Vittorio
     b. 1453.          made      several times   knighted   Rector of
  Cardinal─Bishop   Gonfalonier   ambassador,     by Leo X.  Pisa and
    of Volterra,    for life        d. 1499.                 ambassador.
     d. 1524.        in 1502,
                     d. 1522.

VISCONTI AND SFORZA.

   GIAN GALEAZZO VISCONTI = Isabelle of France.
  Duke of Milan, d. 1402.   │
           ┌───────┬────────┴─────┐          Muzio Attendolo
           │       │              │           of Cotignola,
           │ Giovanni  Filippo    │       called Sforza d. 1424.
           │   Maria    Maria     │        ┌─────┬────┬───────┐
           │  d. 1412. d. 1447.   │        │     │    │       │
           │                   Bianca=Francesco  │  Bosio     │
 Valentina = Louis,            Maria │b. 1401,   │ Count of   │
           │ Duke of           (nat.)│ Duke of   │ Sta. Fiora,│
           │ Orleans.                │Milan 1450,│ d. 1476.   │
           │                         │ d. 1466.  │            │
   Charles, Duke of Orleans.         │           │         ┌──┘
           │                         │           │         │
           │                         │       Alessandro   Lisa=Leonetto
  Louis XII., King of France.        │         Lord of        │da
                                     │         Pesaro,        │San
                                     │        d. 1473.        │Severino.
                                     │           │            │
                                     │        Costanzo     Roberto
                                     │        d. 1483.     da San
                                     │                    Severino.
                                     │
      ┌────────────┬───────┬─────────┴────────┬────┬────┐
      │            │       │                  │    │    │
  Galeazzo=Bona of │   Lodovico = Beatrice    │ Ascanio │
    Maria │Savoy.  │  ‘il Moro’   d’Este      │  Maria  │
  d. 1476.│        │    Duke of   dau. of     │ Cardinal│
          │        │   Bari and   Duke Ercole │   1484, │
          │        │    of Milan, and Eleonora│  d. 1505│
          │     Sforza  d. 1510.  of Aragon.  │         │
          │    Duke of                        │         │
          │     Bari,                     Ottaviano  Ippolita
          │    d. 1479.                    d. 1477.  Maria
          │                                          d. 1488.=Alfonso
          │                                                  │of
          │                                                  │Aragon,
          │                                                  │afterwards
          │                                                  │King of
          │                                                  │Naples.
          │                                                  │
          │               ┌──────────────────────────────────┘
          │               │
   Giovanni Galeazzo = Isabella
    Duke of Milan,
         d. 1495.

APPENDIX III.

LORENZO’S LAST HOURS.

_Book VI. Chapter VIII._

THE interview of Savonarola and Lorenzo de’ Medici has given rise to a
controversy which has never been definitively settled. The account of
the monk’s biographers, Giovan Francesco Pico and Pacifico Burlamachi,
cannot be reconciled with that given in Politian’s letter above
referred to. This last has the air of containing a mitigated version
of the facts, intended to efface the bad impression made by current
reports of the matter; and the third exhortation put into the monk’s
mouth by Politian—‘that he should endure death with patience’—sounds
almost like a commonplace, considering the gravity of the moment and
the characters of the interlocutors. C. F. Meier, in his History
of Savonarola (p. 52, &c.), and Villari, in ‘La Storia di Girolamo
Savonarola’ (i. 136), accept the version given by the Ferrarese monk’s
earliest biographers, and Villari tries to establish it by a long note
(p. 155-158). But this version contains great improbabilities. How
should the dying man, who had just received the viaticum, make another
confession? And what could Savonarola have meant by his famous third
demand—what practical use or effect could he expect from it, or from
the possible assent of the dying man? The story looks like an invention
of the after-days of excitement. The doubts as to the authenticity
of the books of Burlamachi and Pico, which, it is suspected, were
fabricated in the convent of San Marco and adorned with these authors’
names, are of little consequence in this connection, as in any case the
tradition was doubtless current among Savonarola’s contemporaries.

Bartolommeo Cerretani gives, in the third book of his MS. chronicle,
the following account of Lorenzo’s last hours:—‘April 7, about the
fifth hour, Lorenzo received the Lord’s Supper. As his illness was
making such rapid progress, Messer Pier Leoni, otherwise an excellent
physician, lost heart; other doctors were at once sent for, but it
was too late. Feeling his end approaching, the sick man sent for his
eldest son Piero, gave him divers exhortations, and then sent him away.
About the twentieth hour he began to cry out: “I am dying and there is
none to help me!” All hastened to him. He said he wanted to get up a
little, and had himself lifted out of bed, but only to be laid down
immediately. The pains were so violent that he lost consciousness.
Those standing round him began to weep, for they thought he was dead.
A Camaldulensian who was present took off his spectacles, and holding
them to his mouth perceived that he still breathed. A restorative was
given him and he came to himself. Then he called for his son again and
spoke to him softly, so that none of the others heard. After that his
condition rapidly grew worse, so that he gave up the ghost on the 8th,
about the fourth hour of the evening, in the arms of a valet.’

The doctor who, though a learned man, certainly seems to have blundered
in his judgment as to Lorenzo’s illness, put an end to his life next
morning as has been related above (p. 461), by jumping into the well at
the Martelli villa at San Gervasio before Porta Pinti.

Sannazzaro’s poem in terza rima (in Roscoe, Ap. lxxviii.) on the death
of Piero Leoni attributes it to the instigation of Piero de’ Medici.
The fragment beginning: ‘Fu trovato essere stato gettato in un pozzo’
&c., published in Fabroni (l. c. ii. 397) as being from some anonymous
author in the Magliabecchiana, is borrowed from the Ricordi of Alamanno
Rinuccini (p. cxlvi). Petrus Crinitus and Valerianus (De literatorum
infelicitate) take it for granted that the doctor in his agitation took
his own life; and Cerretani certainly indicates that Leoni, who a short
time before had been in good hopes, lost his head. He states, moreover,
that the Medici’s grooms threatened the life of the physician, who was,
therefore, taken to San Gervasio, and that the report of his death
by the violence of others was immediately spread, but was unfounded.
Burcard in his defective report (p. 175) alludes to Piero de’ Medici’s
complaint by saying that the fatal termination of the illness was to be
attributed to wrong medical treatment, and raises a supposition that at
Rome there was believed to have been a murder.

In May, Demetrius Chalcondylas wrote from Milan to Marcello Virgilio
Adriani: ‘Thou hast announced to me two sad events; the flash of
lightning which has struck the principal church of the city, occasioned
so much ruin, and presaged so great evils; and the death of Lorenzo,
the most famous man of our time, who was distinguished in so many
ways. His decease causes me deep sorrow, not merely on account of the
loss, which touches us all in no slight degree, but also on account
of what I personally lose, who have always found him a kind patron.
And to all this is added the sad and fearful death of Piero Leoni,
which has shocked me more than anything for a long time past. Believe
me, Marcello, this end casts a shadow over Lorenzo’s death, and is
a dishonour to the family and to the whole city. For although thou,
like others, writest that he threw himself into the well, yet it is
difficult to convince thoughtful people that such a wise and learned
man, who, as thou thyself also tellest me, treated Lorenzo in his
illness with so much care, could have been seized with such madness as
to choose so shameful a death.’ (Bandini, Collectio, &c., p. 22).

In Fabroni, l. c., and Roscoe, ‘Life of Leo X.’ (Ap. No. xxii.) will
be found the letters written by Cardinal Giovanni to his brother after
their father’s death. The first may be given here. The original is in
the curious mixture of Latin and Italian sentences which was then still
in vogue.

‘My beloved brother, now the only support of our house. What shall I
write to thee, when only tears are left me? For when I consider that
our father of blessed memory is taken from us, I am nearer weeping than
speaking. What a father! None was kinder than he to his children; of
this facts are witness. Therefore it is no wonder that I lament and can
find no rest; and my only consolation is that I have thee, my brother,
in our father’s place. It is for thee to command, for me to obey,
and thy commands will always give me the greatest pleasure. Try me;
nothing shall find me backward. But I beg thee, my Piero, be towards
all, especially towards thine own people, as I wish thee, beneficent,
kind, courteous, gracious; thereby all is obtained, all is preserved.
Not because I mistrust thee do I remind thee of this, but because it
is my duty. I am consoled and sustained by the concourse of mourners
to our house, the universal sympathy, the mourning of the whole city,
and other things which help to alleviate sorrow. But what consoles me
above all is that I have thee, whom I trust more than my words are able
to express. As to what thou wishest arranged with his Holiness, nothing
has been done, as it seemed better to take another way, on which the
ambassador will report to thee, and which seems as if it must lead more
easily to the object. Rome, April 12, 1492.’

THE END.

  LONDON: PRINTED BY
  SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. NEW-STREET SQUARE
  AND PARLIAMENT STREET

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The collection of Italian poetry made by Lorenzo de’ Medici for Don
Federigo is to be found—not, indeed, in the original, which was lost
probably during the French invasion of Naples in 1495—but in a copy
made either at the end of the fifteenth or in the sixteenth century,
and now in the Florentine National Library (Magliabecchi), to which it
passed with the Palatine MSS. (Fr. Palermo, _I manoscritti Palatini di
Firenze_, Flor. 1853 _seq._; i. 353 _seq._). This MS. belonged to Marco
Foscarini, with whose library it went in 1800 to Vienna, and later
to the Archduke, afterwards Grand Duke, Leopold, when he collected
and published the poems of Lorenzo (_Opere di Lorenzo de’ Medici_,
Florence, 1825, 4 vols. i. p. xxvi., where occur also Apostolo Zeno’s
remarks on the MS. in question). On the MSS. and printed copies of
Lorenzo’s poems, compare the same edition, i. p. xiii.-xlv., and Gamba,
_Testi di Lingua_, pp. 648-660. For a complete critically revised text
much is still wanting, even after the splendid edition of 1825, which
came out under the auspices of the della Crusca Academy. A large and
well-arranged selection, _Poesie di Lorenzo de’ Medici_, Flor. 1859,
has an introduction by Giosuè Carducci, which has been a guide to much
of what is said here of Lorenzo as a poet.

The letter of Lorenzo to Don Federigo, from which extracts are given
above, is among the Riccardi MSS., No. 2723, under the name of
Poliziano, and was published under that name in the edition of the
_Rime_ by V. Manucci and L. Ciampolini, Flor. 1814. The mistake is
palpable; Poliziano’s age and the agreement with Lorenzo’s views in
the commentary on his poems, show it as clearly as do the historical
allusions.

[2] Cf. Carducci’s edition of the _Poesie di Lor. de’ Med._, p. 54
_seq._, and Fabroni, _supra_, p. 10.

[3] Herr von Reumont here gives two or three specimens of Lorenzo’s
sonnets translated into German verse. It is not attempted to
retranslate these, but the English reader in search of examples of the
poet’s style is referred to Roscoe’s _Lorenzo de’ Medici_, ii., iii.,
v.—_Note by Translator._

[4] ‘Il montanino ha scarpe grosse e cervello fino.’ The fullest
collection of _rispetti_ and other Tuscan popular songs is that of
G. Tigri, _Canti popolari Toscani_, first published at Florence in
1856, and reprinted several times since. The reproach against the
‘Wunderhorn’ has been repeated in this case, and indeed not without
reason.

[5] Tommaso Lancillotto’s _Chronicle_ in the _Cronache inedite
Modenesi_, pp. 8, 9. _Poesie musicali dei secoli XIV, XV, XVI, tratte
da vari codici per cura di Ant. Cappelli_, Bologna 1869. Cf. the last
story of the fifth day of the _Decameron_.

[6] _Oratio christiani gregis ad pastorem Xistum_, Epist. 1. vi. 1. Cf.
_supra_, i. 440.

[7] _Lettere di Marsilio Ficino_, i. 66 _seq._

[8] Inscription on the monument in Sta. Maria del Fiore:

               EN HOSPES HIC EST MARSILIUS SOPHIÆ PATER,
                  PLATONICUM QUI DOGMA CULPA TEMPORUM
               SITU OBRUTUM ILLUSTRANS, ET ATTICUM DECUS
               SERVANS, LATIO DEDIT FORES PRIMUS SACRAS,
                 DIVINO APERIENS MENTIS ACTUS NUMINE.
                    VIXIT BEATUS ANTE COSMI MUNERE
                 LAURIQUE MEDICI NUNC REVIXIT PUBLICO.
                              S. P. Q. F.
                              ANNO MXDXI.

[9] See a remarkable letter to Lorenzo, dated 1475, in which he speaks
of the neglected muses, in Bandini, _Collectio veterum monumentorum_,
p. 1.

[10] In his poem of _Xandra_, book ii. Cf. Bandini, _Specimen litt._,
i. 124.

[11] The copy of _Christophori Landini Florentini ad illustrem
Fridericim principem Urbinatem Disputationum Camaldulensiam libri IV._,
now in the Laurentian library, was written by Pietro Cennini, son of
Bernardo, the first Florentine printer, finished at the end of spring,
and collated with the original. Cf. Bandini, l. c. ii. 188 _seq._ (see
also p. 3 _seq._ as to the meeting and the persons present). The first
edition is said (_ibid._ p. 192) to have been printed in 1475(?) and a
second at Strasburg in 1508. It was translated into Italian by Antonio
Cambini, a literary man much employed by Lorenzo and also in the
service of his son the Cardinal. He was also in communication with the
Este family, and afterwards attached himself to Savonarola, at whose
fall his house was burnt down. (Cf. Cappelli, l. c. p. 309; Villari,
_Storia di G. Savonarola_, ii. 388.)

[12] Manni, _Istoria del Decamerone_, pt. i. chap. xxix.

[13] Mehus, _Traversari_, p. 178.

[14] Mehus, l. c. p. 176.

[15] ‘Che ‘l Dante io leggeva per mio piacere e per fare cosa grata
alla vostra inclyta città.’ Milan, May 29, 1473, in Fabroni, _Laur.
Med. Vita_, ii. 76.

[16] On the various editions of the old biographies of Dante, see G.
C. Galletti in _Phil. Villani liber_, &c., where Villani, Leon. Bruni,
and Giann. Manetti are printed, the last with Melius’ notes for his
edition, Flor. 1747. The MS. of G. M. Filelfo in the Laurentiana was
published by D. Morini, Flor. 1826.

[17] Vide section iii. chap. iii.

[18] For the numerous bibliographical works on the history of Dante and
his writings, we can only give a general reference to the _Bibliografia
Dantesca_ of Colomb de Batines and the _Enciclopedia Dantesca_ of
Ferrazzi.

[19] According to the colophon, the printing was finished on August
30, 1481. Cf. Bandini, l. c. ii. 131, 140-143; Colomb de Batines, l.
c. vol. i. pt. ii. p. 43; Marsilio’s Address, Bandini, pp. 132-134;
Batines, pp. 43, 44. The Magliabecchian copy has been lately rebound,
and not in very good taste.

[20] _Paradiso_, xxv. 7. Girol. Benivieni, _Cantico in laude di Dante
Alighieri_, in _Works_, Venice 1522. Cf. Bandini, ii. 134-136. The
latter part of the poem, from the line ‘La patria, che a me madre, a Te
noverca,’ refers to the above-quoted lines of Dante. The restoration of
citizen rights to the poet’s great-great-grandson, who bore his name,
and who was a friend of Poliziano (_Letter to Lorenzo_, Flor. June 5,
1490, in the _Prose volgari_, &c., p. 76), did not take place till
1496, and was paid for! (Gaye, l. c. p. 584.)

[21] Isidoro del Lungo, _Un documento Dantesco, Arch. Stor. Ital._,
series iii. vol. xix. p. 4.

[22] Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 499 _seq._ Palmieri’s Latin
biography of the grand seneschal was translated into Italian by a
relative of the latter, Donato Acciaiuolo.

[23] On the _Giostra_, see above, i. 264 _seq._, and Salvator Bongi’s
oft-mentioned edition of the _Lettere di Luigi Pulci_. A new edition of
_Ciriffo Calvaneo_, with full bibliographical references by S. L. G.
Audin, appeared at Florence in 1834.

[24] L. Ranke’s academical treatise, _Zur Geschichte der italienischen
Poesie_, Berlin, 1837, contains an excellent account of the elements
and the development of the romantic epopee. The last edition of
_Morgante_, which was first printed at Venice in 1481 and at Florence
in the following year (Gamba, _Testi di Lingua_, p. 241 _seq._) is
that by P. Sermolli, published at Florence a few years ago. The oldest
impression of the _Reali di Francia_ is that published at Modena in
1491, ten years after Pulci’s poem.

[25] L. Pulci, _Lettere_, p. 38. Cf. _supra_, i. 313.

[26] February 1, 1468. L. Pulci, _Lettere_, p. 8.

[27] A petition of his widow, July 14, 1485, states that he had been
dead more than eight months. Cf. _Lettere_, pp. 10, 102, 114.

[28] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 98.

[29] Isidoro del Lungo, _La patria e gli antenati d’Angelo Poliziano_
in _Arch. Stor. Ital._, series iii. vol. xi. p. 9 _seq._ Id. _Uno
Scolare dello studio fiorentino nel sec. XV_, in the _Nuova Antologia_,
x. 215, _seq._ Fr. Otto Mencke’s _Historia Vitæ, etc. Ang. Pol._,
Leipzig, 1736, will always be valuable as a careful collection of
literary and critical materials. _Opera Ang. Politiani_, Flor. 1499.
_Le Stanze, l’Orfeo e le Rime di Messer Ang. Ambrogini Pol., illustrate
da Giosuè Carducci_, Flor. 1863. _Prose volgari e Poesie latine e
greche di A. A. P. raccolte da Isidoro del Lungo_, Flor. 1867.

[30] _Prose volgari_, p. 109.

[31] Ibid. p. 248.

[32] See _Prose volgare_, p. 481: ‘O cui tyrrheni florentia signa
leonis.’

[33] _Epistolæ_, viii. 6, 7.

[34] See the poems addressed to Cardinal Riario in the _Prose volgare_,
pp. 111-114. Cf. _supra_, i. 346.

[35] These four books were printed by Cardinal Angelo Mai in the second
volume of the _Spicilegium Romanum_, from two MSS. in the Vatican,
and thence in the _Prose volgare_, pp. 431-523. The MSS. came to the
Vatican from Fulvio Orsini. The one on parchment, with the Medici
arms on a red leather binding, is the copy of books ii. and iii.,
presented by the author to Lorenzo. The other contains books iv. and
v., apparently in Poliziano’s handwriting and without a dedication.

[36] There has been much question as to the relation between the
original ‘Orfeo,’ which the author wanted to destroy, and the later
one, which was turned into a tragedy in several acts. The latter
was published in 1776 by Ireneo Affò, with a detailed introduction
and _excursus_; and in 1812 Vincenzo Ranucci wrote some extensive
philological observations upon it which were reprinted in the Carducci
edition, pp. 113-188. The question which has lately been raised as to
Poliziano’s authorship of this second version must be left for decision
to the poet’s biographers. There is a prospect of a detailed account of
his life by I. del Lungo.

[37] It has been shown in vol. i. p. 299, that Poliziano did not begin
this poem so early as has been imagined, from an idea that Giuliano’s
tournament was held at the same time as that of his brother. That he
was at work upon it in 1476 is proved by the allusion to the death of
Simonetta, the young beauty to whom Giuliano’s heart was given, an
event which Poliziano sang also in Latin, _Prose volgare_, p. 149. [In
Simonettam, ‘Dum pulchra effertur nigro Simonetta pheretro.’]

[38] Laurus, the poetical name by which the poets of the time
distinguished Lorenzo.

[39] Roscoe’s translation.

[40] ‘In violas a Venere mea dono acceptas,’ in _Prose volgare_, p.
238; Carducci, p. cviii. Agnolo Firenzuola and Giulio Perticari have
translated this elegy in very different styles. Cf. _supra_, p. 15.

[41] The diploma (with a wrong date) was printed from the
archiepiscopal archives of Florence in Bandini, l. c. i. 188.

[42] _Prose volgare_, pp. 285-427.

[43] _Epist._ l. x. 14.

[44] _Prælectio in Priora Aristotelis analytica cui titulus Lamia. La
Strega, prelezione alle Priora d’Aristotile nello studio Fiorentino
l’anno 1483 per Ang. Ambr. Poliziano volgar. da Isidori del Lungo_,
Flor. 1864. The immediate neighbourhood of Fiesole, where Poliziano
was so thoroughly at home, still recalls the witch-traditions of the
middle ages. The subterranean chambers of the Roman theatre (unhappily
in great part destroyed) on the northern slope of the hill are called
by the people the Witches’ grottos—(Buche delle Fate); they are not far
from the stone grotto on the eastern slope, the Fonte Soterra, which is
always full of cool water, and the Latomie, which Brunelleschi opened
for the purposes of his wonderful buildings (Fr. Inghirami, _Memorie
storiche per servire di guida all’Osservatore in Fiesole_, Fiesole
1839), p. 60 _seq._

[45] The translation appeared at Rome in 1493. The dedication to the
Pope and his Brief are in book viii. of the _Epistolæ_. The poem
‘Herodianus in laudem traductoris sui,’ is in _Prose volgare_, etc., p.
264.

[46] _Letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici_, June 5, 1490, _ibid._ p. 76.

[47] _Letter to Piero de’ Medici_, Florence, May 23, 1494, _ibid._ p.
84.

[48] Poliziano’s _Letters to Madonna Clarice_ (cf. vol. ii. book vi.
ch. iii.) are in I. del Lungo, _Prose volgare_, p. 45 _seq._, and also
his letters from Pistoja, Caffagiuolo, Careggi, and Fiesole, to Lorenzo
and his mother, some of which had already been printed by Fabroni.

[49] Poliziano afterwards sent the ode also to Lorenzo.

[50] The graceful description of the view of Florence and its
neighbourhood from Fiesole (‘Talia Fœsuleo lentus meditabar in antro
Rure suburbano Medicum) stands at the end of the poem of Rusticus,
which bears the date 1483, but its origin is probably connected with
the time referred to above.

[51] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 288.

[52] Fiesole, May 21 and July 18, 1479, in _Prose volgari_, pp. 71-74.
Several Latin epigrams to Lorenzo (_ibid._ pp. 123, 124) are of this
period.

[53] _Prose volgari_, p. 127 (‘O ego quam cupio reducis contingere
dextram’).

[54] Latini dettati a Piero de’ Medici, 1481, _ibid._ pp. 17-41.

[55] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 280.

[56] _Epist._ xii. 7.

[57] D. M. Manni, _Bartholomei Scalæ Collensis vita_, Flor. 1768.
Scala’s _Florentine History_, now completely forgotten, appeared at
Rome in 1677. The Laurentiana contains a MS. collection of letters,
poems, &c., by him, to and on Cosimo the elder, and dedicated to
Lorenzo (cf. Moreni, _Bibliographia_, ii. 321).

[58] Ang. Pol. _Epist._ xii. 17.

[59] Accolti (on whom cf. Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 442 _seq._)
died in 1466, aged 51; the seals were not delivered to Scala till March
1473, so they must have been put into commission (Manni, l. c. 15).
Accolti’s dialogue, _De præstantia virorum sui ævi_, which, in spite of
the many reservations made by the author from personal motives, will
deserve regard as the work of a man in high position, was first printed
by Ben. Bacchini, Parma, 1689, and later by Galletti in _Philippi
Villani Liber_, p. 97 _seq._

[60] A. M. Bandini, _Lettere Fiesolane_, Flor. 1776, p. 30.

[61] A. Guidoni to Duke Ercole II., April 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p.
281.

[62] Ang. Pol. _Epist._ xii. 17-19.

[63] ‘Ad Bartholomæum Scalam’ in the _Prose volgari_, p. 273.

[64] In the _Epigrammata Græca_. Cf. _Prose volgari_, p. 199 _seq._

[65] ‘Quæris quid mihi de tuo Marullo,’ in the _Prose volgari_, p. 124;
‘Quod plura Venerem tuus Marullus, _ibid._ p. 125.

[66] ‘Invectiva in Mabilium,’ _ibid._ p. 131 _seq._ The poems of
Marullus were printed at Florence in 1497.

[67] F. Fossi, _Monumenta ad Alamanni Rinuccini vitam contexandam_,
&c., Flor. 1791. G. Aiazzi, in _Ricordi storici di Filippo Rinuccini_,
p. 139 _seq._

[68] Anton. Francesco Gori has added to a MS. commentary on Rucellai’s
treatise _De Urbe Roma_ (in the Marucelliana at Florence) a life of the
author. Cf. L. Passerini, _Genealogia ec. della Famiglia Rucellai_, p.
122 _seq._ Bernardo was born 1488, died 1514.

[69] L. Passerini, _Degli Orti Oricellarj_, in the _Curiosità_, p. 56
_seq._ The house, built on the ground bought from Nannina de’ Medici
in 1482, was begun about the end of the century. It passed, with the
beautiful gardens, to Bianca Cappello; it now, after many changes,
belongs to a Countess Orloff.

[70] ‘Bernardo Bembo veneto oratori viro undecumque elegantissimo.’ In
the _Prose volgari_, p. 251. The copy of Landino’s _Xandra_, once sent
by him to Bembo, is in the Vatican library. Cf. Bandini, l. c. ii. 164
_seq._

[71] Foscarini, l. c. 267.

[72] Inscription on his tomb in Sta. Maria del Popolo:

              BARBARIEM HERMOLEOS LATIO QUI DEPULIT OMNEM
              BARBARUS HIC SITUS EST UTRAQUE LINGUA OEMIT
             URBS VENETUM VITAM MORTEM DEDIT INCLYTA ROMA
                  NON POTUIT NASCI NOBILIUSQUE MORI.

[73] Florence, May 10, 1490. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 377.

[74] Gaye, l. c. i. 294.

[75] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 284; also in _Prose volgari_, p. 78 _seq._

[76] Piero Alamanni to Lorenzo, Rome, May 14, 1491; in Fabroni, l. c.
p. 379.

[77] L. Geiger, _Johann Reuchlin_ (Leipzig, 1871), p. 163 _seq._

[78] In A. Cappelli, l. c. p. 282. Domenico Berti, _Cenni e
documenti intorno a Giovanni Pico della Mirandola_, in the _Rivista
contemporanea_, vol. xvi., Turin, 1859. The reports sent to Lorenzo
during his stay at the baths, quoted here from the Medicean archives,
agree substantially with the accounts given by Guidoni.

[79] In Cappelli, l. c. p. 303. The date of the _Apology_ seems to be
really wrong. In the register of Lorenzo’s correspondence (_Ricordi
di lettere scripti per Lor. de’ Med._) in the Florentine archives, we
find notice of a letter written as late as February 12, 1488, ‘al conte
della Mirandola, ringraziandolo dell’Apologia mandate,’ letter enclosed
to Lorenzo Spinelli, one of the Medicean agents in France.

[80] _Med. Arch._, Filza 57.

[81] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 291. Some of the following extracts are in the
same; some, unpublished, in the _Med. Arch._

[82] A. Guidoni, Flor. September 25, 1488, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 303.

[83] _Epist._ lib. i. 4. _Epigramm. Græca_, lib. iii. in _Prose
volgari_, p. 218.

[84] _Disputationum de Astrologia_, lib. xii. _Epigramm. Græca_, xlix.
l. c. p. 214.

[85] Speech on accepting the office of Capitano del popolo, from L. B.
Alberti’s papers, in Bonucci, _Opere di L. B. A._, vol. i. p. xlii.

[86] G. Perticaro, _Intorno la morte di Pandolfo Collenuccio_, in his
_Opere_, Bologna, 1839, ii. 52 _seq._

[87] Cf. Ben. Varchi’s remarks upon Naldi in _Prose volgari inedite_,
p. 122.

[88] It is not intended in the present work to go into the details of
these mostly uninteresting poetical productions. Bandini has noticed
many of them in the catalogue of the Laurentiana; Roscoe has filled
many pages with quotations and bibliographical notices; to add to them
would be easy but useless.

[89] The _Dieci di Balia_, Florence, January 14, 1432, in Fabroni,
_Cosmi Med. Vita_, ii. 8.

[90] Guicciardini, _Del reggimento di Firenze_, p. 209.

[91] Fabroni, _Historia Academiæ Pisanæ_, i. 109 _seq._; _Laur. Med.
Vita_, i. 49. Many other references to the University, _ibid._ ii. 74
_seq._ Carlo de’ Massimi, _Carmen heroicum ad Laurentium Medicem de
studio per eumden Pisis innovato_, from a Laurentian MS., in Bandini,
_Laur. Cat._, vol. iii., and Roscoe, iii. 237 _seq._ (No. lviii.)

[92] Fabroni, _Laur. Med. Vita_, ii. 77.

[93] Rosmini, _Vita di Fr. Filelfo_, ii 191.

[94] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 75, 76.

[95] Camillo Massimo, _Sopra una inedita medaglia di Francesco Massimo
dottore in legge e cavaliere_, Rome, 1860. Francesco Massimo was
elected Podestà of Siena in 1477, but could not assume the office owing
to the death of his father. That he was in Florence in 1488-89, engaged
in affairs of state, is shown by the following letter from Lorenzo to
Giovanni Lanfredini at Rome: ‘Messer Francesco Massimi is going back,
having gained the approval of the whole city as well as my own. He
has in truth conducted himself so well that I have thought good to
recommend him to his Holiness and to the Cardinal Giovanni Colonna. I
do the same to you, and beg you to bear witness that his conduct could
not have been more praiseworthy. In consideration of his good offices I
shall be glad if you will introduce him wherever it may be agreeable to
him.’ Florence, March 13, 1489 (_Med. Arch._ Filza 59).

[96] The _Annales suorum temporum_ were printed by Gio. Lami in the
_Catalogus codd. MSS. bibl. Riccard._, Livorno, 1756; and again by
Galletti, in _Phil. Villani liber_, &c., p. 151 _seq._ According to a
letter of Fonti to Lorenzo, he once intended writing a history of the
Medici. He praised the chief scholars of his time in a pretty epigram,
_ibid._ p. 153.

[97] Gaye, l. c. i. 273.

[98] _Med. Arch._, Filza 59.

[99] Venice, June 20, 1491, in _Prose volgari_, p. 78.

[100] The letters are in Poliziano’s _Epistolæ_, book xi.

[101] A. M. Bandini, _Ragionamento istorico sulle collazione delle
Pandette, ec._, Livorno 1762, The copy of the Pandects marked with
Poliziano’s collations is preserved in the Laurentianæ. Bandini also
speaks of it in the fourth volume of the _Catalogue of Latin MSS._ See
Th. Mommsen’s introduction to his critical edition of the _Digestum_.

[102] F. Fantozzi, _Notizie biografiche di Bernardo Cennini_, Florence,
1839. G. Ottino, _Di Bernardo Cennini e dell’arte della stampa in
Firenze_, Florence, 1871. When the first Florentine printer had been
almost forgotten for 400 years, the present generation, on occasion of
the fourth centenary of his work, has raised a monument to him in San
Lorenzo—where he lies buried—placed a memorial tablet on the site of
his workshop, and given his name to a street.

[103] ‘Ad lectorem. Florentiæ, VII. Idus Novembres, MCCCCLXXI.
Bernardus Cennnius (_sic_) aurifer omnium iudicio præstantissimus: et
Dominicus eius F. egregiæ indolis adolescens: expressis ante calibe
caracteribus et deinde fusis literis volumen hoc primum impresserunt.
Petrus Cenninus Bernardi eiusdem F. quanta potuit cura et diligentia
emendavit ut cernis. Florentinis ingeniis nil ardui est.’

[104] P. Vinc. Fineschi, _Notizie istoriche sopra la stamperia di [S.
Jacopo di] Ripoli_, Flor. 1761. D. Moreni in the _Novelle letterarie
Fiorentine_ of 1791, and F. Fossi in the _Catalogo delle antiche
edizioni della B. Magliabechiana_, vol. iii., have collected other
information concerning the works of this printing establishment
amounting to eighty-six in number, among which, curiously enough, a
_Decameron_ is included.

[105] Enea Piccolomini, _Delle condizioni e delle vicende della
libreria Medicea privata_, in the _Arch. Star. Ital._, series iii.
vols. xix. and xx. N. Anziani, _Della Biblioteca Medicea-Laurenziana_,
Flor. 1872.

[106] Targioni-Tozzetti, _Notizie sulla storia delle scienze fisiche in
Toscana_ (ed. by Fr. Palermo), Flor. 1853, pp. 60, 61.

[107] _Med. Arch._

[108] Fabroni, l. c. i. 153; ii. 286.

[109] _Ibid._ i. 163.

[110] Cappelli, l. c. The MS. was by Battista Guarino. The translation
was first printed at Venice in 1532, the original at Paris in 1548.

[111] _Prose volgari_, p. 78.

[112] This poetess, of a Milanese family, was born at Venice about
1465, and is supposed to have died in 1558. Politian (_Epist._ l. iii.
17) addresses her: ‘O decus Italiæ virgo.’

[113] Florence, May 8, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 287.

[114] Vasari’s _Life of Fra Giocondo_ (ix. 155 _seq._) is very
imperfect and leaves room for further study. On Giocondo’s works in his
own city see G. Orti Manara, _Dei lavori architettonici di Fra Giocondo
in Verona_, Ver., 1853. On his collection of inscriptions see G. B. de
Rossi, _I Fasti municipali di Venosa restituite alla sincera lezione_,
Rome 1853. (From vol. cxxxiii. of the _Giornale Arcadico_.) According
to the _Novelle letterarie di Firenze_ for the year 1771, p. 725, the
Medicean copy was sent to Pope Clement XIV., but has never been seen
either in the Vatican archives or the library. On the other copies,
and the second collection, differing from the first in some respects,
less numerous, and dedicated to Ludovico de Agnellis, Archbishop of
Cosenza, cf. De Rossi, p. 7 _seq._ The dedication—‘Laurentio Medici Fr.
Io. Jucundus S. P. D.’—is in Fabroni, ii. 279 _seq._ It ends: ‘Vale
feliciter humani generis amor et deliciæ.’

[115] _Med. Arch._

[116] Epist. ad J. Bracciolini, l. i. Prolegom. ad Platonis convivium.

[117] The work of the Sicilian Jesuit, P. Leonardo Ximenes, _Del
vecchio e nuovo Gnomone fiorentino_, Flor. 1757, contains the history
and explanation of the scientific value of the famous meridian, and of
the more ancient mathematical and astronomical works in Tuscany.

[118] This controversy has never rested from the time of Angelo Maria
Bandini, who published in 1755 the _Vita e Lettere di Amerigo Vespucci
gentiluomo fiorentino_, down to our own days, which have witnessed
a new defence of the Florentine’s claims by the Brazilian, F. A. de
Varnhagen. It will be sufficient here to refer the reader to the facts
published by Oscar Peschel in the _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 305
_seq._, and in an essay on Amerigo in the periodical _Das Ausland_ (No.
32, 1858). Vespucci’s well-known work on his second journey (Bandini,
p. 64) is addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, the son of Pier Francesco.

[119] Cianfogni, _Memorie istoriche della basilica di S. Lorenzo_
(Flor. 1804), p. 228. On Brunelleschi, cf. i. 71 _seq._

[120] D. Moreni, _Continuazione delle Memorie della basilica di San
Lorenzo_ (Flor. 1816), i. 6 _seq._

[121] The dedication (to Piero de’ Medici) of a treatise on
Architecture by Antonio Averlino, called Filarete (see below, p. 135),
shows that the Church had not been rebuilt in 1460: ‘Resta ancora la
chiesa a rinovare.’ The resemblance of its architecture to that of the
chapel of the Madonna de’ Voti, afterwards dell’Incoronata, in the
cathedral of Mantua, always regarded as a work of Leon Bat. Alberti,
awakens a suspicion that he may have been concerned in the building
at Fiesole. Cf. Gaye, l. c. i. 200 _seq._; 263. Vasari, _Life of
Filarete_, iii. 290.

[122] D. Moreni, _Notizie istoriche dei Contorni di Firenze_, iii. 93
_seq._ Cf. i. 576 _seq._

[123] The Silvestrine was a branch of the Vallombrosan order, named
after its founder Silvestro Gozzolini.

[124] Cf. i. 574-576.

[125] Vasari, _Life of Michelozzo_, iii. 277-279. V. Marchese, _Memorie
dei Pittori ec. Domenicani_, i. 278 _seq._ _Id._, _San Marco convento
dei Frati Predicatori_ (Flor. 1853), p. 75 _seq._ The inscription in
the church, dated 1442, which speaks of ‘magnificis sumptibus v. cl.
Cosmi Medicis,’ &c., is in Vasari, p. 279.

[126] A. Zobi, _Memorie storico-artistiche relative alla Cappella della
SS. Annunziata_ (Flor. 1837), p. 14 _seq._ Fr. Bocchi, _Della immagine
miracolosa della SS. Nunziata_ (Flor. 1592, new ed. 1852). Inscription:
‘Petrus Med. Cosmi Joann. filius sacellum marmoreum voto suscepto animo
libens d. d. Anno 1448. Idib. Martii.’ Another inscription on the
cornice: ‘Piero di Cosimo de Medici fece fare questa hopera et Pagno
di Lapo di Fiesole fu el maestro chella fè MCCCCLII.’ From this it
certainly looks questionable whether Michelozzo furnished the designs,
as Pagno also executed larger works. Inscription relating to the
consecration: ‘Mariæ glorioss. virg. Guilelmus Cardinalis Rotomagensis
cum superni in terris nuntii munere fungeretur legati ratus officium
et innumeris miraculis locique religione motus hanc Annunciatæ aram
summa cum celebritate ac solenni pompa sacravit MCCCCLII., VIII. Kalen.
Januar.’

[127] Berti, _Cenni storico-artistici di S. Miniato al Monte_ (Flor.
1850), p. 54 _seq._ On June 10, 1448, Piero de’ Medici was allowed to
place his arms on the tabernacle on condition that those of the Guild
should have the highest place.

[128] C. Guasti, l. c. Doc. 290, p. 201. Brunelleschi was buried in
the cathedral. The epitaph is by Carlo Marsuppini: ‘D. S. Quantum
Philippus architectus arte Dædalea valuerit cum huius celeberrimi
templi mira testudo tum plures aliæ divino ingenio ab eo adiuventæ
machinæ documento esse possunt quapropter ob eximias sui animi dotes
singularesque virtutes XV. Kal. Maias anno MCCCCXLVI. eius b. m. corpus
in hac humo supposita grata patria sepeliri iussit.’

[129] Round the altar is the following inscription: ‘Ædem hanc
sanctissime Andrea tibi Pactii dedicarunt ut cum te immortalis Deus
hominum constituerit piscatorem locus sit in quem suos Franciscus ad
tua possit retia convocare.’ By Franciscus is doubtless meant the
saint to whose order the convent belonged, and not, as Richa and Moisè
suppose, Francesco de’ Pazzi, Andrea’s grandson. A letter of indulgence
from Card. Pietro Riario, October 8, 1473, speaks of Jacopo de’ Pazzi
as the founder.

[130] The history of the building of the Pitti palace has never been
thoroughly cleared up.

[131] Inscription:

                JOHANNES RUCELLARIUS PAULI FILIUS INDE
                  SALUTEM SUAM PRECARETUR UNDE OMNIUM
              CUM CHRISTO FACTA EST RESURRECTIO SACELLUM
                HOC AD INSTAR HYEROSOLIMITANI SEPULCRI
                     FACIUNDUM CURAVIT MCCCCLXVII.

[132] Documents on the building (1471), in Gaye, l. c. p. 225 _seq._
Vasari, iv. 59.

[133] The price was 150 gold florins; Gaye, l. c. p. 572. The statue
was removed when Duke Cosimo erected the fountain adorned with
Verrocchio’s Boy, and is now in the national museum in the Palace of
the Podestà.

[134] ‘Exemplum sal. pub. cives posuere MCCCCXCV.’ This inscription can
have nothing to do with the driving out of the Duke of Athens, as Moisè
(_Palazzo de’ Priori_, p. 166) imagines. The group occupied the place
which was assigned in 1504 to Michel Angelo’s ‘David,’ and has stood
since then on the side of the Loggia de’ Lanzi towards the Uffizi.
Vasari (l. c. p. 251) wrongly thinks it was executed for the Signoria.

[135] L. c. p. 250.

[136] Mantua, November 7, 1458. Cf. Braghirolli, in the _Giornale di
erudizione artistica_ (of Perugia), ii. 4 _seq._

[137] Vasari, l. c. pp. 264, 266. Fabroni, l. c. p. 159. According
to Vasari, Donatello died on December 13, 1466; according to the
contemporary M. Palmieri (_De Temporibus_), in 1468. In the crypt
of S. Lorenzo, near the tombs of the Medici, is the following later
inscription: ‘Donatellus restituta antiqua sculpendi cælandiq. arte
celeberrimus Mediceis principibus summis bonarum artium patronis
apprime carus qui ut vivum suspexere mortuo etiam sepulcrum loco sibi
proximiore constituerunt obiit idibus Decembris an. sal. MCCCCLXIV. æt.
suæ LXXXIII.’

[138] On Francesco Livi, cf. Gaye, l. c. ii. 441 _seq._ On Ser
Guasparre, see Rumohr, _Ital. Forschungen_, ii. 377 _seq._; G.
Milanesi, _Documenti dell’arte Sanese_, ii. 194 _seq._ On the Jesuates,
cf. i. 596, 597, and L. Fanfani, _Memorie di Sta. Maria del Pontenuovo_
(Pisa 1871), p. 124 _seq._

[139] These basso-rilievos, removed from the cathedral when the organs
were modernised, are now in the museum of the Palazzo del Podestà.

[140] _Metropolitana Fiorentina_, tables xxxiii.-xxxvi.

[141] Transferred from San Pancrazio to the church of San Francesco di
Paola before the Porta Romana; _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate lvii.

[142] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plates lvi., xli., xxi.

[143] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate xxxvi. Inscription:

             SISTE VIDES MAGNUM QUÆ SERVANT MARMORA VATEM
                  INGENIO CUIUS NON SATIS ORBIS ERAT
              QUÆ NATURA POLUS QUÆ MOS FERAT OMNIA NOVIT
                    KAROLUS ÆTATIS GLORIA MAGNA SUÆ
               AUSONLÆ ET GRAJÆ CRINES NUNC SOLVITE MUSÆ
                OCCIDIT HEU VESTRI FAMA DECUSQUE CHORI.

[144] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plates l., xxxi. Inscription:

POSTQUAM LEONARDUS E VITA MIGRAVIT HISTORIA LUGET
ELOQUENTIA MUTA EST FERTURQUE MUSAS TUM
GRAIAS TUM LATINAS LACRIMAS TENERE NON POTUISSE.

[145] Vespasiano da Bisticci, l. c. p. 157. Vasari mentions the
modelling in Verrocchio, v. 152. Brunelleschi’s cast is in the
building-office of Sta. Maria del Fiore (_Opera del Duomo_).

[146] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate lvi. Vasari, vol. iv. p. 218.
Berti, p. 70.

[147] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate lv.

[148] C. Pini, _La Scrittura di artisti Italiani_, cf. _supra_, p. 163.

[149] Executed in 1436; a pendant to the equestrian figure of Niccolò
Maruzzi of Tolentino (d. 1434) by Andrea dal Castagno. The improper
introduction of these equestrian figures into churches paved the way
for similar monuments in marble, such as may be seen especially in
Venice. In the cathedral of Florence was a complete figure of Piero
Farnese on a mule, as he rode to a fight with the Pisans in 1363.

[150] In this place, where we are concerned chiefly with the position
of the Medici in connection with the development of art, we cannot
refer in detail to the literature, which has been much enriched of
late years by Gastano Milanesi’s researches among the archives, on the
Tuscan painters of the early quattrocento (_Giornale storico degli
Archivi Toscani_, vols. iv. and vi., and reprinted in _Sulla storia
dell’arte Toscana_, Siena 1873), made use of by Crowe and Cavalcaselle
in their _History of Painting in Italy_.

[151] C. Pini, _Scrittura di Artisti_.

[152] This is not the place to refer in detail to the confused notices
in the Italian art-historians. Vasari mentions these works, among
others, in his Introduction, l. c. i. 63.

[153] Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, p. 251.

[154] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 231. It is doubtful whether the sums given at
the end of the inventory are to be added up together, or whether the
last represents the sum total.

[155] Letter to Giovanni de’ Medici, Bruges, June 22, 1488; in Gaye, l.
c. p. 158.

[156] Gaye, l. c. p. 163.

[157] Gaye, l. c. p. 160.

[158] Gaye, l. c. p. 136.

[159] _Ibid._ p. 192.

[160] Gaye, l. c. pp. 141, 175, 180. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iii.
64, 65.

[161] Complete edition by Gaetano and Carlo Milanese, _Il Libro
dell’arte o Trattato della Pittura_ (Flor. 1859). There is a German
translation, _Das Buch von der Kunst_, &c., by Albert Ilg (Vienna,
1871). The general supposition, from Baldinucci down to Tambroni, the
first editor of the treatise (Rome, 1821), viz., that Cennini wrote
it in 1437 in the Stinche prison, is derived from a gloss to the
Laurentian MS. which proceeds from the copyist instead of referring to
the author. The same postil gave rise to the statement that a fresco
in Giotto’s style, representing the driving out of the Duke of Athens,
and brought to light at the demolition of the prison, was painted by
Cennini. (Fr. Bacchi, _Illustratore Fiorentino_, pt. v., Flor. 1839).

[162] The second commentary, with the notices of modern art, is printed
in Cicognara’s _Storia della Scultura_, vol. iv., and more readably,
together with some extracts from the third, in Lemonnier’s edition of
_Vasari_, vol. i. pp. v.-xxxv.

[163] On Filarete’s treatise and the two dedications, cf. Vasari, iii.
290, 291, and Gaye, i. 200-206, where will be found the dedication to
Fr. Sforza. (Cf. _supra_, p. 122.) Filarete gives us a foretaste of the
art-phraseology of Federigo Zuccaro. For the rest, he says to Sforza:
‘If my book is not elegant, take it as the work, not of an orator nor
of a Vitruvius, but of thy master-builder who cast the doors of St.
Peter’s.’

[164] N. Valori, l. c. p. 176.

[165] Vasari, viii. 267. On the design of Andrea, see Waagen,
_Kunstwerk und Künstler in England_, i. 244. Cf. _posf_, p. 197 _seq._

[166] Pini, _Scrittura d’Artisti_. Cf. A. v. Zahn, _Jahrbücher für
Kunstwissenschaft_, iv. 367.

[167] Vasari, _Life of Giuliano_, iv. 1 _seq._ Gaye, l. c. in annis
1478, 1480, 1481.

[168] A. Rossi, in the _Giornale di erudiz. artist._, 1872, p. 97.
Inscription: ‘Opus Juliani Maiani et Dominici Taxi, Florentini,
MCCCCLXXXXI.’

[169] C. Milanesi, in the _Giorn. stor. degli Arch. Tosc._, iii.
233, 234. Letters dated Rome, February 1-20, 1478. In consequence of
the Cardinal’s death in the summer of 1479, the building remained
unfinished.

[170] Urbino, June 18, 1481. Gaye, l. c. p. 274.

[171] S. Volpicelli, _Descrizione storica di alcuni principali edificii
della città di Napoli_ (Naples 1850), p. 1 _seq._

[172] Gaye, l. c. p. 300 (undated).

[173] _Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio_, p. 22 _seq._ (Cf. i. 395.)
Cf. also, Gaye, l. c. p. 354 _seq._, where are also notices by Luca
Landucci, an apothecary, on the beginning and progress of the work, and
Filippo’s will. Vasari treats at length of the palace and of the smith
Caparri in his _Life of Cronaca_, viii. 116 _seq._

[174] Gaye, l. c. _ibid._ A letter from Lorenzo, December 16, 1490,
to Francesco Gonzaga, in which he asks for leave of absence for Luca
Fancelli. Whether the latter went to Naples is uncertain; Francesco di
Giorgio was there for some time between February and May 1491.

[175] Among Sangallo’s drawings in the Barberiniana at Rome. Gaye, l.
c. p. 301. Vasari, vii. 212, 213.

[176] A. v. Zahn, _Notizie artistiche tratte dall’Archivio segreto
Vaticano, Arch. stor. Ital._, ser. iii. vi. 171.

[177] A. Guglielmotti, _Della rocca d’Ostia e delle condizioni
dell’architettura militare in Italia prima della calata di Carlo VIII._
(Rome 1862). C. Ravioli, _Notizie sopra i lavori di architettura
militare dei nove da Sangallo_ (Rome 1863).

[178] The circumstance that the name Sangallo is to be found as early
as 1485 (notes to Vasari, l. c. p. 214) hardly tells against the truth
of this story, as the building was probably begun long before. The
appearance of the name in the collection of the Barberini drawings,
begun in 1465, dates from a later time.

[179] The Gondi Palace was finished in 1874, if not after the original
design, at least in the style of the part previously existing.

[180] From a drawing of Bernardino Poccetti and other documents in the
_Metropolitana Fior. Illustr._, plate xiv.

[181] In the commentary on Vasari, vii. 243. Francesco Albertini
mentions in his _Memoriale_ (see Crowe and Cavalcaselle, ii. 436)
Lorenzo’s intention of finishing the façade (‘la quale Lorenzo de’
Medici voleva levare e riducerla a perfectione’) and his plan.

[182] The façade now displays the naked rough brick wall.

[183] Richa, ix. 11, _et seq._ Gaye, l. c., p. 570. Cf. i. 319.

[184] Gaye, l. c. ii. 450. Pini, _Scrittura d’Artisti_.

[185] Description by Poliziano in a letter to Francesco della Casa,
_Epist._ l. iv. ep. 8. D. M. Manni, _De Florentinis inventis_ (Ferrara,
1730), c. 29. Cancellieri, _Le nuove Campane di Campidoglio_ (Rome,
1806), p. 8. Albertini mentions the clock in the Palace of the Signoria
in 1510; it was probably taken there in 1495.

[186] Gaye, l. c. p. 254.

[187] There is great confusion in Vasari, viii. 115, _et seq._ The
commentary begins its continuous dates only in 1495, chiefly from Gaye.

[188] Moreni, _Contorni di Firenze_, v. 6, _et seq._ The chronology
here is very confused; it is no better in Moisè’s _Sta. Croce_, p. 90.
The bells of San Marco were hung in the belfry in 1498.

[189] Diary of Luca Landini, in Vasari, l. c. p. 121.

[190] Fr. Albertini, l. c., p. 442.

[191] Cf. A. v. Zahn’s _Jahrbücher_, vi. p. 136.

[192] Florence, February 13, 1498, in Gaye, l. c., p. 340.

[193] The monument of Sixtus IV. was finished in 1493 for Card.
Giuliano della Rovere (Julius II.). That of Innocent VIII. must not be
judged from its present mutilated condition.

[194] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate iv. Inscription (by Poliziano):

ILLE EGO SUM PER QUEM PICTURA EXTINCTA REVIXIT CUI QUAM RECTA MANUS
TAM FUIT ET FACILIS NATURÆ DEERAT NOSTRÆ QUOD DEFUIT ARTI PLUS LICUIT
NULLI PINGERE NEC MELIUS MIRARIS TURREM EGREGIAM SACRO ÆRE SONANTEM HÆC
QUOQUE DE MODULO CREVIT AD ASTRA MEO DENIQUE SUM IOCTUS QUID OPUS FUIT
ILLA REFERRE HOC NOMEN LONGI CARMINIS INSTAR ERAT OB. AN. MCCCXXXVI.
CIVES POS. B. M. MCCCCLXXXX.

[195] Del Migliore, l. c., p. 36. Richa, vi. 121. _Monuments
sépulcraux_, plate vi. Inscription (attributed to Lorenzo):

MULTUM PROFECTO DEBET MUSICA ANTONIO SQUARCIALUPO ORGANISTE IS ENIM ITA
ARTI GRATIAM CONIUNXIT UT QUARTAM SIBI VID ERENTUR CHARITES MUSICAM
ASCIVISSE SO ROREM FLORENTINA CIVITAS ORATI ANIMI OFFICIUM RATA EIUS
MEMORIAM PROPAGARE CUIUS MANUS SEPE MORTALES IN DULCEM AD MIRATIONEM
ADDUXERAT CIVI SUO MONU MENTUM POSUIT.

[196] Engraved in seven plates by G. P. Lasinio (Flor. 1823). Mellini’s
bust is in the Uffizi collection.

[197] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate liii.

[198] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate xxiv. Inscription: ‘Bernardo Junio
eq^{ti} Flor^{no} pu^{aes} concordiæ. semper. auctori. et. civi. vere.
populari. pii. fratres. fratri. de. se. deq. rep^{ea} opt^{o} merito.
posuerunt.—Vixit ann. LXVIIII. men. VI. di. XII. Obiit ann. MCCCCLXVI.
Opus Mini.—Cf. i. 145.

[199] _Paradiso_, xvi. 127. _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate xxiv.

[200] _Monuments sépulcraux_, plate xlv. Cf. Crowe and Cavalcaselle,
iii. 230.

[201] Represented in Cicognara, vol. ii. plate xv.

[202] Plates and details in Cicognara, Litta, and Colas’ _Trésor de
Numismatique et de Glyptique_. See Vasari’s _Life of Pisanello_, ii.
152, _et seq._ On Guazzalotti, see Julius Friedländer (Berlin, 1857),
trans. by Cesare Guasti (Prato, 1862), with notes and documents, among
which is a letter from Guazzalotti to Lorenzo, dated September 11, 1478.

[203] V. da Bisticci, l. c., p. 476.

[204] Vasari, l. c., iii. 112. On the Medicean treasures. Cf. _ante_,
p. 132.

[205] Vasari, _Life of Valerio Vicentino_, ix. 236, _et seq._ G. Pelli,
in his _Saggio istorico della R. Galeria di Firenze_ (Flor. 1779),
i. 8, _et seq._, ii. 9, _et seq._, gives some account of the Medici
collections. In the Museum of Naples alone (formerly in the palace of
Capodimonte) are preserved more than twenty cameos with Lorenzo’s name,
and a great number of gems set as rings. They came from a Bourbon-Parma
inheritance, many of the family treasures having passed, through
Margaret of Austria, wife of Duke Alessandro de’ Medici, to her son
by her second marriage, Alessandro Farnese, and, at the extinction of
the Farnese family, to the Spanish Bourbons. The question whether all
the stones marked with Lorenzo’s name or with the initials L. M. are
modern, or whether the name or initials were also engraved on antique
gems to indicate the owner, cannot be discussed here. The epigram:

COELATUM ARGENTO VEL FULVO QUIDQUID IN AURO EST ÆDIBUS HOC LAURENS
VIDIMUS ESSE TUIS, &C.

is in Bandini’s Catalogue of the Laurentian MSS., iii. 545.

[206] Perfetti, _Galeria dell’Accad. delle b. Arti_ (Flor. 1845). The
collection in the Academy contains many important works of this period.

[207] Now in the English National Gallery. Outline in Crowe and
Cavalcaselle, iii. 132.

[208] Cf. _ante_, p. 40. Engraving in the _Metropolitana fior.
illustr._, plate xxxvii. Remarks in Gaye, l. c., ii. 5. Cf. _ibid._, i.
563.

[209] Vasari, iv. 102, 103.

[210] Vasari, v. 115.

[211] _Galeria dell Acc. delle B. A._, engraved by F. Livy.

[212] Lucrezia Tornabuoni Medici, in the Berlin Museum (No. 81),
wrongly described as the wife of Lorenzo, a mistake repeated in
Crowe and Cavalcaselle (l. c., p. 173) from Vasari, but corrected in
Lemonnier’s edition, l. c, p. 121. The Bella Simonetta is in the Pitti
Palace; there is an engraving by L. Calamatta in his work on the Bardi
gallery.

[213] Cf. i. 405. G. Milanesi, _Sulla Storia dell’Arte Toscana_, p.
292. Crowe and Cavalcaselle (iii. 159) strangely see in this commission
a proof of the estimation in which Botticelli was held as an artist.
These pictures of shame, with which tardy debtors were also punished,
_e.g._ Ranuccio Farnese in 1425 (Gaye, l. c., i. 550) were not much
relished by artists, and seem to have been only executed at a high
price; in this case it was forty florins. Andrea del Castagno, to whom
Vasari erroneously attributed these paintings, which were executed more
than forty years after his death, received from a similar commission in
1445 the surname ‘degli Impiccati,’ which poor Andrea del Sarto seems
to have likewise dreaded during the siege in 1530.

[214] Contract dated April 21, 1487 (remarkable for the reservations
on the part of the employer), in Lorenzo Strozzi’s _Vita di Filippo
Strozzi il Vecchio_, p. 60, _et seq._

[215] Now in the Uffizi. Gaye, in the _Kunstblatt_, 1836, No. 90, and
Carteggio, i. 579-581.

[216] Engraved in Litta, _Fam. Medici_.

[217] The fresco in Sant’Ambrogio is dated, not 1465, as it was read
by Rumohr (_Ital. Forsch._, ii. 262), on the picture, which is much
blackened and varnished, but 1486, according to G. Milanesi, in Crowe
and Cavalcaselle, l. c., p. 291.

[218] An. MCCCCLXXXX., quo pulcherrima civitas opibus victoriis artibus
ædificiisque nobilis copia salubritate pace perfruebatur.

[219] Father Della Valle gave the various names in a note to Vasari
(also in Lemonnier’s edition, v. 76) from documents in the Tornabuoni
family. On the female portraits, cf. Palmerini, _Opere d’intaglio del
cav. Raff. Morghen_ (Pisa, 1824), p. 108 _et seq._

[220] The ‘Education of Pan’, formerly in the Corsi Palace, is now in
the Berlin Museum. Sketch in Crowe and Cavalcaselle, iv. 5.

[221] Miniature painting can only be treated of very briefly here. The
editors of Lemonnier’s _Vasari_ have added much information to the
biographies of Fra Angelico (iv. 25, _et seq._), Don Bartolommeo (v.
44, _et seq._ [on Attavante, _see_ p. 55]), Gherardo (_ibid._ p. 60,
_et seq._), &c., and furnished materials valuable for a history of
Florentine and Sienese art, in a detailed commentary (vi. 159-351).
On the Dominicans, cf. V. Marchese, _Memorie_, i. 171-210. In the
same author’s work on San Marco are drawings of two miniatures by Fra
Benedetto. The passages referring to the treasures of Urbino, Upper
Italy, &c., may be passed over here.

[222] Vasari, iv. 105; v. 60, 83; vi. 167; xi. 286.

[223] xii. 11. Cf. _Life of Torrigiano_, vii. 204, and of Michel
Angelo, xii. 157.

[224] The old tradition which has come down to our own days, which
derives the Buonarotti Simoni from the Counts of Canossa (and which
was believed in the family itself in Michelangelo’s days, as must be
concluded from Ascanio Condivi’s words in his biography, published
during the artist’s lifetime), rests on no historical foundation. Cf.
G. Campori, _Catalogo degli artisti sc. negli Stati Estensi_ (Modena
1855), p. 100 _et seq._ The noble family of Buonarotti has of late
years become extinct in Florence. Lodovico, Michelangelo’s father, was
already connected with the Medici when holding an official post in the
Casentino, where his son was born within view of the great mountain of
Alvernia—the _crudo sasso_ of the _Divine Comedy_.

[225] G. Milanesi, _Documenti inediti riguardanti Leonardo da Vinci_,
in the _Arch. stor. Ital._, ser. iii. xvi. 219.

[226] Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este (Flor., December 17, 1482), in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.

[227] Provisioni della Republica fiorentina dei 10 e 19 Aprile 1480,
per la formazione dell’ordine dei Settanta, in the Appendix to Jacopo
Pitti, l. c. p. 313 _et seq._, with Gino Capponi’s introduction. Cf.
Cambia, l. c. ii. 1 _et seq._, for the names of the Signori, the
colleges, the original thirty and the two hundred and ten citizens
entrusted with the election business. A. Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, p. cxxi.
_et seq._; J. Pitti, p. 25; Fr. Guicciardini, p. 61.

[228] Cf. _ante_, vol. i. bk. ii. ch. 4.

[229] L. c. p. 174.

[230] _Ricordi_, l. c. p. cxxxv.

[231] Canestrini, l. c. p. 237 _et seq._

[232] Bartolommeo Signippi, chancellor of the Ferrarese embassy, to
Ant. Montecatino, Flor. June 3 and 6; Montecatino to Ercole d’Este,
June 9, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp. 253-255.

[233] Ercole d’Este to Ant. Montecatino, Ferrara, January 10, 1482, in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 259.

[234] For a detailed account of the ceremony, see Ant. Montecatino to
Ercole d’Este, Flor., October 2, 3, 8, 1481, in Cappelli, l. c. pp.
255-258.

[235] Marin Sanuto, _Commentarii della guerra di Ferrara nel 1482_.
(Venice 1829, ed. by Leonardo Manin). Sanuto was an eye-witness of the
events of the war. Many details are given by Malipiero, who took part
in the naval war. Romanin, book xi. ch. 4 (iv. 401 _et seq._).

[236] Fac. Volaterr., l. c. col. 173.

[237] Godefroy, _Histoire de Charles VIII._ (Paris 1684). Documents, p.
312. C. de Cherrier, _Histoire de Charles VIII._ (Par. 1868), i. 32.
U. Legeay, _Histoire de Louis XI._ (Paris 1874), ii. 444. [Very meagre
with regard to Louis’ Italian transactions].

[238] For details of the battle of Campomorto (S. Pietro in Formis),
see the Roman diaries and Montecatino’s reports to Ercole d’Este in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 260 _et seq._

[239] Gino Capponi, _Storia della Republica Fiorentina_ (Flor. 1874),
ii. 149.

[240] Coleti, in Farlati’s _Illyricum sacrum_, vii. 438 _et seq._
Jacopo Volterrano, Stefano Infessura, and the unpublished histories
of Sigismondo de’ Conti and Rinaldus, give many details. Jacob
Burckhardt’s _Andreas Erzbischof von Krain_ (Basel, 1852) gives an
authentic account of the proceedings at Basel. Cf. _Arch. stor. Ital._,
N. S., vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 249 _et seq._ Ugolini’s letter to Lorenzo,
in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 227-233.

[241] Instruction of February 5, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 241-243.

[242] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.

[243] Cappelli, l. c. p. 245.

[244] Fr. Guicciardini, l. c. p. 66, is doubtful as to the presence
of Riario; he is not mentioned in Ant. Campo, _Cremona fedelissima
città_ (Milan, 1582), p. 133. He is named as one of those present by
Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 90.

[245] Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. February 28, 1483, in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 265.

[246] _Itinerario di Marin Sanuto per la Terraferma Veneziana nell’anno
1483_ (ed. by Rawdon Browne, Padua, 1847), p. 51.

[247] Despatches to the envoy Antonio Loredano, January to February
1484. Cf. Romanin, iv. 415. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April
8, 1483, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 266.

[248] Nic. Valori, l. c. p. 175.

[249] Ant. Montecatino to Ercole d’Este, Flor. July 23, 1484, in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 269.

[250] _Mémoires_, l. vii. ch. 2.

[251] Guid’Antonio Vespucci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, Rome, October 23 and
November 3, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243-252. Ant. Montecatino to
Ercole d’Este, Flor., May 25, 1484, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 268.

[252] Malevolti, l. c. pt. iii. p. 87.

[253] _Inferno_, xxix. 122. _Purgatorio_, xiii. 151.

[254] Letter of February 26, 1483, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 243.

[255] Jac. Volterrano, _Diarium Romanum_ for 1480. Muratori, l. c. col.
109.

[256] G. Viani, _Memorie della famiglia Cybò_, Pisa, 1808.

[257] Rome, August 29, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 256, 259.

[258] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 262.

[259] _Johannis Burchardi Diarium_, ed. A. Generelli (Flor. 1854), p.
57. _Ibid._ Instructions, from the Florentine Archives.

[260] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263. Doc. of November 26, 1484.

[261] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 263.

[262] Desjardins, l. c. p. 175.

[263] ‘Les Florentins se sont tousjours monstrés et exhibés, de tel
et si ancien temps que ne est mémoire du contraire, vrays et loyaulx
Françoys ... et si trouvent les lois et coustumes qui leurs furent
baillés par Monseigneur Saint Charlemagne.’

[264] Desjardins, l. c. p. 191.

[265] Instructions of November 8, 1483, and other documents relating to
the embassy, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 193 _et seq._

[266] _Med. Arch._, f. 56. Printed in A. Gelli; rev. by De Cherrier,
_Arch. stor. Ital._, ser. iii. vol. xv. 289.

[267] Cappelli, l. c. p. 298. The expression is: ‘Che non voglia
investire Massimiliano de l’Imperio de’ Romani.’

[268] Report of Guid’Ant. Vespucci, Rome, September 18, in Burchard,
_Diarium_, p. 51.

[269] Letter of Pier Filippo Pandolfini, Milan, September 24, 1484, l.
c. p. 51.

[270] Reports of the Ferrarese ambassador, A. Guidoni, Flor. April
1485, &c., in Cappelli, l. c. p. 269 _et seq._

[271] Archives of the Riformagioni at Siena.

[272] A. Guidoni to Ercole d’Este, Flor. April 6, in Cappelli, l. c. p.
269. Ranuccio was first cousin to Pope Paul III.

[273] Archives at Siena.

[274] N. Valori, l. c. p. 175.

[275] _Regis Ferdinandi primi Instructionum liber_, 1486-87 (ed. by
Scipione Vopicella, Naples, 1861), p. 87 _et seq._

[276] _Ricordi_, p. cxl.

[277] Commines, _Mémoires_, l. vii. ch. 11. M. Sanuto, _Chron. Ven._
(_Comment. de Bello Gallico_), _R. Ital. Ser._, xxiv. pp. 12-16.
Alfonso was called ‘the idol of the flesh’ (_dio della carne_).

[278] _Cronaca di Notar-Giacomo_, p. 156.

[279] Romanin, l. c. pp. 421, 422.

[280] On G. Albino, the historian of his time, cf. C. Minieri Riccio,
_Memorie storiche degli scrittori nati nel Regno di Napoli_.

[281] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.

[282] A. Guidoni to E. d’Este, Flor., November 11, 1485, in Cappelli,
l. c. p. 273. The Ferrarese despatches contain many details of all
these affairs. Scipione Ammirato, in his twenty-fifth book, is a
trustworthy guide.

[283] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 269.

[284] Letter of the Anziani, May 15, 1485, Lucca archives.

[285] L. c. p. 177.

[286] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 268.

[287] Lorenzo to Albino, l. c.

[288] A. Guidoni, November 28 and 30, 1485, l. c. p. 274.

[289] Burcard, l. c. p. 72, 73.

[290] Vinc. Acciaiuolo, _Vita di Piero Capponi_, l. c. p. 20 _et seq._

[291] Trivulzio’s letters to the Duke of Milan from Florence,
Montepulciano, Cortona, Pitigliano, and afterwards from the camp of the
League, from February 21, 1486, onwards, are in Rosmini, l. c. ii. 130
_et seq._, with the despatches addressed to him from Milan.

[292] Letter of A. Sforza to his nephew the Duke of Milan, March
6, 1486, copies of which were sent on the same day to the Duke of
Calabria, and by P. Capponi to Lorenzo. Appendix to the life of P.
Capponi, _Arch. Stor. Ital._, vol. iv. pt. 2, p. 66-71.

[293] _Storia fiorentina_, ch. viii. The Ferrarese reports in Cappelli,
p. 274-286, contain much that gives an insight into the position of
affairs.

[294] V. Acciaiuolo, l. c. p. 24.

[295] A. Guidoni, Flor., August 13, 1486, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 285. G.
J. Trivulzio to the Duke of Milan, from the camp at Ponzano, August 12,
in Rosmini, ii. 150. Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, p. cxlii.: _poi per manco
male si accettò_.

[296] _R. Ferdinandi Instruct._ L., p. 153. The Duke of Calabria had
written to the same effect to Filippo Strozzi, on November 27, 1486,
from the camp. _Vita di Fil. Strozzi il vecchio_, p. 36.

[297] Camillo Porgio’s masterly account, _La Congiura dei Baroni del
Regno di Napoli contra il Re Ferdinando I._ (first printed at Rome
in 1565) contains many illustrations and corrections from the _Regis
Ferdinandi Instructionum Liber_ (unfortunately not printed complete),
and from the two suits against the king’s private secretaries and
barons, which were printed in 1487 and 1488 by Ferrante’s command and
sent to the foreign courts, and reprinted with notes by Stanislao
d’Aloe as an appendix to his edition of Porgio (Naples, 1859).

[298] The King to Lorenzo, Castelnuovo, June 3, 1487. Fabroni, l. c.
ii. 275.

[299] Giov. Lanfredini to the Signoria, Naples, September 27, 1486, in
Bandini, _Collectio_, &c. p. 10.

[300] Guidoni’s reports (in Cappelli) contain a number of notices and
hints from which Lorenzo’s state of mind at the time of the treaty of
1486 and his relations with the allies may be clearly made out. On
Sarzanello, see Carlo Promis, _Storia del forte di Sarzanello_ (Turin,
1888). From one of Guidoni’s reports it appears that the Florentines
also used mines: ‘sperasi _per certe cave fatte_ ... che S. Francesco
si acquisterà fra due dì.’

[301] R. Ferdinandi Instr. L., p. 245.

[302] The fullest detailed account of Boccalino de’ Guzzoni is given
by Bernardino Baldi in the second book of his history of Guidubaldo
of Montefeltro (Milan, 1821). Cf. Ugolini, _Storia dei conti e duchi
d’Urbino_, ii. 49, _et seq._

[303] Lodovico to G. J. Trivulzio, Milan, April 29, 1486, in Rosmini,
ii. 158. _Ibid._ other documents relating to this affair.

[304] Burcard, _Diarium_. p. 88.

[305] The Medicean Archives, F. 57, contain numerous documents relating
to Osimo and Boccalino.

[306] Florence, August 8, 1487. _Med. Arch._ F. 57. In a letter of
November 24, referring to Boccalino’s nephew, who was kept in prison
at Rome, and afterwards executed, he expresses himself still more
strongly. ‘Stimo questa coss ... quanto la vita propria, perchè

[307] Cappelli, l. c. p. 244. _Ibid._, letter, same date (March 25,
1482), to the Duke. In the register of Lorenzo’s letters are no less
than 27 despatched on the same day to princes and ambassadors to
announce Lucrezia’s death.

[308] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292.

[309] R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 222.

[310] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 313.

[311] Burcard, _Diarium_, p. 87.

[312] R. Ferd. Instr. L., p. 217 _et seq._ Cf. supra p. 265.

[313] A. Guidoni, Flor., July 7, 1487, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 295.

[314] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57. There are a number of despatches of this
and a somewhat later time relating to this affair.

[315] Rainaldi, _Ann. eccl._ in anno 1487, Doc. x.

[316] Stef. Infessura, _Diarium_, in Muratori _R. It. Scr._ t. iii. pt.
2, p. 1218, 1219.

[317] _Med. Arch._, l. c.

[318] Stefano Taverna to the Duke of Milan, Flor., September 14,
1487, in Rosmini, ii. 188. A. Guidoni, Flor., September 6 and 12, in
Cappelli, p. 296.

[319] Spedaletto, which passed after Lorenzo’s death to Maddalena Cybò
and later to the Corsini family, to whom it still belongs, was visited
in November 1654 by Cardinal de Retz, coming from Spain by sea, before
he proceeded to the Grandduke Ferdinand II. at the Ambrogiana near
Empoli, and thence to Rome. He knew that the villa, which he calls
L’Hospitalità, had belonged to Lorenzo de’ Medici, but he wrongly
places here the scene of the battle in which Catiline fell. _Mèmoires
du Card. de Retz_, pt. iii. ch. i. Ed. by Champollion-Figeac (1866),
iv. 246.

[320] _Lettere di Jacopo da Volterra a P. Innocenzo VIII._, published
with a commentary by M. Tabarrini in the _Arch. Stor. Ital._, s. iii.
vol. viii. pt. ii. p. 3, _et seq._ Jacopo Gherardi had been formerly in
the service of Cardinal Ammanati. His writings passed into the Venetian
archives after the sack of Rome in 1527. The Medicean archives contain
a series of despatches relating to this mission. Lorenzo writes from
Spedaletto on September 11-19; on the 21st he was in Florence; on
October 2-10, at Spedaletto again. He says once: ‘I am here according
to my custom, for the care of my health.’

[321] Despatch of October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.

[322] October 22, 1487, in Desjardins, l. c. p. 219.

[323] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 296. Burcard, p. 95; the date
is wrong. On the house of the Cybò in the Borgo, see P. Adinolfi, _La
Portica di San Pietro_ (Rome, 1859), p. 119 _et seq._

[324] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.

[325] F. Gregorovius, _Das Archiv der Notare des Capitols in Rom und
das Protocollbuch des Notars Camillus de Beneimbene_; _Sitzungsberichte
d. kk. Acad. d. Wissenschaften in München_, 1872, p. 503.

[326] Flor., August 8, 1488, in Fabroni, ii. 312. Cf. i. 405.

[327] Gregorovius, l. c. [purchase of Cerveteri, June 14, 1487].
Lorenzo to Lanfredini (1490), in Fabroni, ii. 388. Nibby, _Diutorni di
Roma_ (Rome, 1848), i. 348.

[328] The palace (afterwards called Quaratesi) and the villa (for
a time Catalani-Valabrègue, now Lavaggi) passed after the death of
Franceschetto’s son Lorenzo, to the latter’s natural son, Ottavio, with
a reservation of the usufruct to Lorenzo’s sister Caterina, the widowed
Duchess of Camerino. The villa belonged for a time to Eleonora Cybò,
daughter of Lorenzo, and wife of Gian Luigi Fiesco, Count of Lavagna,
the hero of the conspiracy of 1547.

[329] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57. The bull of Innocent VIII. is dated
December 5, 1487.

[330] Letters of December 9 and 10, 1487, February 23, March 9, April
14, 1488, in the above-mentioned _Ricordi di lettere_.

[331] _Med. Arch._, fol. 59. Cf. Isid. del Lungo, _Una Lettera di Ser
Matteo Franco_, in _Arch. Stor. Ital._, s. iii. ix. 32 _et seq._

[332] Poliziano, _Prose volgari inedite_, p. 74.

[333] _Med. Arch._, fol. 59.

[334] A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 292. Fabroni, l. c. i. 172, 173;
ii. 316. On Roberto Orsini, see Litta, _Fam. Orsini_, table 23.

[335] A. Guidoni in Cappelli, l. c. p. 301.

[336] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57.

[337] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 386.

[338] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57.

[339] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57. Cf. _post_, p. 380 _et seq._

[340] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57.

[341] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 384. A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 302,
303.

[342] From the _Med. Arch._, in A. Gelli, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in the
_Arch. Stor. Ital._, s. iii. xvii. 431.

[343] _Lettere di Lorenzo il Magnifico al S. P. Innocenzo VIII._ [ed.
by D. Moreni, Flor. 1830], p. 18.

[344] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57.

[345] _Med. Arch._, fol. 57. On Maria [not Maddalena] de’ Medici, cf.
Litta, _Fam. Medici_, table 7, and Passerini, _Fam. Malatesta_, table 7.

[346] Del Lungo, _Lettere di Ser Matteo Franco_, l. c.

[347] _Cronaca di Notar Giacomo_, p. 167.

[348] _Cronaca di Notar Giacomo_, p. 169. Tristani Calchi, _Nuptiæ
Mediolanens. Ducum_; cf. Ratti, _Della Famiglia Sforza_, ii. 54-60.
Fabroni, l. c. i. 168, ii. 295-298. Several letters of Alamanni
relating to these festivities are in the _Med. Arch._

[349] G. A. Vespucci to Lorenzo, Rome, September 25 and December 14,
1584, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 316-318.

[350] _Ricordi di Lorenzo_, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.

[351] Letters of Lodovico and Cecco dell’Orso, April 19, and of Stefano
da Castrocaro, April 21, in Fabroni, ii. 318-325.

[352] A. Guidoni, in Cappelli, p. 298-301. The date of the despatch at
p. 298 is wrong; it should probably be April 23 instead of 3.

[353] Letter of Lorenzo to Giovanni Bentivoglio, Cafaggiuolo, July 1,
1481, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 242. Galeotto Manfredi had been with him at
the villa, and the matter had been arranged there.

[354] Florence, March 29, 1489, in Moreni, _Lettere_, _ec._, p. 21.

[355] Letters of Piero Nasi and Dionigi Pucci, in Fabroni, ii. 325-328.
To this project refers a letter of Giovanni Bentivoglio to Lorenzo,
September 7, 1489 (_Med. Arch._), and one of Caterina Riario Sforza,
January 21, 1490 (_ibid._). The latter begs for a decisive answer, ‘cum
un bel si o cum bel non.’

[356] Bologna, December 19, 1489. _Med. Arch._

[357] Letter of Franceschetto, Rome, March 10, 1488, in Fabroni, ii.
334-337, Lorenzo to Andrea da Fojano, _ibid._ p. 334.

[358] Pecci, _Memorie ec. della Città di Siena che servono alla vita
civile di Pandolfo Petrucci_ (Siena, 1755), p. 64 _et seq._ Letter of
Fr. Cybò, l. c. Andrea da Fojano to Lorenzo, Siena, October 19, 1489,
_ibid._ p. 331-334.

[359] A. Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, in anno 1470, Fabroni, l. c. p. cxiii.

[360] Lorenzo de’ Medici to the Signoria of Siena, Flor. June 27,
1489, MS. in the Sienese Arch. A. Guidoni, Flor., January 19, 1489, in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 305.

[361] Tommasi, l. c. p. 341. Mazzarosa, _Storia di Lucca_, ii. 25.
Documents, June 3 to July 18, 1490, in the Lucchese State Archives. Cf.
Bongi, _Inventario del R. Archivio di Stato in Lucca_, i. 164.

[362] Brief addressed by the Pope to the Priori, July 9, 1488.

[363] _Cronaca del Graziani_, in anno 1488 _et seq._, in _Cronache e
Storie della Città di Perugia_, i. 677 _et seq._ Lorenzo de’ Medici to
G. Lanfredini, 1489, in Fabroni, i. 329, 330.

[364] _Cronache della Città di Fermo_ (Flor. 1870) p. 215 _et seq._
Ugolini, _Storia dei Conti e Duchi d’Urbino_, ii. 60, 65. Reposati,
_Zecca di Gubbio_, i. 291. Fabroni, l. c. ii. 330.

[365] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 359.

[366] Ferrante to Ant. di Gennaro, April 24, 1493, in Trinchera,
_Codice Aragon._ vol. ii pt. i. p. 381.

[367] _Commissioni di Rinaldo degli Albizzi_, iii. 681.

[368] _Med. Arch._—_Ricordi di lettere_, February 28, March 2 and 6,
1483. Lorenzo’s instructions to his son Piero, 1484, in Fabroni, l. c.
ii. 268.

[369] Cf. i. 288, and _ante_, p. 238.

[370] G. Cambi l. c. ii. 65.

[371] Cappelli, l.c. p. 248.

[372] Fabroni, vol. ii. p. 376. In another letter on the same subject
preserved in the _Med. Arch._ fol. 51, he says: ‘Alexandro da Farnese,
il quale dà opera alle lettere Greche et è persona dotta e molto
gentile.’

[373] Guicciardini, _Del reggimento di Firenze_, p. 44; _Storia
fiorentina_, cap. 9.

[374] G. Cambi, l. c. p. 68.

[375] G. Cambi (son of Neri), l.c. p. 41. A. Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, p.
cxliv (very hostile to the Gonfaloniere). F. Guicciardini, _Storia
fior._, ch. viii.

[376] Cambi, l. c. p. 60. Pagnini, _Delia Decima_, i. 162 _et seq._
contains details on the relative value of the coins.

[377] N. Valori, l. c. p. 174. ‘Proventus certiores et justiores, nec
principe viro indigni.’ On his finances see _ante_, Bk. 5, ch. 1.

[378] Cappelli, l. c. p. 315, 316. In his correspondence with
Lanfredini in Rome the alum-farming plays a great part.

[379] Gaye, l. c. p. 583.

[380] Contracts and receipts of the Medici-Sassetti and
Medici-Tornabuoni bank, Lyons, for 1478, 1485, 1494, in (Molini’s)
_Documenti di Storia Ital._, i. 13-16.

[381] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.

[382] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix. J. Nardi, _Istorie di Firenze_, book
i. (ed. by L. Arbib, Flor. 1842), i. 26.

[383] Rinuccini, l. c. p. cxlviii.

[384] Cf. _ante_, p. 193.

[385] Varchi, book xiii., conclusion (iii. 37 _et seq._).

[386] Canestrini, l. c. p. 163. Cambi, l. c. p. 55.

[387] _Ricordi_, p. cxlvi.

[388] _Ricordi di lettere_, for the said years.

[389] Commines, _Mémoires_, book vii. ch. ix.

[390] Molini, l. c. i. 13. Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. vol. ii.

[391] Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. p. 70. Date, end of 1489, or
beginning of 1490.

[392] Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 71.

[393] In Desjardins, _Négociations_, i. 417, there is a letter of
Commines to this Spinelli, dated Vienne, August 6, 1494, relating to
the affairs of Piero de’ Medici. Spinelli, whom Commines (_Mémoires_,
book vii. ch. vii.) calls _homme de bien en son estat et assey nourri
en France_, had just then been sent out of France at the beginning of
the war. Piero sent him to negotiate with Charles VIII. on his approach.

[394] Kervyn de Lettenhove, l. c. ii. 83. The Metz affair was the
unsuccessful and fearfully punished treachery of Jean de Laudremont,
one of the provosts of the city; see Philippe de Vigneulles, in the
book of _Memorials of Metz_ edited by H. Michelant, p. 115 _et seq._

[395] From the _Cronaca di Benedetto Dei_, 1470-1492; MS. in the
Magliabecchianæ, printed in Pagnini, l. c. ii. 135 _et seq._

[396] Daru, _Histoire de Venise_, ii. 295 _et seq._

[397] Scip. Ammirato, book xviii. ii. 998. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 124.

[398] Pagnini, l. c. ii. 203 _et seq._ (Molini) _Documenti di Storia
Italiana_, i. 101 _et seq._

[399] Wadding, _Annales Minorum_, vii. 323.

[400] L. Cibrario, _Legione sopra alcuni vocaboli usati nei registri
della guardaroba Medicea, in Arch. stor. Ital._, third series, vi. 152
_et seq._ _Ricordi di ariente ed altre cose prestate, Arch. Med._ fol.
lxii.

[401] Borghini, _Discorsi_ (Flor. 1755), ii. 164.

[402] Borghini, l. c. p. 166.

[403] _Ricordi d’una giostra_, etc., (cf. i. 267). Borghini, l. c. On
the Salutati family cf. Mazzuchelli, in the notes to Filippo Villani,
_Vite d’uomini illustri Fiorentini_ (ed. Flor. 1826) p. 83 _et seq._,
and G. Palagi, in _Il Convito fatto ai figliuoli del Re di Napoli da
Benedetto Salutati e compagni mercanti fiorentini il 16 Febbrajo del
1476_ (Flor. 1873).

[404] Pietro of Aragon died in 1491, aged nineteen. Giovanni was made a
cardinal in 1477, and died in 1483. Arrigo, Ferrante’s eldest natural
son, died in 1478.

[405] The Italian account has the expression _mummeria_, which
corresponds with the German, English, and French words, but is not
admitted by Della Crusca. Annibal Caro uses the word _mommeare_.

[406] _Giorn. stor. degli arch. tosc._, i. 96. _Arch. stor. ital._
third series, xx. 187.

[407] _Il Padre di Famiglia_, ed. 1872, p. 67 _et seq._ On the
villa-life cf. i. 508.

[408] Gaye, l. c. i. 417.

[409] Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, p. cxxv.

[410] Cena di famiglia, in the _Opere volgari_, vol. i.

[411] V. da Bisticci, l. c. p. 176.

[412] Cappelli, l. c. p. 301. _Prolog. in Plauti comædiam Menæchmos_,
in _Prose volg._ p. 281 _et seq._ Politian indulges in a side hit at
the modern authors who write in prose.

[413] Vasari, iii. 232, v. 36 _et seq._

[414] L. Cibrario, l. c. p. 153.

[415] Varchi, l. c. ii. 107.

[416] A. M. Biscioni, notes to Lorenzo Lippi’s _Malmantile racquistato_
(Flor. 1831), canto iii. stanza 8.

[417] _I Capitoli della Compagnia del Broncone, pubblicati per cura
di Giuseppe Palagi_ (Flor. 1872). [Cf. I. del Lungo in the _Arch.
stor. Ital._, s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 147 _et seq._] Lorenzo the younger
was the head of the Compagnia del Broncone, and Giuliano that of the
Compagnia del Diamante. There are still to be seen in Florence, in
the Church of St. Ambrogio, in the Canto alia Mela, and the Canto di
Monteloro, some inscribed tablets recalling the Potenze; but they are
of rather late date.

[418] _Tutti i Trionfi, Carri, Canti carnascialeschi, etc._ (Flor.
1550; also _Cosmopoli_, 1750). The shows themselves were called _Canti_
from these songs. Cf. _ante_, p. 22, 23. In 1475 the Florentines at
Naples represented the triumph of Petrarch.

[419] _Canzona d’un Piagnone pel bruciamento delle vanità nel carnevale
del 1498, aggiuntavi la descrizione del bruciamento fatta da Girolamo
Benvieni_ (ed. by I. del Lungo, Flor. 1864). [’_Canzona che fa uno
Fiorentino a carnasciale, trovandolo fuggirsi con un asinello carico di
sue masserizie e col fardello in spalla._’] Carnaval complains that his
idols are broken, the red Cross and the Name of Christ have conquered,
and he must yield to a mightier king.

[420] Vasari, ix. 218. Naldo Naldi, _Carmina_, vi. 436.

[421] From the MS. in the Miscellanea Uguccione Strozzi, vol. cvi. in
the Flor. Archives; printed by P. Fanfani in the Borghini, ii. 542 _et
seq._

[422] On the Piovano Arlotto, who died in 1483, see D. M. Manni,
_Veglie Piacevoli_ (3rd ed., Flor. 1816), where are many details of
the jests and buffooneries. The _Novella del Grasso Legnaiuolo_ has
been often printed and imitated; there is an edition with introduction
by D. Moreni (Flor. 1820). Gaye (l. c. i. 169) has produced some
original documents which cast some doubt on the accounts of the ‘fat
cabinet-maker’ collected by Manni; the claims of Antonio Manetti, known
from his connection with the Dante-literature (cf. _ante_, p. 51), to
the authorship of the story have been lately vindicated. Cf. Papanti,
_Catalogo dei Novellieri_ (Livorno, 1871), vol. ii. 11. The story of
Bianco Alfani is in Manni’s edition of the _Cento novelle anticke_
(Flor. 1782), i. 211 _et seq._

[423] B. Varchi, l. c., book ix. (ii. 122 _et seq._).

[424] _Cena di Famiglia_, l. c. p. 173, 174. G. Dominici, _Regola del
governo, etc._, p. 164. Cf., _ante_, i. 483.

[425] _Notizie di illustre donne_, in the _Arch. stor. Ital._, iv. 439
et seq. _Vite d’uomini illustri_, p. 525 _et seq._

[426] The names are copied from a Strozzi document in the
Magliabecchiana, in E. Branchi’s treatise _Della croce vermiglia in
campo bianco, insegna dei Cavalieri di popolo_, in the _Periodico di
numismatico e sfragista_, iv. 75 _et seq._ (Flor. 1872.) This treatise
contains numerous quotations from chronicles and histories relating to
knighthood in the commonwealth, particularly in 1378.

[427] _Memorie storiche di Ser Naldo da Montecatini_ (in the _Delizie
degli Eruditi toscani_, xviii. 99).

[428] _Il viaggio degli Ambasciatori fiorentini al Re di Francia nel
1461_, in the _Arch. stor. Ital._, s. iii. vol. i. p. 7 _et seq._ Cf.
_ante_, i. 173.

[429] _Mémoires_, vol. vii. ch. 9. B. Rucellai, who was as much at home
in that house as in his own, describes in his Commentary _De Bello
Italico_ (p. 52), the plundering of books and other valuables, ‘quorum
pars a Gallis, pars a paucis e nostris, rem turpissimam, honesta specie
praetendentibus, furacissime subrepta sunt, intimis abditisque locis
ædium, ubi illi reconditi fuerant, perscrutatis.’

[430] L. c. p. 168.

[431] Gaye, l. c. i. 285, 286, 290.

[432] Vasari, _Life of Giuliano_, vii. 213.

[433] Gaye, l. c. p. 304.

[434] Cf. _ante_, p. 228. The earlier appearance of the square may be
seen in Richa, vii. 113.

[435] Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 279.

[436] Description of ‘Ambra mei Laurentis amor’ in the third Sylva,
lines 594 _et seq._; _Prose volgari_, p, 365. G. Fargioni Fozzetti,
_Viaggi per la Toscana_ (Flor. 1773 _et seq._), v. 56 _et seq._, where
also is Verino’s letter. Cf. _ante_, p. 13.

[437] Repetti, l. c. i. 380. Palla Strozzi paid 7,390 gold florins
for Poggio a Cajano; and his beautiful villa of Petraja, which he had
bought of the Brunelleschi, served as security for the purchase. In
the next century, after the attempt of the Strozzi and their friends
against Duke Cosimo had failed, Petraja was confiscated and became
state property. Angiullesi’s _Notizie storiche dei palazzi e ville
appartenenti alla R. Corona di Toscana_ (Pisa, 1815) contain no notice
of the earlier history of Poggio a Cajano.

[438] Vasari, _Life of Sarto_, viii. 276; of _Franciabigo_, ix. 101; of
_Pontormo_, xi. 46. The compositions of the former are engraved in the
work on the frescoes of the grand-ducal palaces (Flor. 1751).

[439] A. Condivi, in the biography prefixed to the _Rime e lettere di
M. A. Buonarotti_ (Flor. 1858), p. 26.

[440] Bandini, _Specimen_, ii. 105 _et seq._ The names of the two
Greeks sound like _noms de guerre_.

[441] Borghini, l. c. ii. 167.

[442] Reuchlin, dedication of the _De arte cabalistica_ (1517) to Leo
X. Manlius, _Locorum communium collectanea_ (Bautzen, 1565), p. 271.
Stälin, _Wirtemberg_. _Geschichte_, iii. 591. Cf. _ante_, p. 27.

[443] _Ricordi di Lettere, etc._

[444] From Poliziano’s account, in Valori, p. 177.

[445] A. Montecatino, in Cappelli, l.c. p. 252.

[446] _Med. Arch._, passim. Gaye, _Carteggio_, i. 302.

[447] Cappelli, l.c. p. 303. (A.D. 1490). Letter of the Anziani of
Lucca, September 16, 1490; Lucch. Arch.

[448] Lorenzo to Ercole, February 11, 1481, January 9, 1482, in
Cappelli, p. 242, 243, with notes. Ferrante to Lorenzo, June 5, 1477,
in Gaye, l. c. i. 302. The same to the Knights of St. John, Ferrante
Ribadeneira, Juan Gasco, and others, December 27, 1467. In Trinchera,
Cod. Aragonese, i. 373; in this work are many letters relating to the
_falconi_ and _girifalchi_.

[449] Prose _volgari_, p. 45. Cf. _ante_, p. 14.

[450] Valori, l. c. p. 174. Viani, l. c. p. 24. In Fabroni, ii. 73, is
a list of the Medici estates in the Pisa territory, with an estimate of
their revenues.

[451] April 8. _Prose volgari_, p. 47.

[452] Piero, _Parenti’s Chronicle_. Cf. Poliziano, l. c. p. 49. Cf.
_Cronaca di Notar. Giacomo_, p. 134 (June 1, 1477).

[453] Pulci, _Lettere_, p. 28, 31.

[454] L. Fanfani, _Notizie inedite di Sta. Maria del Pontenovo_, p.
148. Cf. _ante_, p. 257.

[455] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.

[456] Rinuccini, _Ricordi_, p. cxliii. Cappelli, l. c. p. 297.

[457] M. Amari, _I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio fiorentino_ (Flor.
1863), lx, lxxxvi, and the original Arabic and Italian documents, p.
181, 184, 363, 372, 374, 382. Cf. Pagnini, l. c. ii. 205 _et seq._
Bandini, _Collectio veterum monumentorum_, p. 12 _et seq._

[458] Ser Piero Dovizj to Madonna Clarice, Fabroni, ii. 337.

[459] Pecori, _Storia di San Gemignano_, p. 285.

[460] _Med. Arch._ Such supplies were needed at these places.

[461] From the Med. Arch. fol. 88, in Del Lungo, _Un viaggio di Clarice
Orsini de Medici nel 1485 descritto da Ser Matteo Franco_ (Bologna,
1868).

[462] Gualandi, _Nuova Raccolta di lettere sulla pittura, ec._
(Bologna, 1844), i. 14.

[463] Vasari, _Life of Simone Pollaiuolo_, viii. 119.

[464] Ficino, _Epist._ x. 37.

[465] Valori, l. c. p. 176.

[466] ‘ ... Diu templi vox fuit ille tui.’ _Prose volgari_, p. 155. Cf.
_ante_, p. 140, 165.

[467] _Med. Arch._ February 5, 1473, August 20, 1483.

[468] Poliziano to Lorenzo, October 17, 1477. _Prose volgari_, p. 54.

[469] C. Guasti, _Di un maestro d’organi del sec._ XV. in _Belle Arti
ec._, p. 229 _et seq._ _Ricordi di lettere, etc._

[470] Condivi, l. c., p. 30. It was this ‘Cardiere’ (from _cardatore_,
wool-comber) who was said to have seen an apparition of the dead
Lorenzo.

[471] _Prose volgari_, p. 78.

[472] Poliziano to M. Lucrezia, Fiesole, July 18, 1479. _Prose
volgari_, p. 72.

[473] Epist. l. ii. ep. 13.

[474] Carducci, Introduction to Poliziano’s poems, p. cxxxii. The
remarkable political sonnets published by O. Fargioni-Tozzetti
(Livorno, 1863) are by this Antonio Cammelli.

[475] Poggio a Cajano, September 11, 1485, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.

[476] Satire VI. ‘Quella famiglia d’allegrezza piena.’

[477] Lasca, _Le Cene_, iii. 10.

[478] Epist. l. iii. 6.

[479] Valori, l. c. p. 167.

[480] Fabroni, l. c. i. 22.

[481] Fr. Serdonati, _Vita di P. Innocenzo VIII._ (Milan, 1829) p. 75.

[482] Moreni, _Lettere_, p. 5.

[483] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 389-391.

[484] Desjardins, l. c. p. 189. _Ibid._ another letter of Louis, dated
February 17; also in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 298.

[485] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 299.

[486] A letter to G. Lanfredini, February 16, 1489, recommending an
Archdeacon, Mario of Osimo (_Med. Arch._ F. 57), is signed _Johannes
Laurentii de Medicis prothonotarius apostolicus_.

[487] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374; _Vita Leonis X. P. M._, p. 245. Fosti,
_Storia della Badia di Monte Cassino_, iii. 199. It is but too well
known how greatly the convent went to ruin through the misdoings of its
commanders.

[488] Desjardins, l. c. p. 214.

[489] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.

[490] Moreni, _Lettere_, p. 8. Cf. _ante_, p. 326.

[491] Roscoe, _Life and Pontificate of Leo X._ Ap. II. (iii. 385.)

[492] _Ibid._, Ap. III. p. 387.

[493] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 374.

[494] Letters, from the _Med. Arch._, in Fabroni, _Vita Leonis X._, and
Roscoe, l. c., App. IV. V. VI. VII.

[495] Burcard, l. c. 110-112. He names the five publicly nominated
Cardinals. Giacconio, _Vitæ Pontif._, vol. iii. col. 124-144, where
all the eight are mentioned. On March 9, the Ferrarese ambassador at
Florence announced the signature by the Cardinals of the bull for
Giovanni, and thought its publication would follow with that of the
others.

[496] Letters in _Med. Arch._: that of La Balue (_Andegavensis_—Bishop
of Angers) in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. VIII.

[497] Fabroni, _Laur. Med. Vita_, ii. 300.

[498] A. Politiani _Epist._ l. viii. ep. 5. Lorenzo to Lanfredini,
March 14, 1489, in Roscoe, l. c., Ap. XI.

[499] Moreni, _Lettere_, p. 14. (Dated wrong and placed out of right
order).

[500] Desjardins, l. c. p. 215.

[501] Burcard, l. c. p. 110. The hints given as to the cause of death
are a nice specimen of the town-talk recorded by a Papal master of the
ceremonies.

[502] Roscoe, iv. 318 (wrongly dated).

[503] January 21, 1489. _Med. Arch._

[504] Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.

[505] Roscoe, l. c. Ap. X.

[506] Burcard, l. c. p. 133. Adinolfi, _Portica di S. Pietro_, does not
mention the house of the Acciaiuoli.

[507] Fabroni, l. c. p. 375.

[508] _Med. Arch._ F. 72. Fabroni, l. c.

[509] _Med. Arch._ F. 59.

[510] August 11, 1489, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307.

[511] Fabroni, l. c. ii. p. 361. The letter goes on to treat of many
other things.

[512] Bull in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 340.

[513] Burcard, p. 126, 127. The details of these events may be
completed from Infessura.

[514] Fabroni, l. c. p. 365.

[515] The war with Granada had begun.

[516] January, 1490. Burcard, p. 135, 136. [’Portavit (heraldus)
literas regi, a quo penitus nihil habuit, neque bonum verbum.’]

[517] January 29, 1490, in De Cherrier, i. 341.

[518] M. Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 307, 308.

[519] Burcard, l. c. p. 143.

[520] P. F. Pandolfini. Fabroni, l. c. p. 352.

[521] Pierre de Beaujeu had been Duke of Bourbon since the death of his
brother, Jean II., in 1488.

[522] Pandolfini, Rome, June 28, 1490, l. c. p. 353.

[523] Manfredi, July 3, 1491, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.

[524] Nasi, Naples, July 7, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 350.

[525] Letter to K. Ferrante II. (Ferrandino), February 9, 1495, in
Colangelo, _Vita del Sannazzaro_ (2nd edit. Naples, 1819).

[526] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 350.

[527] K. Ferrante to Pontano, October 2, 1491, and other letters
relating to these disturbances, in _Codice Arag._ vol. ii. part i. p. 1
_et seq._ Cf. _ante_, p. 311.

[528] October 5, 1491. Bandini, _Coll. vet. mon._, p. 20.

[529] P. Nasi to Lorenzo, Naples, November 18, 1491, in Fabroni, l. c.
ii. 363.

[530] Burcard, l. c. p. 157. M. Manfredi, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 310.

[531] How, in the face of this long disagreement, Giannone (_Storia
civile_, book xxviii.) could say that after the peace of 1486, Innocent
VIII. remained the king’s friend during his remaining years, is
incomprehensible.

[532] _Codice Aragon._, vol. ii. part i. p. 43-46, 49, 52-54.

[533] Burcard, p. 154, 155.

[534] _Traité des droits du Roy Charles VIII aux royaumes de Naples,
Sicile et Aragon, mis par escript en 1491 du commandement du Roy par
Léonard Barounet, maistre des comptes_; in Godefroy, _Histoire de
Charles VIII, preuves_, p. 675.—Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan,
Rome, March 6, 1486, _Arch. stor. Ital._, vol. iv. part ii. p. 70.

[535] Manfredi, Flor. May 4, 1490, in Cappelli, p. 307, 308.

[536] Rosmini, l. c. p. 189, ii. 190.

[537] In Giovio, Corio, and also in more recent authors (Ratti, _Fam.
Sforza_, ii. 63; Niccolini, _Lodovico Sforza, Trag. Opere_, i. 242)
will be found Isabella’s letter to her father. The two copies, Italian
and Latin, differ somewhat; but the rhetorical form of both gives them
the air of imitated documents.

[538] Sc. Ammirato, book xxvii. (ii. 187.)

[539] _Cod. Aragon._, l. c. p. 38.

[540] Farcelli, _Storia del monastero degli Angioli_ (Lucca, 1710), p.
66 _et seq._ _Libretto MS. nel quale D. Guido priore nota i possessi
ec._, in the collection of G. Palagi. Florence.

[541] N. L. Cittadella, _La nobile Famiglia Savonarola in Padova ed
in Ferrara_ (Ferrara, 1867); _La Casa di Fra Girolamo Savonarola in
Ferrara_ (_ibid._ 1873). [The house in which Girolamo was born was
afterwards thrown into a house of the Strozzi, now belonging to the
municipality]. P. Villari, _La Storia di Girolamo_ Savonarola (Flor.
1850-61). The Paduan branch of the family became extinct about 1816,
the Ferrarese in 1844.

[542] Among the _Poesie di Fra Girolamo Savonarola_, published by
Cesare Guasti (Flor. 1862) from the autographs in the house of the
Borromeo at Milan, see especially the canzonet (written about 1475)
_De ruina Ecclesiae_ (‘Vergine casta, benchè indegno figlio—Pur son di
membri dell’eterno Sposo.’)

[543] Moreni, _Con torni di Firenze_, iii. 34 _et seq._ Cf. _ante_, p.
135.

[544] Poliziano to Tristano Calco, Flor. April 22, 1489. (Fra Mariano
was then preaching in Milan.) Poliziano had previously, as he mentions
in this letter, praised the Augustinian’s learning, eloquence, and
morals in the introduction to his Miscellanies. N. Valori speaks of
him, l. c. p. 76. Cf. Tiraboschi, ix. (vi. 3), 1677-1685.

[545] Baluz, _Miscellan._ ed. Mansi, i. 530. [’A sua posta (Fra
Mariano) aveva le lagrime, le quali cadendogli dagli occhi per il
viso, le raccoglieva tal volta e gittavale al popolo.’] Benivieni on
Savonarola’s teachings and prophecies, in a letter to Clement VII.
(Villari, i. 70).

[546] The _Storia fiorentina_, ch. xii.-xvii. contains many remarks on
Savonarola, specially valuable on account of the author’s position and
corresponding views.

[547] Prose volgare inedite p. 283. Cf. _ante_ p. 351.

[548] Lettera di un Anonimo circa alcune prediche fatte da Fra Mariano
da Genazzano in Roma, in Villari, ii. clxxvi.

[549] L. Passerini, _Storia e Genealogia delle famiglie Passerini e
Rilli_ (Flor. 1874), p. 24.

[550] Letter of C. Borgia to Piero de’ Medici, written after the
accession of Alexander VI., from Spoleto, October 5, 1492, printed from
_Med. Arch._ in _Arch. stor. Ital._, s. iii. vol. xvii. p. 510.

[551] _Med. Arch._ F. 51.

[552] Fabroni, l. c. i. 301.

[553] Cf. _ante_, p. 331.

[554] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. viii.

[555] Rome, October 5, 1490, in Roscoe’s Leo X., Ap. XIII.

[556] Rome, October 19, 1490, in Fabroni, l. c. p. 302.

[557] Ricordi di Lettere.

[558] Matteo Bosso to the Canon Arcangelo of Vicenza, Fiesole, March
14, 1492, in the _Recuperationes Fezulanae_, Ep. cx., and in Roscoe’s
_Lor. de Med._, Ap. No. XXV. Pietro Delfino to Giovanni, the Superior
of the Hermitage of Camaldoli, Flor. March 11, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c.
ii. 305. M. Manfredi, Flor., March 13, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 311.

[559] Rome, April 7, 1492, in Fabroni, l. c. ii. 306 _et seq._; also
in Roscoe, Leo X., and Gennarelli’s Burcard. On the reception at Rome
and the solemnities there, see Burcard, p. 166 _et seq._ Letter from
Giovanni to his father, Rome, March 25, in Roscoe, l. c. Ap. XVII.

[560] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 308 _et seq._

[561] M. Manfredi, Flor. August 31, in Cappelli, l. c. p. 309.

[562] Cappelli, l. c. p. 316. Manfredi’s reports give the most details,
but unfortunately there is a blank in the last days of Lorenzo.

[563] Cod. Aragonese, l. c. p. 39.

[564] M. Manfredi to the Duchess of Ferrara, Flor., April 5, 1492, in
Cappelli, l. c. p. 312. Ercole arrived at Rome on April 13. Burcard, l.
c. p. 177.

[565] Valori, l.c. p. 181.

[566] The story of Lorenzo’s last days may be read in the long letter
written by Poliziano from the villa at Fiesole on May 18, 1492, to
Jacopo Antiquario of Perugia, _Pol. Epist._ 1. iv. ep. 2, in Fabroni,
l. c. i. 199-212, and in Roscoe, Ap. No. LXXVII. Cf. G. B. Vermiglioli,
_Memoire di Jacopo Antiquario_ (Perugia, 1813). Politian’s letter is a
rhetorical composition full of unctuous phrases, but highly valuable as
containing the testimony of an eye-witness.

[567] See Appendix III. p. 487.

[568] See Appendix III. p. 488.

[569] On the prodigies see Politian’s letter, also Rinuccini, l. c.,
and Cambi, p. 63, where are given details of the disastrous effects of
the lightning. See also Burcard, p. 175.

[570] Guicciardini, l. c. ch. ix.

[571] Ricordi, p. cxlvi.

[572] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 398. Cerretani reports that of the whole
number in the Council 483 voted Aye and 63 No. ‘Herein was seen a token
of harmony and secure hope for the future; but it all came from the
popularity of Lorenzo, who was lamented not only by his fellow-citizens
and the people, but by all Italy.’

[573] Burcard, p. 171-178. On the appointment as legate cf. Stefano
da Castrocaro’s letter to Piero, Rome, April 15, 1402; Fabroni, _Vita
Leonis X._ p. 13, and note 10; Roscoe, _Leo X._ Ap. xxiv.

[574] _Cod. Aragon._, l. c. p. 74, 75.

[575] Fabroni, l. c. ii. 396.

[576] Fabroni, _Laur. Med. Vita_, i. 212. There is no better warrant
for this speech than for that on the election of Pope Alexander VI.

[577] Diary of Paris de’ Grassi, in Fabroni, _Vita Leonis X._, p. 95.

[578] Moreni, _Descrizione istorico-critica delle tre Cappelle Medicee
in S. Lorenzo_ (Flor. 1813), p. 103. At the revolution of 1494 the
party hostile to the Medici did not entirely spare even the monuments,
for the inscription on the tomb of Cosimo the elder was removed on
account of the ‘_Pater patriæ_’; in 1497, during the Savonarola
excitement, all the Medici coats of arms were taken away or covered,
and replaced by the red cross of the people. The reappearance of the
ball-escutcheon after the revolution of 1512 was referred to in an
epigram by the father of Benvenuto Cellini, wherein he prophesies the
attainment of the Papal dignity by one of the family:—

                ‘Quest’arme, che sepolta è stata tanta,
                       Sotta la croce mansueta,
                Mostra hor la faccia gloriosa e lieta,
                Aspettando di Pietro il sacro ammanto.’

[579] This curious monody, so unlike Politian’s other Latin
compositions, stands at the end of his works in the edition of 1498.
[In _Del Lungo_, p. 274.] The poem in terza rima, on Lorenzo’s death,
printed in the edition of his Italian poems published at Florence in
1814, from a Riccardi MS. (in Carducci’s ed. p. 382 _et seq._) is
unquestionably not Politian’s.

[580] The object of this table is simply to facilitate a survey of the
chronological sequence of the different parts of the work.