with a note from Mr. B----, of the 30th July; with an extract
    of a letter from Mr. J. Osborne of the 24th. I have paid
    particular attention to the contents of the several letters;
    had they arrived earlier, you should have had my answer sooner.
    A variety of circumstances has prevented my writing you before.
    I expect to do it very fully in a few days, and to procure you
    an interview with Mr. M----e, when you will be able to settle
    your commercial plan, I hope, agreeable to all parties. Mr.
    M----e assures me that he is still of opinion that his first
    proposal is by no means unreasonable, and makes no doubt,
    when he has had a conference with you, that you will close
    with it. He expects, when you meet, that you will be fully
    authorized from your House; that the risks and profits of the
    copartnership may be fully and clearly understood.

    “A speculation might at this time be easily made to some
    advantage with _ready money_; but there is not the quantity
    of goods _at market_ which your partner seems to suppose, and
    the number of speculators below, I think, will be against
    your making an immediate purchase. I apprehand goods will be
    in greater plenty, and much cheaper, in the course of the
    season; both dry and wet are much wanted and in demand at this
    juncture; some quantities are expected in this part of the
    country soon. Mr. M----e flatters himself that in the course of
    ten days he will have the pleasure of seeing you; he requests
    me to advise you, that he has ordered a draft on you in favor
    of our mutual friend S----y for £300, which you will charge on
    account of the _tobacco_. I am, in behalf of Mr. M----e & Co.,
    Sir, your obedient humble servant,

                                                          “GUSTAVUS.

    “Mr John Anderson, Merchant,

    “To the care of James Osborne, to be left at the Reverend Mr.
    Odell’s, New York.”

Next from Lower Salem, dated Sept. 6th, came a letter from Sheldon to
Arnold.[40] He reports having placed the messages as Arnold directed.
His letter closes with the following paragraph:

    “The person mentioned is not returned from his Excursion. I
    have forwarded Mrs. Arnold’s letter for Major Gibs to Col.
    DeLancey and wrote him on the subject; in answer he writes me
    that if any articles are sent to him for Mrs. Arnold he will
    take particular care of them and inform me immediately. I
    fear the matter may be attended with some difficulty, as I am
    informed Gen. Parsons will take command on the lines tomorrow,
    however will do the best I can to secreet the articles should
    they come within my power. I have the Honor to be Dear Sir,
    with great Esteem & Regard Your most obt. Humbl. Sert.

                                                   “ELISHA SHELDON.”

With the intention of reaching Arnold, but not caring to address him
directly, Major André’s next letter was directed to Sheldon, as follows:

    “NEW YORK, 7 Sept. 1780. _Sir_: I am told my name is made known
    to you, and that I may hope your indulgence in permitting me to
    meet a friend near Your outposts. I will endeavour to obtain
    permission to go out with a flag which will be sent to Dobbs’
    Ferry on Sunday next the 11th at 12 o’clock, when I shall
    be happy to meet Mr. G. Should I not be allowed to go, the
    officer who is to command the escort, between whom and myself
    no distinction need be made, can speak on the affair. Let me
    entreat you, Sir, to favor a matter so interesting to the
    parties concerned, and which is of so private a nature that the
    public on neither side can be injured by it.

    “I shall be happy on my part of doing any act of kindness to
    you in a family or property concern, of a similar nature.

    “I trust I shall not be detained but should any old grudge be
    a cause for it, I should rather risk that than neglect the
    business in question or assume a mysterious character to carry
    on an innocent affair and as friends have advised get to your
    lines by stealth. I am with all regard Yr most humble sert.

                                                    “JOHN ANDERSON.”

Shortly before the arrival of the above letter Colonel Sheldon received
a note from Arnold reading:

    “ROBINSON’S HOUSE, 7 September, 1780.--Since I saw you, I have
    had an opportunity of transmitting a letter to the person
    in New York, of whom I made mention, and am in expectation
    of procuring a meeting at your quarters. If I can bring
    this matter about, as I hope, I shall open a channel of
    intelligence, that will be regular and to be depended upon. I
    am, &c.

                                                        “B. ARNOLD.”

Sheldon was evidently mystified by these letters, and so from Lower
Salem on September 9th, 1780, addressed Arnold:

    “_Dear Sir_; Enclosed I send you a letter, which I received
    last evening from New York, signed John Anderson, who mentions
    his being made known to me. If this is the person you mentioned
    in your favor of yesterday, he must have had his information
    by your letter, as I never heard his name mentioned before I
    received the letter. I hope you will not fail meeting him at
    Dobbs’s Ferry; if you cannot meet him yourself, pray send some
    person that you can confide in. I am so much out of health,
    that I shall not be able to ride that distance in one day. I
    am, &c.

                                                   “ELISHA SHELDON.”

Arnold showed alarm upon receiving this letter. Probably because André
had spoken in such a manner as he feared would excite suspicion. In his
reply to Sheldon he says:

                              “ROBINSON’S HOUSE, 10 September, 1780.

    “_Dear Sir_; I received last night your favor of yesterday.
    You judge right. I wrote to Mr. Anderson on the 3d instant,
    requesting him to meet me at your quarters, and informed
    him that I had hinted the matter to you, and that you would
    send any letter to me, or inform me of his arrival. I did
    not mention his name in my letter to you, as I thought it
    unnecessary. I was obliged to write with great caution to him.
    My letter was signed Gustavus, to prevent any discovery in
    case it fell into the hands of the enemy.

    “From the tenor of Mr. Anderson’s letter, (in particular that
    part where he says, ‘The officer, who commands the escort,
    between whom and myself no distinction need be made, can speak
    on the affair,’) I am led to conjecture my letter has been
    intercepted. There are several things in the letter, which
    appear mysterious. As you are unwell, and I want to go to
    Verplanck’s Point to give directions in some matters there,
    I am determined to go as far as Dobbs’s Ferry and meet the
    flag. If Mr. Anderson should not be permitted to come out
    with the flag and should find means to come to your quarters,
    I wish you to send an express to let me know; and send two
    or three horsemen to conduct him on the way to meet me, as
    it is difficult for me to ride so far. If your health will
    permit, I wish you to come with him. I have promised him your
    protection, and that he shall return in safety. I am convinced
    of his inclination to serve the public; and if he has received
    my letter, and in consequence thereof should come to your
    quarters, I make no doubt to fix a mode of intelligence, that
    will answer my wishes.

    “If General Parsons has arrived, I wish you to show him my
    letter, and tell him that my request is to have Mr. Anderson
    escorted to meet me. Please to write me by return of the
    express through what channel you received Mr. Anderson’s
    letter, and if your emissary has returned. I am, with great
    regard, &c.

                                                        “B. ARNOLD.”

Sheldon’s reply to Arnold’s above was prompt. It is dated Lower Salem,
12 September, 1780.

    “_Dear General_, In your favor of the 10th instant, you desired
    to know, through what channel I received Mr. Anderson’s
    letter. It was by a flag that came to our lines, and forwarded
    to me by Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson. It came to me sealed. The
    person, so often mentioned, has returned from New York, where
    he was detained ten days before he could obtain permission
    to return. He was not suffered to leave his quarters, unless
    escorted by some person appointed by the Commanding Officer for
    that purpose; by which means he had no opportunity of gaining
    any intelligence of consequence. He will be at your quarters
    within a few days. His name is Elijah Hunter. General Parsons
    had not arrived at North Castle yesterday at twelve o’clock. I
    am to inform you that I have been in arrest two or three days,
    on a complaint exhibited to head-quarters by a villain by the
    name of Darius Stoddard, for defrauding the public, together
    with sundry other charges. I have the honor to be, &c.

                                                       “E. SHELDON.”

General Washington momentarily expected the British boats to ascend
the Hudson, as is evident by his letter to Arnold preparing for that
emergency. Answering it from Headquarters at Robinson’s House on
September 12, 1780, Arnold in a paragraph saves the barge crew for
himself and enables us to record the regiment to which they belonged.
He says:

    “... The order, contained in the postscript of your
    Excellency’s letter of the 7th, to send the eight bargemen of
    Colonel Putnam’s regiment to join their regiment, I conceive to
    be on a supposition of their being idle at West Point. I beg
    leave to observe, that they are now employed as my bargemen;
    that all the militia oarsmen had, previous to the receipt of
    the order, been drafted, and sent to different commands, at
    King’s Ferry and elsewhere, so that it is out of my power to
    procure a proper crew for my barge; for which reason I have
    thought proper to detain them until I receive your Excellency’s
    further orders on the subject.[41]

                                                  “BENEDICT ARNOLD.”

Arnold now started to meet John Anderson, as appointed in his letter
of September 7th. For this purpose he set out in his barge on Sunday
afternoon; passed the night at Joshua Smith’s house, and on the morning
of the 11th of September descended nineteen miles to Dobbs’ Ferry.
There is every reason to believe that André was nearby, expecting him,
but as Arnold’s barge drew near some British gun boats opened such a
fire that Arnold was put in peril of his life and obliged to fall back.
In the hope of being followed he retired to an American post on the
west shore, above the ferry, where he remained until sundown, but no
flag came. That night he returned to West Point and André went back to
New York.

_Simcoe Wished to Capture Washington_

During the first week in September Major André had arranged that
Colonel Simcoe and the Rangers were to take an active part in the
surrender of West Point. Word now reached the Colonel that he was to
be ready to embark upon the arrival of Sir George Rodney’s fleet, and
it was rumored for an intended expedition into the Chesapeake. This so
upset Colonel Simcoe that he hastily and in great distress appealed by
letter to Major André. Immediately upon his return from Dobbs’ Ferry
the Major answered him, as follows:

    “September 12, 1780. _Dear Simcoe_: Rely upon it your alarms
    are vain. Colonel Watson or you, one or the other, will not
    embark. I should have been happy to have seen you and have
    hinted that apparent arrangements are not always real ones, but
    I beg you to seek no explanation. I should not say what I do
    but I cannot, without concern, see you in any uneasiness I can
    relieve.

                                                       “JOHN ANDRÉ.”

André followed this letter to Oyster Bay and with Simcoe planned for
the capture of General Washington,[42] which plan was not approved of
by Sir Henry Clinton when it was presented to him a few days later.
Simcoe nevertheless prepared for any emergency. An order among the
papers of Captain Daniel Youngs reads:

    “OYSTER BAY 14th September, 1780. _Sir_: By order of Colo.
    Simcoe am directed to desire you to furnish seven waggons or
    oxteams upon the next advice sent of the Regt. moving. These
    waggons will be discharged the first Post the Regt. halts at.
    This is only to intimate to you to have the teams in readiness
    upon the first notice that the baggage, stores &c. of the
    Regt, may not suffer by delay when the march is ordered. Robert
    Gardner, Sergt. (endorsed) Complied with, Quart. Master, Q. R.”

[Illustration: 8. Colonel John Graves Simcoe and prominent British
Officers. 1. Lord Cornwallis, 2. Sir Henry Clinton, 3. Major John
André, 4. Admiral Arbuthnot, 5. Gen. John Burgoyne, 6. General
Riedesel, 7. Lord Rowdon.]

Meanwhile Benedict Arnold was uneasy. From James Livingston at
Verplanck’s Point came a letter dated Septr. 13th, reading:

    “_Dear General_: I am just now informed by the inhabitants of
    Tarry Town, that Colo. Robinson came there in a Barge under
    pretence of a Flagg, but think its more probable to reconnoitre
    the country. I have not the least doubt they will shortly send
    out a Foraging Party as the country between this and New York
    lies entirely exposed.

    “If you think it advisable I will send a party to endeavour to
    give them a check in case they should come as high as Tarry
    Town. I have ordered the inhabitants to drive off their cattle
    should the enemy appear in force.

                                                 “JAMES LIVINGSTON.”

Arnold on the same day directed a long letter to Major Tallmadge,
similar as it concerned Anderson to his letter to Sheldon of the 10th.
A postscript reads:

    “If Mr. James Anderson, a person I expect from New York should
    come to your quarters, I have to request that you will give him
    an escort of two Horse to bring him on his way to this place,
    and send an express to me that I may meet him.

                                                        “B. ARNOLD.”

Then he again addressed Mr. John Anderson, as follows:

    “September 15th.--_Sir_: On the nth at noon, agreeable to your
    request, I attempted to go to Dobb’s Ferry, but was prevented
    by the armed boats of the enemy, which fired upon us; and I
    continued opposite the Ferry till sunset.

    “The foregoing letter was written to caution you not to mention
    your business to Colonel Sheldon, or any other person. I
    have no confidant. I have made one too many already, who has
    prevented some profitable speculation. I will send a person in
    whom you can confide by water to meet you at Dobb’s Ferry at
    the landing on the east side, on Wednesday the 20th instant,
    who will conduct you to a place of safety, where I will meet
    you. It will be necessary for you to be disguised, and, if the
    enemy’s boats are there, it will favor my plan, as the person
    is not suspected by them. If I do not hear from you before, you
    may depend on the person’s being punctual at the place above
    mentioned. My partner, of whom I hinted in a former letter, has
    about ten thousand pounds cash in hand ready for a speculation
    if any should offer, which appears probable. I have already one
    thousand pounds on hand and can collect fifteen hundred more in
    two or three days. Add to this I have some credit. From these
    hints you may judge of the purchase that can be made. I cannot
    be more explicit at present. Meet me if possible. You may rest
    assured, that, if there is no danger in passing your lines, you
    will be perfectly safe where I propose a meeting, of which you
    shall be informed on Wednesday evening, if you think proper to
    be at Dobb’s Ferry. Adieu, and be assured of the friendship of

                                                         “GUSTAVUS.”

This letter, although promptly received by Major André, never reached
Clinton’s headquarters. A copy of it was left by one of the crew of a
Connecticut privateer in the pay of Sir Henry Clinton, at the Townsend
House, Oyster Bay, and another copy was forwarded several days later
with the following note added:

    “September 18th, The foregoing I found means to send by a very
    honest fellow, who went to Kingsbridge on the 16th, and I have
    no doubt you received it. But as there is a possibility of its
    miscarriage, I send a copy, and am fully persuaded that the
    method I have pointed out to meet you is the best and safest,
    provided you can obtain leave to come out.”

On the 16th the Vulture again conveyed Beverly Robinson up the river.
Pretending to believe that General Putnam still commanded in the
Highlands, Robinson addressed a note to him requesting an interview
on the subject of his confiscated property, and sent this letter by a
flag, enclosed in one addressed to General Arnold; soliciting of him
the same boon should General Putnam be absent. This letter was received
at Verplanck’s by Livingston and forwarded to headquarters as Robinson
wished it to be.

On the 18th September, Washington with his suite crossed the Hudson to
Verplanck’s Point, in Arnold’s barge, on his way to Hartford. Arnold
accompanied him as far as Peekskill, and on the way laid before him
with affected frankness the letter of Colonel Robinson, and asked
his advice. Washington disapproved of any such interview, observing
that the civil authorities alone had cognizance of these questions of
confiscated property.

Arnold now openly sent a flag on board of the Vulture, as if bearing a
reply to the letter he had communicated to the commander-in-chief. His
message, addressed to Colonel Beverly Robinson, reads:

    “September 18th, 1780.--_Sir_: I parted with his Excellency
    General Washington this morning, who advises me to avoid
    seeing you, as it would occasion suspicions in the minds of
    some people, which might operate to my injury. His reason
    appears to me to be well founded; but, if I were of a different
    opinion, I could not with propriety see you at present. I
    shall send a person to Dobb’s Ferry, or on board the Vulture,
    Wednesday night the 20th instant, and furnish him with a
    boat and a flag of truce. You may depend on his secrecy and
    honor, and that your business of whatever nature shall be
    kept a profound secret; and, if it is matter in which I can
    officially act, I will do everything in my power to oblige
    you consistantly with my duty. To avoid censure, this matter
    must be conducted with the greatest secrecy. I think it will
    be advisable for the Vulture to remain where she is until the
    time appointed. I have enclosed a letter for a gentleman in
    New York from one in the country on private business, which I
    beg the favor of you to forward, and make no doubt he will be
    particular to come at the time appointed. I am, &c.

                                                     “B. ARNOLD.[43]

    “P. S. I expect General Washington to lodge here on Saturday
    night next, and will lay before him any matter you may wish to
    communicate.”

A further note on the opposite side of the sheet reads: “As no person
except His Excellency Genl. Washington shall be made acquainted with
them. The bearer, Capt. D. Archibald will take particular care of your
letters and deliver them to me with his own hand. B. A.”

On the same day Major André left Oyster Bay, crossed the Sound at
Flushing, and on the New York side met by appointment Sir Henry
Clinton, and together they rode to Mme Riedesel’s for a private
interview. A paragraph in her memoirs records this visit; she says:

    “The country residence of General Clinton was an hour’s ride
    from the city ... he invited us to spend the summer there.
    It was a most beautiful situation, the Hudson River running
    directly in front of the house.... Not far from us were the
    Hell-gates.... We often saw ships in danger, but only one was
    wrecked and went to pieces during our stay. General Clinton
    came often to visit us, but in hunter’s dress, accompanied by
    only one aid-de-camp.... The last time he came to see us he had
    with him the unfortunate--as he afterwards became--Major André,
    who, the day afterwards, set out upon the fatal expedition, in
    which he was captured by the Americans, and afterwards hung as
    a spy.”

This visit was followed by a dinner at Kip’s house in the vicinity of
Kip’s Bay, which was about where 2nd Avenue and 34th Street now is.
Ostensibly it was given to Clinton and his staff but in reality it was
as a parting compliment to André. The next day (Tuesday) he went by
way of King’s Bridge to Dobb’s Ferry and thence to the sloop of war,
Vulture, then probably at Teller’s Point. Reaching her about seven p.
m. he waited all the next day without message or news from Arnold. His
messages to Clinton explain the situation.

                                 ON BOARD THE VULTURE, 21 September.

    “_Sir_; As the tide was favorable on my arrival at the sloop
    yesterday, I determined to be myself the bearer of your
    Excellency’s letters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered for
    it, having caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return
    of a disorder in my stomach which had attacked me a few days
    ago, that Captain Sutherland and Colonel Robinson insist on my
    remaining on board till I am better. I hope tomorrow to get
    down again.”

In this letter he enclosed one meant for Clinton only, which read:

    “_Sir_: I got on board the Vulture at about seven o’clock last
    evening; and after considering upon the letters and the answer
    given by Col. Robinson ‘that he would remain on board, and
    hoped I should be up,’ we thought it most natural to expect the
    man I sent into the Country here, and therefore did not think
    of going to the Ferry. Nobody has appeared. This is the second
    expedition I have made without an ostensible reason, and Col.
    Robinson both times of the party. A third would infallibly fire
    suspicions. I have therefore thought it best to remain here on
    plea of sickness, as my enclosed letter will feign, and try
    further expedients. Yesterday the pretence of a flag of truce
    was made to draw people from the Vulture on shore. The boat was
    fired upon in violation of the customs of war. Capt. Sutherland
    with great propriety means to send a flag to complain of this
    to General Arnold. A boat from the Vulture had very nearly
    taken him on the 11th. He was pursued close to the float. I
    shall favor him with a newspaper containing the Carolina news,
    which I brought with me from New York for Anderson, to whom it
    is addressed, on board the Vulture. I have the honor, &c.”

The ingenious artifice by which he contrived to let Arnold know that he
was waiting for him was written as follows:

    “VULTURE, OFF TELLER’S POINT, 21 September.--_Sir_: I consider
    it a duty to complain of any violation of the laws of arms, and
    I am satisfied that I now do it where I cannot fail to meet
    redress. It is therefore with reluctance I give you the concern
    to know, that a flag of truce having been yesterday shown on
    Teller’s Point, I sent a boat towards the shore, presuming
    some communication was thereby solicited. The boat’s crew on
    approaching received a fire from several armed men, who till
    then had been concealed.[44] Fortunately none of my people were
    hurt, but the treacherous intentions of those who fired are not
    vindicated from that circumstance. I have the honor to be, &c.”

(This was signed by Sutherland and countersigned by John Anderson,
Secretary, and in André’s handwriting.)

FOOTNOTES to “JOHN ANDRÉ AND ARNOLD’S TREASON PLOT”:

[36] Dunlap, vol. 2, p. 171.

[37] The Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt in his Travels in North
America in 1795, says: “But for this inveterate hatred against the
United States, which he too loudly professes, and which carries him too
far, General Simcoe appears in the most advantageous light. He is just,
active, enlightened, brave, frank, and possesses the confidence of the
country, of the troops, and of all those who join him in administration
of public affairs.”

[38] Alexander Hamilton, in a letter to John Laurens, says: “The
project seems to have originated with Arnold himself, and to have been
long premeditated. The first overture is traced back to some time in
January last. It was conveyed in a letter to Colonel Robinson, the
substance of which was, that the ingratitude he had experienced from
his country, concurring with other causes, had entirely changed his
principles; that he now only sought to restore himself in the favour of
his king by some signal of his repentance and would be happy to open a
correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that purpose.”

[39] Sheldon says, in his letter of August 10th, 1780: “It mortifies
me not a little, that I am obliged to tell you that more than twenty
of the best of my horses, completely accoutred, are employed as common
Express Riders between this place and Newport exclusive of those which
I am obliged to employ on the same business in conveying despatches
as an intermediate post between Head Quarters and the first stage of
expresses. I hope as horses are much wanted on this advance post those
Dragoons who are employed on such extra service may soon be called to
more honorable duty.”

[40] Washington Papers, No. 19991.

[41] General Washington’s reply from Headquarters, Sept. 14th, 1780,
was: “... Under the circumstances you mention you may detain the men
of Colonel Putnam’s regiment, who are serving as bargemen to you;....
I shall be at Peekskill on Sunday evening, on my way to Hartford,
to meet the French admiral and general. You will be pleased to send
down a guard of a captain and fifty men at that time, and direct the
quartermaster to endeavour to have a night’s forage for about forty
horses. You will keep this to yourself, as I wish to make my journey a
secret. I am, &c. GO. WASHINGTON. (He was delayed in setting out. It
was Monday the 18th.)

[42] Hamilton says: “There was some colour for imagining it was a part
of the plan to betray the General into the hands of the enemy. Arnold
was very anxious to ascertain from him the precise day of his return,
and the enemy’s movements seem to have corresponded to this point. But
if it was really the case it was very injudicious. The success must
have depended on surprise, and as the officers at the advanced posts
were not in the secret, their measures might have given the alarm, and
General Washington, taking the command of the post, might have rendered
the whole scheme abortive. Arnold it is true, had so dispersed the
garrison as to have made the defence difficult, but not impracticable;
and the acquisition of West Point was of such magnitude to the enemy,
that it would have been unwise to connect it with any other object,
however great, which might make the obtaining of it precarious.”

[43] There is preserved in the Library of Congress among the Washington
Papers, No. 20268, an interesting answer to this letter. It is in the
handwriting of Beverly Robinson, and reads: ‘Vulture off Tellers point,
Septr. 19, 1780. Sir. I am favoured with yours by Capt. Archibald and
am sorry I have missed the opportunity of seeing General Putnam, and
that it is not thought proper to allow me to see you, my business
being entirely of a private nature, only concerning my self & no ways
affecting publick matters of either side; I was induced to make the
application to you in hopes of meeting with a favorable reception from
a gentleman of your character. But I have not the least reason to
expect any civility from the Civil Authority of this State, neither
am I at all disposed to ask any favour from them. Had I known Genl.
Washington was with you I should certainly have made my application to
him as I flatter myself I should be allowed very reasonable indulgence
from him, I beg my best respects may be presented to him; I can
have nothing further to say to you at present, but must wait a more
favorable opportunity of doing something for my family. I return you my
thanks for your polite letter and Civil Expressions to me and am Your
verry Humble Servt. BEV: ROBINSON.”

[44] The excuse for this story was two intoxicated men with one gun.
They hung a shirt on the bushes which was mistaken for a flag; as the
boat approached they fired the gun as a warning to keep away.

ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET

We now come to the evening of the 20th of September, 1780. Joshua
Hett Smith, returning from Fishkill, met Samuel Colquhoun[45] after
crossing the river near Stony Point, and asked him to accompany him
to his house. When they had ascended the stairs and were in Smith’s
private room he asked Colquhoun to go with him that night a piece down
the river. Colquhoun told Smith he had no mind to go, and did not want
to go, and Smith did not urge him. Then Smith told Colquhoun he must
send him up express to General Arnold, and they should go over to the
other house; but upon Colquhoun telling him again that he had no mind
to go Smith seemed to urge his going and said it was great business.
Colquhoun then agreed to go. They went over to the house of Smith’s
brother and there Colquhoun was furnished with a horse, and a paper to
Major Keirs[46] and started off to General Arnold.

The sun was rising when Colquhoun reached the headquarters of Arnold,
on the east bank of the Hudson River, below West Point. The General
was not up but he delivered the letter from Smith to a gentleman
there[47] and in a few minutes he was informed there was no occasion
for an answer. He was requested however to return as quickly as he
could. That afternoon Arnold passed him and rode to Smith’s house.

When Smith again hailed Colquhoun it was near sun down as he was going
for the cows. He told him to come up to his house as the General wanted
to speak with him. He found Arnold there and was asked by him to go a
piece that night. Colquhoun told him he could not go as he had been up
the night before, and he also told him he was afraid to go, but General
Arnold urged, and told him if he was a friend to his country he should
do his best. Colquhoun then asked Arnold where he wanted him to go and
was told on board the ship in the river. Smith told him there was a man
there the General wanted to see very much. Colquhoun then asked what
was the reason he could not stay till the morning and Arnold replied
that it must be done that night. Colquhoun’s next excuse was that he
could not go alone, and then Smith told him to go fetch his brother.
In a short time Colquhoun returned and reported that his wife objected
to his going and that the guard boats were out. Arnold told him there
was no danger from the guard boats and also that if he did not go he
would look upon him as a disaffected man. He then went for his brother
and when they returned they argued awhile before consenting to go. This
brother was Joseph Colquhoun, and he has left such a concise narrative
that much of it is here quoted.

    “Mr. Smith, last Thursday night week, sent word to me to come
    over to his house, and he wanted to speak to me. I went. When
    I came there he met me at the door, and sat down on the bench
    with me, and on asking him what was his desire, he said he
    wanted me to go with him that night. On asking Mr. Smith where
    he wanted to go, he said, ‘A little way down the river.’ On
    asking him how far and where, he said ‘On board the man-of-war
    as a flag, on business of General Arnold.’ I told him I was
    sorry I was wanted for that purpose, and said, upon any other
    thing I was willing to serve him or the General. Mr. Smith
    asked me why, and said there was no hurt in going, as it was
    general business. On asking him whether he did not think we
    should be taken up by the water-guard, (meaning the Continental
    water guard,) he said, No, for he had a Pass from the General
    to go, and the countersign he said was ‘Congress,’ which, when
    he came up he must give, and so pass. Mr. Smith made answer to
    me and said, ‘Have you not always heard that I was a friend
    to the country, and did that which was always best for the
    country?’ I told him, Yes, and always thought he was, upon
    which I asked him why the flag was not sent down in the day
    time, as it ought to be done? He said because it was to be kept
    private from the inhabitants and common men. The officers, he
    said, knew it, and said there was a man on board, that the
    General wanted to speak to; and that he must be brought on
    shore and carried on board again. I then told him I did not
    chuse to go. He said there was no hurt in going, at all; and
    said if anything should come against me he would defend me,
    and clear me from all. I told him he could not clear me if
    there was any bad in it; and Mr. Smith afterwards got up and
    went into the house to General Arnold. General Arnold came out
    soon after Mr. Smith went in, and said, upon his coming out, I
    need not be afraid to go with Mr. Smith, and said it must be
    done for the good of the country; and said it was not done in
    private, for the officers at the Ferry knew it, the Captain of
    the water guards also, and had the countersign; and that it
    was not a secret to any persons but the inhabitants and common
    men. I thought at first it was not good, but thought otherwise
    upon the General’s mentioning that it was known. The General
    also said Major Kierce had agreed to send him up a boat to the
    creek at Colonel Hay’s landing place, but had not done it,
    and he did not know the reason; upon which Mr. Smith asked me
    if I would take his horse and ride down to the ferry, to see
    whether the boat was come. I said No, he ought send his negro:
    he ordered the negro to get the horse, and the negro went off.
    While the negro was gone myself and my brother concluded not to
    go; but both were afraid to tell the General of it, and afraid
    not to go for him, and the time passed away until the negro
    came. When he came I asked him what news concerning the boat;
    and he said he did not know, and he brought a letter from Major
    Kierce to the General, upon which I told my brother I would go
    up and tell the General. I had no mind to go and as I was going
    up, I met Mr. Smith in the entry, and he told me the General
    wanted to speak with me; and he passed out to the stoop, and I
    went into the room to the General, who was sitting by a table,
    with paper, and his speaking to me, I acquainted him I had no
    mind to go, as it was late; and said I would rather go in the
    morning. General Arnold said he must go to headquarters by ten
    o’clock in the morning; and if I would not assist when I was
    required for the good of my country and Congress, he would put
    me under guard immediately. Upon which Mr. Smith came in and I
    went out; and just after this Mr. Smith came out to the stoop;
    asked my brother and myself if we would have a dram, and gave
    us each one, and afterwards the General came out, and Mr. Smith
    and myself and brother were together. The General and Mr. Smith
    talked together, but what they said I do not know. My brother,
    Mr. Smith and myself went down to the landing, about a half
    mile below King’s Ferry, and passed off in the boat; and I
    think it was pretty well near midnight when we got off. Mr.
    Smith had on a whitish coat, a pretty large one, which I have
    seen him wear before.”

The boatman’s story is here interrupted to insert paragraphs in the
words of Joshua H. Smith, more complete in detail than Colquhoun’s.

    “After General Arnold had given the order for muffling the
    oars, that we might not be impeded by the boats that guarded
    the shores, a precaution necessary, as there was a regular
    water patrole, to prevent those disaffected to the American
    interest, or Tories, as the friends to the royal cause were
    called, from carrying provisions or intelligence to the British
    ships occasionally lying in the river. This precaution,
    however, staggered the confidence of the eldest of the
    watermen, who bluntly told General Arnold that if the business
    was of a fair and upright nature, as he assured them it was,
    he saw no necessity for any disguise, or to seize the veil of
    night to execute that which might be as well transacted in
    broad daylight. The watermen were simple, honest men, had been
    accustomed to their occupation, and were my tenants, in whom
    I could place the utmost confidence. General Arnold insisted
    on their pursuing the business, and assured them he had the
    command of the militia of the county for 60 miles round West
    Point by order of Congress....

    “The Vulture was then lying at the extremity of Haverstraw
    Bay. The night was serene, the tide favorable, and the silent
    manner in which we passed the fort at Stony Point, at the mouth
    of Haverstraw Creek, precluded any obstructions; in short,
    although the distance was nearly 12 miles, we soon reached
    the ship. On our approach we were hailed by the Sentinel on
    deck, ordered to bring to, and questioned whither bound? I
    answered, with a flag of truce to the Vulture sloop of war,
    upon which I was heartily assailed with a volley of oaths, all
    in the peculiarity of sea language, by the officer commanding
    the watch on the quarter deck, and commanded instantly to haul
    alongside, or he would blow us out of the water. Upon coming
    alongside, I was saluted with another discharge of the same
    nautical eloquence; and orders were given to hoist the rebel
    rascal on board, which was prevented by my climbing up a rope
    fastened to the main chains, and so reaching the main deck.
    I was questioned as to my business, and how I could presume
    to come on board his Majesty’s ship under colour of a flag of
    truce at night? To which I answered, I was so authorized by my
    papers, which I requested he would give to captain Sutherland,
    the commander of the ship, and Colonel Robinson, as I knew
    they were on board; this request, however, seemed to have no
    effect; but he poured on me torrents of abuse, threatening to
    hang me at the yard-arm, as he said another rebel had been a
    few days before; being nevertheless unintimidated, and seeing
    Colonel Robinson and the Captain, for whom I had letters, I
    raised my voice and said, he must be answerable for my being
    delayed: whether I was heard in the cabin or not I cannot say,
    but soon afterwards a boy came on deck and said, ‘the captain
    orders the man below.’ He conducted me into the cabin, where
    on my entrance I saw a venerable looking gentleman, whom
    I recognised to be Colonel Beverly Robinson, dressed in a
    regimental uniform. He received me politely, desired me to be
    seated, and shortly introduced me to Captain Sutherland, who
    lay ill in his birth. Colonel Beverly Robinson having perused
    the letter from General Arnold, apologized for retiring a few
    minutes, ordering some refreshments, and left me to converse
    with Captain Sutherland, to whom I related my uncourtly
    reception on deck; and his amiable urbanity compensated me for
    the incivility of his officer on deck. Having conversed with
    Captain Sutherland for twenty minutes on indifferent subjects,
    Colonel Robinson returned, and introduced Mr. Anderson to me,
    saying he was mentioned in General Arnold’s letter, for whom he
    had sent a pass to come on shore, in case he Colonel Robinson
    should be unable to accompany me. Colonel Robinson pleaded
    indisposition, and said Mr. Anderson could as effectually
    answer all the purposes by going on shore as himself; there
    seemed no reluctance on the part of Anderson to supply Colonel
    Robinson’s place, and he appeared in a dress equipped for the
    purpose, wearing boots and a large blue great-coat. For my own
    part it made no difference to me who bore me company, so that
    the object of my mission was fully answered, and the great
    national ends obtained, which Arnold assured me would be the
    result of the affair.

    “Mr. Anderson being ready, we left the ship, and were rowed in
    a short time to the western shore, to the place which General
    Arnold had appointed for the interview; this was at the foot
    of a mountain called the Long Clove, near the low water mark,
    whither my servant had conducted General Arnold, on horseback,
    he being still lame from his wounds.

    “Very little conversation passed between Mr. Anderson and
    myself, excepting trivial remarks about the tide, the weather,
    and matters of no concern. Mr. Anderson, from his youthful
    appearance and the softness of his manners, did not seem to me
    to be qualified for a business of such moment....

    “On my approach to the place of appointment, I found General
    Arnold ready to receive me; he was hid among firs. I mentioned
    to him Colonel Beverly Robinson’s reason for not accompanying
    me, and the delegation of a young gentleman, a Mr. Anderson,
    whom I had brought with me, and who was then with the watermen
    on the strand. He appeared much agitated and expressed chagrin
    at the disappointment of not seeing Colonel Robinson. He
    desired me, however, to conduct Mr. Anderson to him, which
    being done, he requested me to remain with the hands at the
    boat. I went as directed, but felt greatly mortified at not
    being present at the interview, to which I conceived myself
    entitled from my rank in life, and the trouble I had taken to
    effect the meeting. At length they continued such a time in
    conference, that I deemed it expedient to inform them of the
    approaching dawn of day. Shortly afterwards both came down to
    the boat, and General Arnold, with much earnestness, solicited
    me to return with Mr. Anderson to the Vulture: But I pointed
    out the impracticability of effecting his wish, from the great
    distance, and the fatigue of the hands. He then applied to
    the men, who declared themselves unable to gratify his wish,
    through want of strength to accomplish it, and the ebb tide
    being against them. Convinced of the apparent impracticability
    of the attempt to reach the ship and return before day without
    being discovered from either shore by the inhabitants, whose
    eyes were constantly watching the movements on the river,
    not only from the forts, but the surrounding shores, he
    relinquished his solicitations, and desired I would endeavour
    to return the boat to the place from whence we first embarked:
    this with much labour, and taking the circuit of the eddies,
    was nearly effected, (as we left the boat at Crane’s Island)
    when our attention was called to the cannonade from Gallows
    Point against the Vulture, which was compelled to fall down the
    river and appeared to be set on fire.”

    Joseph Colquhoun continues the narrative by saying: “When we
    landed at Crom’s Island, I stepped out and got down under a
    bush, and was drowsy, and had no conversation with Mr. Smith
    and I declare I have not seen Mr. Smith from that time until
    this day. General Arnold promised me fifty weight of flour
    for going on board the vessel; but I never saw it.... When we
    came to Mr. Smith’s house it was after day-light. I saw Mr.
    Arnold there. He walked lame and had on a blue coat and white
    breeches.”

Smith says that on his return he found General Arnold and Mr. Anderson
had arrived long before him. Mr. Anderson having mounted the horse
his servant rode when he followed Arnold to the Long Clove. Anderson
appeared vexed that the ship had been compelled to leave her position.
Breakfast was soon served and during the meal one of the topics of
conversation was the arrival of the fleet at New York under Arbuthnot.
A recurrence of his chronic complaint, together with loss of sleep
obliged Smith to retire as soon as they had finished the meal. Arnold
and André were left alone the greater part of the day.

There is no reliable statement as to where they went but it is probable
that Arnold improved this opportunity to show Major André the West
Point approaches. Major Tallmadge found André thoroughly familiar with
them, and outlined his intentions when six days later he was escorted
down the river in a barge. On that trip with Tallmadge André could
point to a table of land on the west shore, which he said was the spot
where he should have landed at the head of a select corps, and he
was able to traverse the course up the mountain in the rear of Fort
Putnam, which overlooked the whole Parade of West Point, with great
exactness. Later in the day they returned to Smith’s house, and there
was some talk of going to the “Vulture,” which it was noticed had
nearly regained her former station; but probably the cannon that could
hit the mark with one shot deterred them; General Arnold returned to
West Point after suggesting that it would be necessary for Anderson
to discard his military coat in exchange for a plain one, which Smith
furnished. Smith says he showed André the prospect from the upper
part of his house, from whence there was an extensive view over the
capacious bay of Haverstraw, to the opposite shore and adds: “He cast
an anxious look towards the Vulture and with a heavy sigh wished he
was on board.” Smith having promised to accompany André at least part
way to the White Plains by land was now urged to prepare for their
departure, and his servant having been ordered to get the horses ready
they started for the ferry about sun down.

Major Burroughs was the first to notice the party on their way to
King’s Ferry on that 22d of September, 1780. His testimony follows:

    “Between sundown and dark I was overtaken on the road, about
    three quarters of a mile from Stoney Point, by Mr. Smith and
    another gentleman; Mr. Smith’s servant, a negro boy, was with
    him: Mr. Smith as he passed by, spoke, and said ‘How do you do,
    Captain Livingston?’ I told him he was mistaken; on that he
    stopped, and said: ‘How do you do, Major Burroughs?’ and turned
    about his horse, and talked to me for about a minute, in which
    time, I rode up between the gentleman who was with Mr. Smith.
    Mr. Smith while he stopped told me he was going for Mrs. Smith
    and the ladies, to West Point and should be happy to see me at
    tea the next afternoon; Mr. Smith then turned about his horse,
    and rode off pretty fast; I told him I thought it rather late,
    and he said he had business. André had a round hat on and a
    blue coat or cloak, the cape of which was buttoned up tight
    around the neck, and the other part was also buttoned.”

Another half mile and they are before the tent of William Jameson,
who records that on Friday evening, just as it was getting dusk, the
twenty-second day of September, 1780, Mr. Smith came to his tent at
King’s Ferry, on Stoney Point side, after sun down, with a gentleman
who was in company and a waiter; the gentleman who was in company with
Mr. Smith rode a little past the tent, and Mr. Smith made a halt; there
were some gentlemen sitting in the tent, who handed him a bowl of
liquor they had been drinking out of, upon which Mr. Smith dismounted
his horse and handed the bowl to him and desired he would fill it,
which he did; as he handed him the liquor again Mr. Smith spoke to Mr.
Cooley, and said, “in three weeks’ time we shall all be in New York;”
Mr. Cooley made answer, “Sir, I don’t know,” upon which Mr. Smith said,
“Let it be three months;” Mr. Smith upon this, took his horse and went
off, down to the ferry-stairs; the person with Mr. Smith had on a
flopped hat and a great coat, the color I cannot recollect; the person
rode a little past when Mr. Smith halted, made a little halt and he was
on the ferry-stairs when Mr. Smith got down; Mr. Smith at his tent,
took one drink out of the bowl, handed it about, and then went down to
the Ferry-stairs.” William Jameson’s statement above was confirmed by
William Cooley.

Cornelius and Lambert Lambert, with their brother Henry Lambert, were
the ferrymen. Smith urged them to greater speed and when they reached
the shore he gave Henry, who steered the boat, an eight dollar bill.
Benjamin Acker was also an observer.

The party, still consisting of André, Smith and the colored boy, all
mounted, are now on the east bank of the Hudson river near Verplanck’s
Point. Here James Livingston, who fired the cannon that morning at
daylight, landing the first shot on the deck of the Vulture, has a
word to say: “Just after dark Smith stopped at my marquee for a few
minutes. I asked him where he was going. He said up toward General
Arnold’s, or that route, and I gave him one letter to be delivered to
General Arnold and another to General Clinton as he had informed me it
was likely he would go that route. I then urged him to stay awhile and
take supper or a drink of grog. He then informed me that there was a
gentleman waiting for him that had just rode on, and was in a hurry to
get off, and informed me his business was very urgent, and I did not
insist on his staying any longer. He then rode off and I did not see
the person who was with him, it being dark and he having rode forward.
I desired him to request the person to walk in, and he informed me the
gentleman had rode on slowly, and he was in a hurry to go after him.”

It was four miles to Peekskill and about eight miles to Crompond, and
it is at Crompond where they are next discovered.

“Last Friday a week ago, the 22d of September last,” says Ebenezer Boyd
in relating the event, “between eight and nine o’clock, as near as I
can recollect, at night, the sentry stopped Mr. Smith, another person,
and a negro with him. When the sentry hailed them, they answered,
‘Friends.’ The sentry ordered one to dismount; Mr. Smith readily
dismounted, and spoke to the person who was with him to hold his horse,
and Mr. Smith advanced till he came near the sentry; Mr. Smith asked
who commanded the party; the sentry said Captain Boyd; upon that I was
called for; what passed between Mr. Smith and the sentry I heard, as I
have related, being close by the sentry; Mr. Smith came to me, upon my
calling for him; I asked him who he was; he told me his name was Joshua
Smith, and that he had a pass from General Arnold to pass all guards;
I asked him where he lived, or where he belonged; he told me he lived
in the white house on the other side of King’s Ferry; I asked him what
time he crossed the ferry; he said about dusk; I asked him how far he
was bound for, and where to? He told me he intended to go that night
as far as Major Strang’s; I told him Major Strang was not at home, and
he spoke something of going to old Colonel Gil Drake’s, as he was an
old acquaintance of his; I told him he did not live where he used to,
but had moved to Salem; I told him about his saying he was going to
Major Strang’s, that his lady might be in bed, and it would incommode
her much, likewise I desired to see Mr. Smith’s pass; and went into a
little house close by there, and got a light; and I found that he had a
pass from General Arnold, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and
return, being on business of importance, I think were the words of the
pass. After I had read the pass we came out, and Mr. Smith and myself
talked alone privately; then I desired him to let me know something of
his business; he made answer that he had no objection to my knowing it;
he told me that he was a brother of William Smith, in New York, though
very different in principle, and that he was employed by General Arnold
to go with the person who was with him to get intelligence from the
enemy; and they expected to meet a gentleman at or near White Plains,
for the same purpose. I asked Mr. Smith what gentlemen he was who was
with him. Mr. Smith said he was a gentleman that General Arnold had in
his employ; and told me his name was John Anderson. I think Mr. Smith
told me he was not so positive as that he should go himself, as far as
the White Plains, or not; on this I advised Mr. Smith to put up there,
at one Andraes Miller’s, close by where we were, and so start as soon
as it was light; the reasons I gave Mr. Smith were, that the riding
in the night would be dangerous when they got below Croton River,
from the Cow Boys; Mr. Smith made answer that he would speak to his
partner; whereupon Mr. Smith went to him; I was pretty close to them;
and when they conversed together they spoke low; Mr. Smith told him
he thought it would be best to put up, and said he thought they might
be interrupted; upon that they concluded to turn back to this house,
to put up; I concluded in my mind their speaking low was occasioned
by what Mr. Smith had said to me before, which was, he did not want
everyone to know what business they were on; Mr. Smith then asked
my opinion about the roads, which would be the safest to the White
Plains, and not fall into the hands of those ‘Cow Boys’ or Refugees;
putting confidence in what they were upon, I gave him my opinion as to
the safest road, that the safest road would be to go by North-Castle
Church, and by Wright’s Mills, by reason if they went the Tarry-Town
road, they would fall into the lower party’s hands--these ‘Cow Boys.’ I
likewise advised him to call upon Captain Delavan, next morning, pretty
early. Mr. Smith asked me if I thought that Captain Delavan would
assist them with an escort or two or three horse. I told him I did not
doubt but that he might when he came to understand what his business
was. They then went back towards Andraes Miller’s, which was the last
I saw of them that night. I was a little at a stand about Mr. Smith’s
name being Joshua, as he was called by the name of Jo Smith, but his
pass was in the name of Joshua. What made me put more confidence in
what Mr. Smith told me, was, I had heard it frequently mentioned that
General Howe used to employ Mr. Smith in getting intelligence.”

Here Smith again takes up the narrative, saying: “With no small
difficulty we returned and gained admittance into a house for the
night; while such was the caution and danger of admitting nocturnal
inmates, that we were obliged to take to bed or keep the family up,
who would not retire until they saw us safely lodged. We slept in the
same bed; and I was often disturbed with the restless motions, and
uneasiness of mind exhibited by my bed-fellow, who on observing the
first approach of day, summoned my servant to prepare the horses for
our departure. He appeared in the morning as if he had not slept an
hour during the night; he at first was much dejected, but a pleasing
change took place in his countenance when summoned to mount his horse.
The landlord, who was a very kind and civil man refused to take any
compensation for the trouble which we had given him.... We rode very
cheerfully towards Pine’s bridge without interruption, or any event
that excited apprehension; here I proposed to leave my companion; but
I observed that the nearer we approached the bridge, the more his
countenance brightened into a cheerful serenity, and he became very
affable; in short, I now found him highly entertaining.... He descanted
on the richness of the scenery around us, and particularly admired,
from every eminence, the grandeur of the Highland mountains, bathing
their summits in the clouds from their seeming watery base at the north
extremity of Haverstraw Bay. The pleasantry of converse, and mildness
of the weather, so insensiably beguiled the time that we at length
found ourselves at the bridge before I thought we had got half way; and
I now had reason to think my fellow-traveller a different person from
the character I had at first formed of him.

“This bridge crosses the Croton river, a branch of the Hudson; here
we halted, and at a house on the right endeavored to obtain some
breakfast, from an old matronly Dutch woman, and provender for the
horses; in this expectation, however, we were disappointed; the Cow
Boys or Skinners had been there the night before, and taken all the
supplies of her cupboard, except some Indian meal, which she had mixed
up with water, and boiled into a consistency, by the Dutch called
suppon. This with the addition of some milk from a single cow they had
left her, was the only fare we could procure, and of this we made a
good meal, our appetites being keen from having been supperless the
preceding night. While at breakfast I mentioned my determination to
proceed no farther. Having discharged the bill to the woman, in the
local money of the county, my companion (Major André) requested me to
lend him some, and I cheerfully supplied him with the half of my pocket
amount, although I was afraid it was not current below that place;
the bridge being accounted the south boundary of the American lines.
He was affected at parting, and offered me a valuable gold watch in
remembrance of him, as a keep sake, which I refused. The horse was
furnished by General Arnold; the saddle and bridle were borrowed of me,
with the promise that they should be returned, or the value of them
paid to me.

“Having given him directions about the road he was to take upon
crossing the bridge, with a message to my brother, the chief justice,
whom he knew, we parted, and I proceded on my way to Fish Kill.”

FOOTNOTES to “ARNOLD AND ANDRÉ MEET”:

[45] Trial report says Cahoon, Smith Calquhoon.

[46] Report says Keirce.

[47] Probably Major Franks.

EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE

Perhaps as they parted no two men held more opposite ideas of danger
than Smith and Major André. The very name “Cow Boy” struck terror in
the heart of Smith, for they would have robbed him of all he possessed
and then discovering that he was a nephew of William Livingston would
probably have held him for ransom; but for André the Cow Boys had no
terror. They were under control of James DeLancey and it would only be
necessary to convince them that he was a British officer and offer to
reward them for their assistance and they would conduct him with speed
and in safety to headquarters. It was not surprising therefore that as
soon as Smith was out of sight he turned from the White Plains road and
started down the other road towards Tarrytown and the Cow Boys that
Smith and Captain Boyd had impressed him made that road impassable as
it was almost certain they would be encountered there.

[Illustration: THE CAPTURE OF MAJOR ANDRÉ

Few persons realize how closely identified this event is with the
history of our country. Col. Trumbull is recorded as saying: “But for
that event the Declaration of Independence might have proved abortive,
and the blood of so many of our countrymen shed in vain.”]

John Paulding will now take up the narrative, in the words he used
the day after the execution of Major André in explaining the matter
to a board of officers at the request of General Washington. Paulding
says:

“Myself, Isaac Van Weart and David Williams, were lying by the side of
the road, about a half a mile above Tarry Town, and about fifteen miles
from King’s-bridge, on Saturday morning, between nine and ten o’clock,
the twenty third of September last (1780). We had lain there about an
hour and a half, as near as I can recollect, and saw several persons we
were acquainted with, whom we let pass. Presently, one of the young men
who was with me said, ‘There comes a gentleman-like looking man, who
appears to be well dressed, and has boots on, who you had better step
out and stop if you don’t know him.’ On that I got up and presented
my firelock at the breast of the person, and I told him to stand; and
then I asked him which way he was going. Says he, ‘Gentlemen, I hope
you belong to our party.’ I asked him ‘What Party?’ He said, ‘The lower
party.’ Upon that I told him I did. Then he said, ‘I am a British
officer out of the country, on particular business, and I hope you
won’t detain me a minute!’ and to show that he was a British officer,
he pulled out his watch; upon which I told him to dismount. Upon that,
he said, ‘My God, I must do anything to get “along”;’ seemed to make a
kind of a laugh of it, and pulled out General Arnold’s pass, which was
to John Anderson, to pass all guards to the White Plains, and further.
Upon that he dismounted, and says he, ‘Gentlemen you had best let me
go, or you will bring yourselves in trouble, for, by your stopping of
me you will detain the General’s business;’ and he said he was to go
to Dobb’s Ferry, to meet a person there, on the General’s business.
Upon that I told him I hoped he would not be offended, and I told him
we did not mean to take anything from him; and told him there were
many bad people going along the road, and I did not know but perhaps
he might be one; and I asked him if he had any letters about him. He
made answer, ‘No.’ Upon that, myself, or one of my comrades, though
I think myself, told him to pull off his clothes, which he did. We
searched his clothes, but could find nothing; and I told him to pull
off his boots; he rather seemed backward of pulling them off; however,
he pulled off one of them, and I felt at his foot, where I felt the
papers in his stocking under his foot; then I told him to pull off the
other boot, and when the other boot was off, I found other papers in
his stocking, under his foot. Then I looked on the back of the papers,
and I said to the young fellows who were with me, ‘This is a spy.’ One
of the young fellows who were with me asked him if he would give up
his horse, saddle, and bridle, and watch, and a hundred guineas, if he
would let him go. He made answer, ‘Yes, and whatever sum of money you
will mention, or quantity of dry goods.’ And then I made answer, ‘No,
by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas, you should not stir
a step.’ One of the young fellows winked at me, who had a mind to find
out a little more, and I made answer to the lads who were with me to
come along, for I would have nothing more to say to him, and we asked
him some questions as we were going along the road, and he begged we
would ask him none till he came to some officers, and then he would
reveal the whole. We carried him to Colonel Jameson and there he took
him into his custody,[48] and I have not seen him from that time until
I saw him the other day.” Paulding added that had he pulled out General
Arnold’s pass before he said he was a British officer he would have let
him go.

David Williams’ story, as recorded on October 4th, 1780, confirmed
Paulding’s, and it would be a repetition to print it; but one statement
in it needs emphasizing. Williams said: “Mr. Paulding looked at the
contents and said he was a spy; upon which we made him pull off his
other boot, and there we found three more papers at the bottom of his
foot, within his stocking; upon which we made him dress himself, and I
asked him what he would give us to let him go; he said he would give
us any sum of money. I asked him whether he would give us his horse,
saddle, bridle, watch, and one hundred guineas, upon which he said,
‘Yes;’ and he told us he would direct it to any place even if it was
to that very spot, so that we could get it. I asked him whether he
would not give us more; he said he would give us any quantity of dry
goods or any sum of money, and bring it to any place that we might
pitch upon, so that we might get it; upon which Mr. Paulding answered
‘No, by God, if you would give us ten thousand guineas you shall not
stir one step.’”[49]

There was a sequel to the capture of Major André by Paulding and his
friends that prejudiced Major Tallmadge to such an extent that when a
petition was presented to Congress in 1817 to increase their reward
he created a sensation by opposing it. It appears either the taste
of the world’s applause or the earnest entreaties of the much abused
inhabitants of the neutral ground induced Paulding and others to
undertake another expedition against the “Cow Boys,” this time aimed at
their chief. Without consulting Major Tallmadge these young men took
it upon themselves to attempt the capture of James DeLancey, whose
home was in Westchester County. Here lived his mother and her family.
In an earlier raid they had met with such cruel treatment at the hands
of a band of outlaws that both sides had been appealed to and in all
probability the property was under the protection of Major Tallmadge
as well as Oliver DeLancey at the time. Nevertheless Paulding and his
friends were so anxious to punish James DeLancey, who had command of
the “Cow Boys,” that with all the force they could get together they
secretly marched to his home on January 25th, 1783, hoping to capture
him there. Being disappointed in this they ransacked the house and
took therefrom all they could carry away that was of any value. The
alarm was given and the next day they were overtaken and seven of them
captured. One was killed and John Paulding was among the prisoners
taken to the provost in New York and consigned to the care of the
notorious William Cunningham. A sister of James DeLancey was Nancy,
who with her mother Mrs. Elizabeth DeLancey, a daughter of Cadwalader
Colden, occupied the Westchester County estate at that time. Among the
friends and frequent visitors were the Floyds, in particular Elizabeth
Floyd who married John Peter DeLancey and became the mother of Mrs.
James Fenimore Cooper, and her cousin Mary Floyd, daughter of William
Floyd, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who a few months
later became the wife of Major Tallmadge.

Rivington’s paper, the Royal Gazette, No. 662, published on January
29th, 1783, the following account:

    “On Saturday last (Jan. 25,) a party of militia, thirty-three
    in number, commanded by a Captain Williams, generally known
    by the name of Skinner’s Party, made an attempt to carry off,
    from his house at West-chester, Colonel DeLancey, of the Royal
    Refugees, but missing their aim, they plundered the house of
    wearing apparel. &c. and retreated with precipitation to Croton
    Hill, near Croton Bridge, where, thinking themselves safe, they
    exposed their plunder for sale; but a party of Loyal Refugees
    soon surprized them, killed one man on the spot, wounded
    several, and took seven prisoners. The prisoners were brought
    to town on Sunday; one badly wounded was sent to the General
    Hospital to be taken care of, and the rest safely lodged in
    the provost. John Paulding, one of the persons who took Major
    André prisoner, is among the number, and slightly wounded.
    This design on the person of Colonel DeLancey is said to have
    been planned by Colonel Drake and Mr. Vantassel, who were sure
    of success, as they kept it a secret from all but Captain
    Williams, and he only informed the party of it when they came
    near to the Colonel’s house.”

A few days later from headquarters of General Washington came
instructions to Colonel W. S. Smith to secure their exchange. In full
this document reads:

                                     _Head Quarters_ 6th Feby, 1783.

    _Sir._ In a late excursion of the militia on the other side
    under a captain Williams, John Paulding, one of the persons
    who took Major André, was made prisoner with some others. His
    friends, apprehensive for his safety have made intercession
    with the Commander in Chief on his behalf, and, tho His
    Excellency does not approve the excursions of these people,
    yet, in consideration of the former services of Mr. Paulding
    and as we have in the Provost Guard four Prisoners taken by
    them some time since, he has been pleased to consent that those
    four Prisoners be sent in on Parol with a request to send out
    Paulding and the others mentioned hereon. The prisoners to be
    sent in will go from hence tomorrow morning.

    I have the honor to be Sir, Your very obedt. Servant, Ben
    Walker, Aid DeCamp.

                              Addressed to Lieut. Coll. W. S. Smith,
                                  commanding at Dobbs Ferry.

 John Paulding
 Pero Faller
 Richd. Dusenberry
 James Mandeville

On the 24th of the same month Colonel Smith advised Headquarters
saying: “I have brought with me the paroles of Paulding, and those
taken with him at Croton.”

Under ordinary circumstances Colonel Jameson would have held Mr.
Anderson when John Paulding and his companions pronounced him a spy,
but General Arnold had anticipated this possibility and thus saved his
own life. He had written to several, Jameson being one, saying: “If
Mr. John Anderson, a person I expect from New York should come to your
quarters, I have to request that you will give him an escort of two
Horse to bring him on his way to this place, and send an express to me
that I may meet him.” Here was the very man that Arnold was expecting
being detained as a spy! Were the letters decoys? It was beyond him
to know; but the instructions of his General were plain, and off to
Headquarters he promptly sent him.

Major Benjamin Tallmadge, in two letters addressed to Jared Sparks,
carries the narrative through the 23d of September and into the 24th.
He says: “No circumstances during that eventful period made a deeper
impression on my mind than those which related to Arnold, the Traitor,
and Major André, the sufferer. I proceed then to remark that the 2d
Regt. of Light Dragoons, Commanded by Col. Sheldon, was stationed in
advance of the Army, near North Castle, and Col. Sheldon being absent,
I think at Salem, Lt. Col. Jameson was the commanding officer, and I
was the Major. Early in the morning of the 23d of September, 1780, I
marched with a large Detachment of Dragoons to reconnoitre the Country
below the white plains, down to East Chester, which was a sort of
neutral ground, from which Tour I did not return until late in the
evening of the same day. Soon after I halted and had disposed of my
Detachment, I was informed that a prisoner had been bro’t in that
day, who called himself John Anderson. On enquiry, I found that three
men, by the names of John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Van Wart,
who had passed below our ordinary military Patrols on the road from
Tarry Town to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with this John Anderson on his
way to New York. They took him aside for examination, and discovering
sundry papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they
determined to detain him a prisoner. Notwithstanding Anderson’s offers
to pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him to proceed on his
course, they determined to bring him up to the headquarters of our
Regiment, then on the advance Post of our Army, and near to North
Castle. This they effected in the afternoon of the 23d of September,
1780, by delivering said Anderson to Lt. Col Jameson of the 2nd Regt Lt
Dragoons, who was then the Commanding Officer at said Post, Col Sheldon
being then at old Salem, I believe under Arrest.

“His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment to meet the
Count Rochambeau (who commanded the French Army then at Newport, R. I.)
at Hartford, in Conn. about the 18th or 20th of September, and was
on his return to the Army at the time of Anderson’s capture. When I
reached Lt. Col. Jameson’s Quarters late in the evening of the 23d of
Sept., and had learned the circumstances relating to the capture of the
said Anderson, I was much surprised to learn that he was sent on by
Lt. Col. Jameson to Arnold’s Head Quarters at West Point, accompanied
by a letter of information respecting his capture. At the same time he
despatched an Express with the papers found on John Anderson to meet
General Washington, then on his return to West Point.

“I felt very much surprised at the course which had been taken in
this business, and did not fail to state the glaring inconsistency
of their conduct to Lt. Col. Jameson in a private and most friendly
manner. He appeared greatly agitated, more especially when I suggested
to him a plan which I wished to pursue, offering to take the entire
responsibility on myself, and which, as he deemed it too perilous
to permit, I will not further disclose. Failing in this purpose, I
instantly set about a plan to remand the Prisoner to our Quarters
again, which I finally effected, although with reluctance on the part
of Lt. Col. Jameson. When the order was about to be despatched to the
Officer to bring back the Prisoner, strange as it may seem, Lt. Col. J.
would persist in his purpose of sending his letter to Gen. Arnold--The
letter did go on, and was the first information that Arch Traitor
received that his plot was blown up. The Officer returned with his
prisoner early the next morning.... We soon concluded that the safest
course was to take the prisoner to Salem to Col. Sheldon’s Quarters,
and I was appointed to take charge of him. After we reached Salem,
it was manifest that his agitation and anxiety increased, and in the
afternoon he asked to be furnished with pen, ink and paper, which were
readily furnished, when he penned the letter to Gen’l. Washington,
dated ‘Salem, 24th September, 1780.’ In this letter he disclosed his
Character to be Major John André, Adjutant Genl. to the British Army.
When I had perused the letter, which he handed to me to read, my
agitation was extreme, and my emotions wholly indescribable....”

In another letter Major Tallmadge, although in a measure repeating
himself, throws more light upon the subject. In this he says: “I have
already informed you, that on the day when the Captors of Major André
bro’t him up to our Regt. at North Castle (Sept. 23d, 1780) I was out
on duty in advance of the Regt. below the white plains and did not
return with my detachment until the evening of that day. After I had
disposed of my Troops and had spoken with Lt. Col. Jameson, he informed
me of the capture of John Anderson and that he had been brought up
and delivered over to him by his captors. When I enquired where the
prisoner was, he informed me that he had sent him on, under Guard to
Gen’l Arnold at West Point. I expressed my astonishment at such a
course and immediately entered on a course of measures to frustrate
what I considered so unjudicious a procedure. My first proposal was to
give me leave of absence for official object which I fully explained to
Col. Jameson, and which for special reasons I have not disclosed, as no
public benefit could result from it. Failing in this request my next
plan was to remand the prisoner, then probably 8 or 10 miles on his way
to West Point, which I did not accomplish until late in the evening.
After the order was despatched for the officers and Guard to return
with the prisoner, I waited impatiently for the coming morning, when
for the first time I saw the face of John Anderson.

“What influenced Col. Jameson[50] to send on Major André to Arnold, I
cannot tell, not being present with him when he sent him off; but I
well remember that he expressed great confidence in him as I believe
was the case thro’ the army. Until the papers were found on Anderson, I
had no suspicion of his lack of patriotism or political integrity....

“With Arnold’s character I became acquainted while I was a member of
Yale College and he residing at New Haven, and I well remember that
I was impressed with the belief that he was not a man of integrity.
The revolutionary war was coming on soon after I left college, and
Arnold engaged in it with so much zeal, and behaving so gallantly in
the capture of Burgoyne, we all seemed, as if by common consent, to
forget his knavish tricks. When he was put in command of West Point, I
had official communications with him, particularly as it related to my
private Correspondence with persons in New York, of which you must have
seen much in my Letters to Genl. Washington. When he turned traitor and
went off, I felt for a time extremely anxious for some trusty friends
in New York, but as I never gave their names to him, he was not able to
discover them, although I believe he tried hard to find them out.”

What follows discloses the life of Benedict Arnold as observed by
members of his military family during the months of July, August and
September, 1780, when he was in command of the fortifications at West
Point. Upon assuming command he invited Colonel Richard Varick[51] to
join his military family as aid and secretary, naming, among other
inducements for his acceptance, the fact that Mrs. Arnold was about to
join him at his headquarters. Varick had acted as private secretary
to General Schuyler, and then mustering officer in the Northern
Department, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In this way they had
become acquainted and he readily accepted the invitation, reporting for
duty on August 13th.

As his private headquarters Arnold had selected the Robinson House,
on the opposite side of the river a little below West Point. Upon the
arrival of Mrs. Arnold on September 15th, his military family or the
party which messed at his own table, consisted of himself, Mrs. Arnold,
Colonel Varick, and Major David S. Franks, who had been an aid to the
general for some time, having left Canada to join the American Army. As
might be expected with an excellent cook and charming hostess dinner
guests were frequent. Officers vied with each other in their attentions
and witty entertainment. But one visitor particularly ruffled the
temper of the “Family” at the Robinson House. This was Joshua Hett
Smith, for whom Colonel Varick could not conceal his dislike.
Opposition began upon receipt of a letter from him dated August 13.
Varick told Arnold in the presence of Franks that he considered him a
liar and a rascal, and Franks thereafter entertained that opinion of
him.

On the 14th of September Arnold went down the river in his barge, to
meet Mrs. Arnold, who was being escorted by Franks from Philadelphia.
They returned on the 15th. Meanwhile Varick discovered that Arnold had
sent for Capt. Robinson, a skipper, and asked him to sell some rum for
him. Finding that he was a Tory his employ was prevented.

Smith brought his wife with him to call upon Mrs. Arnold the day
after her arrival, and remained two days. At table he asserted that
America might have made an honorable peace with Great Britain when the
commissioners came out in 1778. Varick’s answer occasioned Mrs. Arnold
to tell Franks that Colonel Varick was in her opinion a very warm and
staunch whig.

It was whilst Smith was dining at Arnold’s Quarters on the 23d of
September that Varick’s indignation reached a crisis. “My unfavorable
opinion of his moral and political character, and his unusual and
unparalleled impertinence and forwardness, and General Arnold’s
countenancing him (notwithstanding my advice and frequent solicitations
to the contrary) fixed a resolution in me to affront him before Arnold
the first opportunity. A trifling one offered at table. I embraced it
with warmth,” says Varick.

As much as has been preserved of it follows:

_Mrs. Arnold_ (to servant). A little more butter please.

_Servant._ There is no more, Madam.

_Arnold._ Bless me, I had forgotten the oil I bought in Philadelphia;
it will do very well with this salt fish.

_Servant_ produces the oil.

_Arnold._ That oil cost eighty dollars.

_Smith._ Eighty pence, a dollar is no more than a penny.

_Varick_ (in a voice meant as an affront). That is not true, Mr. Smith.

_Franks_, _Arnold_, _Smith_, _Varick_, all join in a hot dispute, until
Mrs. Arnold, observing her husband in a passion, begged them to drop
the matter. Varick soon quitted the table and went to his room which
was then in the office. Smith went off soon after dinner and Arnold
went to the office and took Franks to task in very illiberal language
for affronting him.

_Arnold._ If I asked the Devil to dine with me the gentlemen of my
family should be civil to him.

_Franks._ Let me tell you that if Smith had not been at your table I
would have sent the bottle at his head. Hereafter I will treat him as a
rascal.

_Varick._ It was I who affronted Smith, not Franks.

_Franks_ (to Arnold). I have of late observed that you view every part
of my conduct with an eye of prejudice. I beg you to discharge me from
your family. [Leaves room in passion and goes to Newburgh, where he
remains over night.]

The dispute continues between Arnold and Varick.

_Varick_ (to Arnold). Smith is a ---- ---- rascal, a scoundrel and a
Spy. My reason for affronting him is that I think him so. My advice
to you has proceeded from a regard to your reputation which you
wished should stand well in this State and which I have very often
told you will suffer by an improper intimacy with Smith. Smith’s
insolence to Franks and his ungentlemanlike conduct to Mrs. Arnold, in
speaking impertinently to Franks before her in a language she did not
understand, justifies Franks’ treating him as he did and worse, and
also merited your resentment instead of countenance.

_Arnold._ I am always willing to be advised by the gentlemen of my
family, but by ---- I will not be dictated to by them. I think I
possess as much prudence as the gentlemen of my family.

That evening Varick received a letter from Lieutenant Colonel Benson,
of Governor Clinton’s family, in answer to one of his of the 24th of
August inquiring of Smith’s real political character and the truth
of some information he had given Arnold. The answer contained an
opinion by no means favorable. Varick showed it to Arnold and then
told him that he considered his past conduct and language to him as
unwarrantable and that he thought he did not place the confidence in
his repeated friendly assurance and advice which he had a right to
expect and which was necessary to be put in a person acting in his
capacity, and that he could not act longer with propriety. Arnold gave
him assurances of his full confidence in him, of a conviction of the
rectitude of his conduct, of Smith’s being a rascal, and of his error
in treating him with such cavalier language, and that he would never go
to Smith’s house again, or be seen with him but in company.

We now come to the day of Arnold’s flight [Sept. 25, 1780]. Varick is
not well, he remained in bed most of the morning. Before breakfast
Arnold entered his room and inquired:

_Arnold._ Have you answered the letters received from Lt. Colonel
Jameson? Has Major Tallmadge’s letter been answered? Have you written
to Gov. Clinton inclosing copies of the letters of Colonel Beverly
Robinson?

_Varick._ No sir, I am sick and am not able to.

_Arnold._ [Taking Colonel Tallmadge’s letter out of the office with
him.] I will write to Tallmadge myself.

Some minutes later the messenger from Lieutenant Colonel Jameson hands
Arnold two letters. After reading them he ascends the stairs to Mrs.
Arnold’s room.

Two minutes later His Excellency General Washington’s servant comes to
the door and informs Major Franks that His Excellency is nigh at hand.
Franks goes immediately up stairs and informs Arnold of it. Arnold
comes down in great confusion, orders a horse to be saddled, mounts
him, and tells Franks to inform His Excellency that he is going to West
Point and will return in about an hour.

Half an hour later General Washington arrives and after taking a hasty
breakfast starts for West Point. Franks in the interval had stopped
at Varick’s room and told him that Arnold had gone to West Point.
Lieutenant Hubbell also entered Varick’s room and incidentally told him
he saw Arnold’s barge going down the river. It should have been going
up to reach West Point, but at the moment this made no impression.

Colonel Varick’s room was on the ground floor. There was a window
near the bed that could be opened from the outside. Presently this
was raised by Franks and with suppressed emotion he informed Varick
that he believed Arnold was a villain: that he had heard a report
that one Anderson was taken as a spy on the lines and that a Militia
officer had brought a letter to Arnold and that he was enjoined secrecy
by Arnold. Varick concurred and with indescribable agitation they
discussed the subject, but finally concluded that it was uncharitable
and unwarrantable even to suppose it.

Franks had only time to lower the window when Mrs. Arnold called for
Varick. As soon as he conveniently could he waited on her. She was in
great distress and had apparently lost her reason. Dr. Eustice was
summoned. After an examination he addressed Varick: “Where has General
Arnold gone? I beg you for God’s sake to send for him, or the woman
will die.” Franks was with them by this time and taking Dr. Eustice
into an adjoining room, after enjoining the most sacred secrecy, they
informed him of their suspicions that Arnold had gone to the enemy.
They made him understand that it was a bare suspicion, and that they
were afraid to lisp it to any creature living, lest proving untrue it
should ruin their reputations. Their suspicions were soon confirmed
and communicated to Dr. Eustice, when upon Varick’s remarking to
Mrs. Arnold that she would soon have the General with her again, she
exclaimed, “Oh no, no! he is gone, gone forever!”[52]

General Washington has arrived at the Robinson House, the Headquarters
of Arnold. And now in his own words will be told what next happened.
One day in 1796 he related this at the close of an enjoyable meal
at his own table. His secretary, Tobias Lear, carefully recorded it
and begged permission to preserve it for permanent record. General
Washington says:

“On my return from Hartford I met Chevalier Luzerne towards evening
within about 15 miles of West Point, which I intended to reach that
night, but he insisted upon turning back with me to the next public
house; where, in politeness to him, I could not but stay all night,
determining, however, to get to West Point to breakfast very early.
I sent off my baggage and desired Colonel Hamilton to go forward and
inform General Arnold that I would breakfast with him. Soon after he
arrived at Arnold’s quarters, a letter was delivered to Arnold which
threw him into the greatest confusion. He told Colonel Hamilton that
something required his immediate attendance at the garrison which was
on the opposite side of the river to his quarters; and immediately
ordered a horse, to take him to the river; and the barge which he
kept to cross, to be ready; and desired Major Franks, his Aid, to
inform me when I should arrive that he was gone over the river and
would return immediately. When I got to his quarters and did not find
him there, I desired Major Franks to order me some breakfast; and
as I intended to visit the fortifications I would see General Arnold
there. After I had breakfasted I went over the river, and inquiring
for Arnold, the commanding officer told me that he had not been there.
I likewise inquired at the several redoubts, but no one could give me
any information where he was. The impropriety of his conduct when he
knew I was to be there, struck me very forcibly, and my mind misgave
me; but I had not the least idea of the real cause. When I returned
to Arnold’s quarters about two hours after, and told Colonel Hamilton
that I had not seen him, he gave me a packet which had just arrived
for me from Colonel Jameson, which immediately brought the matter to
light. I ordered Colonel Hamilton to mount his horse and proceed with
the greatest dispatch to a post on the river about eight miles below,
in order to stop the barge if she had not passed; but it was too late.
It seems that the letter which Arnold received which threw him in such
confusion was from Colonel Jameson, informing him that André was taken
and that the papers found upon him were in his possession. Colonel
Jameson when André was taken with the papers, could not believe that
Arnold was a traitor, but rather that it was an imposition of the
British in order to destroy our confidence in Arnold. He, however,
immediately on their being taken, dispatched an express after me,
ordering him to ride night and day till he came up with me. The
express went the lower road, which was the road by which I had gone
to Connecticut, expecting that I would return by the same route, and
that he would meet me; but before he had proceeded far, he was informed
that I was returning by the upper road. He then cut across the country
and followed my track till I arrived at West Point. He arrived about
two hours after and brought the above packet. When Arnold got down
to the barge he ordered his men, who were very clever fellows and
some of the better sort of soldiery, to proceed immediately on board
the Vulture sloop of war, as a flag, which was lying down the river;
saying that they must be very expeditious, as he must return in a short
time to meet me, and promised them two gallons of rum if they would
exert themselves. They did, accordingly; but when they got on board the
Vulture, instead of their two gallons of rum, he ordered the cockswain
to be called down into the cabin and informed him that he and the men
must consider themselves as prisoners.

“The cockswain was very much astonished, and told him that they came on
board under the sanction of a flag. He answered that that was nothing
to the purpose; they were prisoners. But the Captain of the Vulture had
more generosity than this pitiful scoundrel, and told the cockswain
that he would take his parole for going on shore and getting his
clothes, and whatever else was wanted for himself and his companions.
He accordingly came, got his clothes and returned on board. When they
got to New York General Clinton, ashamed of such low and mean action,
set them at liberty.”

[Illustration: “WE ARE TOO LATE.” HAMILTON’S NOTE TO GENERAL
WASHINGTON. Reproduced directly from the original.

                                                         _See page 178._

On p. 100 in the Diary of Hugh Gaine is this entry: “Sept. 26. This day
Gen. Arnold came in from West Point, to the great surprise of every
person who was not in the secret.”]

It is not proposed to even mention here the prompt measures that were
taken to protect West Point. General Washington’s letter to General
Heath follows as a continuation of the narrative of Arnold’s escape and
extracts from a letter of General Green to show in what contempt he was
held.

The letter to William Heath is dated

                                     ROBINSON HOUSE, Sept. 26, 1780.

    _Dear Sir_: In the present situation of things, I think it
    necessary that you should join the army; and request that
    you will do it. You will come to headquarters yourself. The
    route through Litchfield will be the most eligible for you, on
    account of security, and you may direct your baggage to halt
    at Fishkill, for your further orders. I write to the Count de
    Rochambeau by this conveyance; and I trust that your coming
    away now will not be attended with any material inconvenience
    to him.

    I cannot conclude without informing you of an event which has
    happened here, which will strike you with astonishment and
    indignation:--Major General Arnold has gone to the enemy. He
    had had an interview with Major André, Adjutant General of
    the British Army, and had put into his possession a state of
    the army of the garrison at this post, of the number of men
    considered as necessary for the defense of it, a return of the
    ordinance, and the disposition of the artillery corps, in case
    of an alarm. By a most providential interposition, Major André
    was taken in returning to New York, with all the papers in
    General Arnold’s hand writing; who, hearing of the matter, kept
    it to himself, left his quarters immediately, under pretext of
    going over to West Point, on Monday forenoon, about an hour
    before my arrival; then pushed down the river in the barge,
    which was not discovered until I had returned from West Point
    in the afternoon, and when I received the first information of
    Mr. André’s capture. Measures were instantly taken to apprehend
    him, but, before the officer sent for the purpose could reach
    Verplanck’s Point he had passed it with a flag, and got on
    board the Vulture ship of war, which lay a few miles below. He
    knew of my approach, and that I was visiting, with the Marquis,
    the north and middle redoubts; and from the circumstances was
    so straightened in point of time, that I believe he carried
    with him but very few, if any, material papers; tho he has very
    precise knowledge of the affairs of the post. The gentlemen of
    General Arnold’s family I have the greatest reason to believe,
    were not privy in the least degree to the measures he was
    carrying on, or to his excape.

                                                     GO. WASHINGTON.

Nathaniel Green’s letter is addressed to Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth
at Hartford, and reads: “I think I have not written you since the
late desertion of Arnold. Was you ever more astonished in your life?
A man high in reputation, and with the fairest prospects of domestic
happiness. The love of parade and the thirst for gold has proved
his ruin. How black, how despised, loved by none, and hated by all.
Once his Country’s Idol now her horror. Curse on his folly nay his
villainy and most of all his meanness. The latter has been displayed
in such dirty colours in his transactions at this post, as has not
been equaled in the history of man. All kind of private and public
robery has he pursued, and accompanied it, with such circumstances of
littleness as shows him to be the basest of mortals. I freely confess
I had no conception notwithstanding the converse I have had with
mankind, that it was possible for human nature to arrive at such a
degree of corruption. The discovery has been very providential. Had
these Posts fallen into the Enemies’ hand God knows what might have
been the consequence. But I think little short of the entire subjection
of America. What a triumph to British pride; and what a downfall to
American glory. Poor Congress what would have become of you?”

_Benedict Arnold_

We know that his mother’s maiden name was Hannah Waterman, and that she
married first Absalom King, of Long Island, and then, after his death,
on November 8th, 1733, she married Benedict Arnold and that Benedict,
the traitor, was born on January 3d, 1740, new style Jan. 14, 1741;
and that he had a sister Hannah, born Dec. 9th, 1742. We also know
that while yet a lad he was apprenticed to a druggist in Norwich and
that another lad likewise apprenticed was Hopkins. Arnold when only
sixteen enlisted in a regiment and went off to Hartford but at his
mother’s earnest solicitation he was sent back; only to run away again
and enlist in a regiment stationed in the vicinity of Ticonderoga. He
soon deserted and returned to his home and business and after serving
his apprenticeship started in the drug business for himself in New
Haven. This for awhile prospered and later failed. We know that before
the war, in 1767, he was married at New Haven to a lady by the name
of Margaret Mansfield. They had three sons, Benedict, Richard and
Henry. This lady probably died in 1775. We know that during the war, in
April, 1779, he was married to the youngest daughter of Edward Shippen
of Philadelphia, Pa. Margaret, or as she was more frequently called,
Peggy Shippen, a girl under nineteen in 1779. We know they went to
England before the close of the war and Benedict Arnold was in England
in 1786 and part of 1787. We do not know if he was married again after
the war, but we know that a lady calling herself Mrs. Arnold arrived
in Massachusetts on January 3, 1796. She came in the ship _Outram_
from London 56 days out. With her was her daughter Elizabeth Arnold,
then nine years old. A man showed them marked attention during the
voyage and after they had been some time settled in Boston Mrs. Arnold
announced that she had married this individual, who was Charles Tubbs,
before leaving England. Mrs. Tubbs and her daughter Betty or Elizabeth
Arnold became stage favorites and in 1802 the daughter Elizabeth
Arnold, then fifteen years old, married C. D. Hopkins, and they
continued to take prominent parts on the stage until his death, which
occurred on October 26th, 1805. Meanwhile David Poe, the son of David
Poe of Baltimore, Maryland, had fallen desperately in love with Betty
Arnold Hopkins. Her husband’s sudden death enabled them to marry and
in July 1806 Mr. and Mrs. Poe appeared together at the Vauxhall Garden
Theatre in New York. In January, 1809, they were together, filling an
engagement on the Boston stage, assisted by John Howard Payne, the
immortal author of Home, Sweet Home, when on the 19th of the month
Edgar Poe was born. What became of his Arnold grandmother may always
remain a mystery. She may have died in Philadelphia in 1798 after which
date she was never heard of, but wherever she reposes, with her is
probably buried for all time that question one might like to solve. Was
her child, as some affirm, the daughter of Benedict Arnold? If this
Betty Arnold was his daughter then our immortal poet Edgar Allan Poe
was a grandson of the arch traitor, Benedict Arnold.

FOOTNOTES to “EYEWITNESSES EXPLAIN ANDRÉ’S CAPTURE”:

[48] Bancroft, vol. 10, p. 388 says: When they had delivered André
to Col. Jameson they “went their way not asking a reward for their
services or leaving their names.” John Jameson practically confirms
this in the letter he wrote to General Washington at the time. In full
it reads:

                                     NORTH CASTLE, Sept. 27th, 1780.

    This will be delivered you by John Paulding, one of the young
    men that took Major André and who nobly refused any sum of
    money that he should demand. The other two young men that were
    in company with him are not yet found; as soon as they arrive
    they shall be sent on. I have just seen L. Kennecut. He thinks
    it will be impossible for him to go below again; he begs your
    instruction and assistance; almost all his furniture, clothes
    and money are below. Some of the slanderers from above have
    stole his horses which makes him very poor; he has gone down
    between the lines to try to get out some of his things and
    to give notice to some people that have assisted him in his
    business.

    I should take it as a particular favour if you would use your
    influence with Governor Clinton to have some board appointed to
    enquire into and determine the horrid practice of plundering
    that is carried on in this part of the country. I have no doubt
    but that the plunderers above and below are connected. If some
    proper board could be appointed or the commanding officer on
    the lines vested with proper authority from Governor Clinton
    many petty villains near the lines may be detected I make no
    doubt who hold a correspondence with DeLancey’s Cow Boys. I
    am very sorry that I wrote to G-- Arnold. I did not think of
    a British Ship being up the River and expected that if he was
    the man he has since turned out to be that he would come down
    to the troops in this quarter in which case I should have
    secured him. (I mentioned my intention to Major Tallmadge and
    some other of the field officers all of which were clearly of
    opinion that it would be right) until I could hear from your
    Excellency. The Queens Rangers I am informed marched from
    Oyster Bay last Saturday for Kingsbridge, the 17th on Sunday
    and some others ordered to hold themselves in readiness. Two
    British Officers went on board the Vulture just above Tarrytown
    they were out in the country cloathed in mean ragged country
    cloaths and at the river side changed them for fine laced
    regimentals. Some gentleman came out from Kingsbridge about a
    fortnight ago with a handkerchief full of gold; changed his
    clothes for an old sack coat and pushed up the North River. I
    am with regard and esteem Your Excellency’s most Obedient and
    very humble servant

                                                       JOHN JAMESON.

[49] Paulding died in 1818, and in 1827 the Corporation of the City
of New York placed a monument over his grave in the old cemetery just
north of Peekskill, reciting, “The Corporation of the City of New York
erected this tomb as a Memorial Sacred to Public Gratitude.” Van Wart
died in 1828, and in the Greenburgh church-yard the citizens of this
county erected a memorial in “Testimony of his virtuous and patriotic
conduct.” Williams died in Livingstonville, in Schoharie County, in
1831, and was buried with military honors. In 1876 the State erected
a monument, and his remains were re-interred in the old stone fort at
Schoharie Court House. On the spot where André was captured the young
men of Westchester County, in 1853, built a cenotaph in honor of his
captors.

[50] Jameson addressed another letter to headquarters on the very day
of André’s execution. It is dated from Northcastle, New Purchase, Oct.
2nd, 1780, and reads:

    “_Sir_, I have just received information that about six
    thousand men are embarked and embarking, some say they are
    destined for Rhode-Island, some for Pennsylvania, and others
    that they are going to Philadelphia. It is said that all the
    Pennsylvania refugees are to go on board the fleet. It is also
    said that part of their Cavalry are to go. The man I wrote to
    you about in my last letter, is up in this neighborhood. He
    tells me that he has been informed that most of the people that
    were friends to America in New York are confined. He is very
    desirous to move his family from the lines, but says that he is
    not able. A party of the inhabitants and some of my men have
    killed two of DeLancey’s men and three prisoners. One of the
    prisoners was so badly wounded that he was left on Parole. The
    inhabitants are very desirous to have the prisoners exchanged
    for some men of their own company that are prisoners now in the
    sugar-house. I am with esteem, Your Excellency’s most obedient,
    and very humble servant.

                                                     “JOHN JAMESON.”

[51] Colonel Richard Varick was born in New Jersey, on March 25,
1753. Making law his profession, he entered the office of John Morin
Scott, in New York City, with whom he served his law apprenticeship in
1772, 1773 and 1774, and who from friendship and personal confidence
embarked him in professional business as soon as he attained the years
of maturity and responsibility. The Revolutionary troubles coming on,
he took up his sword, being appointed sixth Captain of McDougall’s
regiment on June 28, 1775. A day or two later, July 1, Schuyler made
him his Private Secretary, and when the General resigned in 1776,
Congress appointed Varick, September 26, Deputy Muster Master General
of the Northern Department, giving him the rank, November 7, of
Lieutenant-Colonel. This office he held until January 12, 1780, when
all the mustering officers of the department were discharged. Varick
was then on the point of retiring to civil life, when he received
Arnold’s invitation to become his Secretary. Nor was he long off duty
after the traitor’s family was broken up, as he favorably impressed
the Commander-in-Chief, who appointed him Recording Secretary under
resolution of Congress in the spring of 1781, for the purpose of
arranging his military correspondence for preservation; and this office
he retained to the close of the war. Resuming his law practice in 1784,
Varick rose to influence, became Recorder of the city, Attorney-General
of the State, and finally Mayor, which office he held for twelve years,
from 1789 to 1800. His death occurred July 30, 1831. He left a widow,
formerly Miss Maria Roosevelt, of New York, who survived him a number
of years. They had no children. The above, written by H. P. Johnston,
will be found on p. 733 of the Magazine of American History, November
1882, copied from the original papers, then in possession of the
Mercantile Library, New York City.

[52] The name of Mrs. Arnold’s baby, born that fall, was Edward
Shippen Arnold. He died Dec. 15, 1813.

AFTERMATH

None were more shocked at the news of André’s execution than the
Townsend family. Robert in particular feared that his friends among
the British officers might betray him in retaliation. He considered
it necessary to visit personally every one in his employ. Meanwhile,
his store in New York was closed for nearly three weeks and upon the
day of his return entries were made of over £500 in cash that had been
given to sundry persons. In a letter dated from Bedford, October 11,
1778,[53] Major Tallmadge writes:

    “The conduct of Arnold, since his arrival at N. Y. has been
    such, that though he knows not a single link in the chain of
    my correspondence, still those who have assisted us in this
    way, are at present too apprehensive of Danger to give their
    immediate usual intelligence. I hope as the tumult subsides
    matters will go on in their old channels.

    “Culper, Junr. has requested an interview with me on Long
    Island on the 13th inst, but in the present situation of
    affairs I believe it would be rather imprudent. What makes it
    peculiarly so at this time is the swarm of Refugee Boats which
    cruise along the shore of Long Island. I have wrote Culper,
    Junr. assuring him that his name or character are not even
    known by any officer but myself in the army, tho should your
    Excellency wish to have me meet Culper, Junr. I will appoint an
    interview at any time, with great Regard Regard[54]

    Sir, Your Excellency’s most obedient sert.

                                                  “BENJ. TALLMADGE.”

In reply to this General Washington wrote:

    “_Dear Sir_, I recd. your favr. of the 11th, with C. Senior’s
    enclosed. I think you were right in declining an interview at
    this time, as the enemy would act with more than common rigor
    just now should an officer be taken under circumstances the
    least suspicious--I should be exceedingly glad to hear from
    C. Junior, because all my accounts from other quarters are
    very defective as to the number of troops to be embarked, or,
    indeed, whether an embarkation is seriously in contemplation.
    The last account was of the 13th, and it was then said the
    expedition was delayed for some purpose or other.”

General Washington supplements this justifiable praise with the
following paragraph which will be found in a letter to the Congress
(No. 20645):

    “Unluckily, the person in whom I have the greatest confidence
    is afraid to take any measures for communicating with me just
    at this time, as he is apprehensive that Arnold may possibly
    have some knowledge of the connection and may have him watched.”

Townsend, meanwhile, in a letter addressed to John Bolton, Esq.,
replied to two he had received from Major Tallmadge, as follows:

                                               “729. 462. 20th, 1780

    “_Sir_, Yours of the 30th of Sept. & 6th of October are now
    before me. In answer to the first, W-s assurances are as much
    as I could expect. When I conclude to open another route you
    shall be informed of it. I do not choose that the person you
    mention, or any other of his character, should call on me.

    “I am happy to think that Arnold does not know my name.
    However, no person has been taken up on his information. I was
    not much surprised at his conduct, for it was no more than
    I expected of him. Genl. Clinton has introduced him to the
    General officers on parade as General Arnold in the British
    service, and he is much caressed by General Robinson. This will
    tend to gloss his character with the venal part of the enemy,
    but the independent part must hold him in contempt; and his
    name will stink to eternity with the generous of all parties.

    “I never felt more sensibly for the death of a person whom I
    knew only by sight, and had heard converse, than I did for
    Major André. He was a most amiable character. General Clinton
    was inconsolable for some days; and the army in general and
    inhabitants were much exasperated, and think that General
    Washington must have been destitute of feeling, or he would
    have saved him. I believe General Washington felt sincerely for
    him, and would have saved him if it could have been done with
    propriety.

    “The long time I have been out of town prevents my giving
    you any information of consequence. The army which embarked
    last week are generally supposed intended to make a diversion
    in Virginia or Cape Fear in North Carolina, to favour Lord
    Cornwallis--They take but few horses, but a number of saddles
    with an intention to mount a number of dismounted dragoons who
    are going with them. The Cork and English fleets are, I expect,
    arrived by this. I hope and expect that all my letters are
    destroyed after they are perused. I am yours &c.

                                             “SAMUEL CULPER JUNIOR.”

Culper Senior enclosed one of his in the above,(129) in which he says:
“C. Junr. is now with me.... I was in hopes you might have come and
seen him.” Major Tallmadge forwarded these to General Washington on
October 17th, and in a note of his own(130) says: “As circumstances
have since turned out I wish I had met C. Junr. as mentioned in my last
to Your Excellency.”

Again on October 23d, Major Tallmadge wrote to General Washington,
saying that he was obliged to attend Colonel Sheldon’s trial that day
at West Point, and expected to be detained some time. Nevertheless he
would give attention to the Culper messages.

The momentary retirement of Townsend, Woodhull’s fear to remain in
the city, and request that Tallmadge undertake the expedition that
terminated in the capture of Fort St. George, are features of the
next letter from Culper Senior, dated October 26, 1780. In full, as
translated, it reads:

    “_Dear Sir._ Your favour of the ee instant came to hand, and
    observe the contents. Your desire to have a shorter conveyance
    opened hath been repeatedly urged from time to time. I have
    this day returned from New York, and am sorry to informe you
    that the present commotions and watchfullness of the Enemy at
    New York hath resolved C. Jur. for the present to quit writing
    and retire into the country for a time.--Most certainly the
    enemy are very severe, and the spirits of our friends very low.
    I did not think myself safe there a moment, and as nothing is
    like to be done about New York, perhaps it may not be much
    disadvantage to drop it for a time, and if need requires C.
    Junr. will undertake again, and in the interum if anything in
    particular is wanted to be known, shall be ready to serve and
    faithfully transmit what I may know. The enemy’s Fleet left
    the Hook on the 17--and very probable this moment are landed
    in Virginia. They were in case of a separation to rendezvous
    in Hampton Roads. Another embarcation is thought will take
    place soon, accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, and is thought
    will proceed to reinforce Lord Cornwallis. The sum of their
    intention is you may depend, to exert their whole force against
    the Southern Provinces. The Militia together with their ships
    and about four thousand regular Troops are to defend New York
    this winter. The English fleet consisted of about fifty sail
    the better half merchantmen. The best information that can be
    collected says the recruits do not exceed twenty five hundred
    men with one general officer. They have had a short passage and
    are not very sickly. A Cork fleet is daily expected, and the
    enemy are in fears about them. Should they not arrive it would
    ruin them and the inhabitants of Long Island. The French have
    taken twenty six sail of outward bound East and West Indiamen,
    five of them were bound to the East Indies. The 17th Dragoons
    in about five days will be at Musqueto Cove, handy to take some
    of the gentlemen. They are now at Cedar Swamp--The enemy are
    foraging in these parts, with a very small guard of Militia
    Troops. I yesterday saw a guard of 17 men following one hundred
    and five Brigade Wagons. Most certainly they will be this
    way in three or four days, and expect they will go to South
    Hampton. Yourself with fifty men might do as you would with
    them. They are much off their guard. I think if you undertake
    and call on me you will do something handsome. Arnold is about
    to publish an address to his County Men, which am fearful may
    do you much harm, assuring all officers and men countenance and
    protection, that may come in, and have the same rank in the
    British service as they have now in your army. Thus sir, have
    communicated as much as possibly could--and in the mean time
    Remain your most obed. Humbl. Servt.

                                                     “SAML. CULPER.”

The saddest letter in the correspondence comes next. Some of those
friends of their country were captured by the British in New York.
Culper transmits the information to John Bolton in the following letter:

                                      “SETAUKET, November 12th, 1780

    “_Dear Sir._--Your favour of the k instant is received--and
    observe the contents--In answer to your first question I
    again inform you, that I was at New York about the 20th of
    last month. I then, with the advice of C. Junr. and others,
    transmitted you the most accurate account of the embarkation
    under Genl. Mathews that could possibly obtain, and assured
    you of their going to Virginia, as also of another embarkation
    bound to the Southward, then just in embryo--which were
    positively to sail three days ago. said to amount to 1300
    men. I then informed you of the severity and watchfulness
    of the Enemy. Several of our dear friends were imprisoned,
    in particular one that hath been ever serviceable to this
    correspondence. This step so dejected the spirits of C. Junr.
    that he resolved to leave New York for a time. I earnestly
    endeavoured to prevent it but could not, so that I have no
    person there now that I can send the Express to that can rely
    upon.--In respect to the different corps and numbers that have
    embarked and those within these lines, I cannot ascertain,
    neither do I think it can possibly be done properly, for this
    reason. The Enemy make it a rule to supply every embarcation
    almost with draughts from every Regt in their army. The
    beforementioned reason, together with some other difficulties
    that attend me at this time, prevents me from making the
    attempt to give you a return of the enemy, and hope you’ll
    excuse my non complyance. Austin Roe returned from New York
    two days ago. The Cork Fleet was not then arrived. The Enemy
    in great fears about them. I think they must fall into your
    hands for the want of provision if the fleet should miscarry.
    The last accounts from England say that 23 line of Battle Ships
    belonging to the Russians and Danes were at Spithead--What
    can this mean. The 17th Dragoons is at Hempstead. The Hessian
    Yeagers at Jericho and Oyster Bay. There’s troops at Jamaica
    and Flushing, which is all I can say. Last Thursday there was
    a hot press in New York to man Admiral Rodney’s Fleet which is
    about to sail, said for the West Indies. There’s now 13 sail
    of the line besides Frigates Laying in Gardiner’s Bay at the
    eastward. There’s a very intelligent person gone to New York
    now, on the same account. Have taken the liberty to direct
    Brewster to cross again on the 19th instant when shall hope to
    hear from you. After that shall make one more appointment, as
    I intend to visit every quarter of the enemy if possible, and
    write you fully as I expect the winter will soon prevent the
    communication and in the Spring if need requires by some means
    or other will if possible open it again on a better footing.
    Depend my endeavours shall continue, as I hope never to lose
    sight of our cause, truly sensible our all is at stake. I
    greatly desire to see you but little hope of it at present, and
    conclude your affectionate Friend and Humble Servt.

                                                     “SAML. CULPER.”

In homely words Brewster modestly records one of his brave exploits on
a sheet accompanying the above letter, which reads as follows:

                                    “FAIRFIELD, November 13th, 1780.

    “_Dear Sir._ Returned this evening from the Island. I left on
    Saturday. Culper was not at home and had to weight till this
    morning for him.

    “Forrage is at Corum yet in stack where tavern is kept. Their
    remains about forty Ruffigeus yet at Mastick on Mr. Smith’s
    place. They have no connon, nothing but muskets.

    “I took a prize a coming across today. A fine large boat from
    New Haven, which had been to carry passengers over. We run up
    long side of them and made them believe we came from Lloyd’s
    Neck. They enformed me who secreted the persons in New Haven
    four weeks and their connections, and I wrote it all down
    before they found out their mistake. We up sail and came off
    together and they engaged to pilot us to a gard on the west
    side of New Haven harbour to take them. We got two thirds
    across the Sound before they found out their mistake and I got
    them safe under guard. I am Dear Sir, your most obedient humbil
    servant,

                                                      “C. BREWSTER.”

Major Tallmadge quickly responded to the advice of Culper and Brewster.
Indeed, so quickly that Fort St. George was captured sooner than
Woodhull expected it would be.(131)

[Illustration: A TYPICAL WASHINGTON LETTER

                                                         _See page 191._
]

Years afterwards, Major Tallmadge’s account of this expedition was
written for his “Memoirs.” Another officer, one of the party, who had
accompanied Brewster on several occasions, fresh from the smoke of the
battle, wrote in detail to a friend an account of the expedition. As
until now his account has never been published, it is here carefully
copied:

                                  “FAIRFIELD, November 26, 1780.[55]

    “_My dear Friend_--I am at a loss how the account stands
    between us respecting letters, but as it is immaterial at
    present if I am in debt to you, I now propose to myself the
    pleasure of paying it, and if it brings you in debt I am sure
    you will take pleasure in discharging it, however as this
    is a mere subject of ceremony, will quit it, and tell you a
    small story of a tour we have had to St. George’s Manor, on
    Long Island. We arrived in this town from North Castle ye
    16th Instant. Major Tallmadge, Captain Edgar, myself, and
    40 dismounted Dragoons. The weather and want of provisions
    detained us here until 21st, when we embarked on board 8 whale
    boats, and in a few hours landed at the Old Mans on the Island.
    A severe storm prevented our doing any thing until the evening
    of the 22d, when we began our march with the addition of about
    20 men, boatmen, and at 4 o’clock in the morning of the 23d,
    attacked and carried Fort St. George, (on Major Wm. Smith’s
    Farm) in a few minutes without the loss of one man.

    “It is a very pretty built strong place. The works was
    completed a few days before. They were completely surprised. We
    tarried there until about 7 o’clock, when we began the march
    back and on the return burned about 300 tons of forage at
    Coram, collected for the British Army. We arrived at our boats
    about 6 o’clock, and at eleven landed safe at this place, more
    fatigued and more pleased than I ever was in my life. In little
    more than twenty-four hours we marched 40 miles and crossed the
    sound 20 miles wide.

    “The Fort is built right west from Mr. Smith’s new house,
    about the same distance that the old house is from the new. It
    is four square, about ninety feet square. The parapet from the
    bottom of the ditch is about 10 feet high, the ditch about 4
    feet wide and 3 deep. Besides this is a strong row of Abbatis
    entirely around the Fort. From the N. E. corner of the Fort to
    ye N. W. corner of the old house to ye N. E. of the new house
    and from the S. W. (  ) the new house to the S. E. corner of
    the Fort (  ) of the fort is on the east side, and opens under
    cover of this strong stockade. Having fully described to you
    this post will just mention the mode of attack.

    “When we arrived within about three quarters of a mile of the
    place, I was ordered to the command of 15 men to gain the front
    of the Fort and there lay concealed until the alarm was given
    from the other way, by the main body under Major Tallmadge,
    Captain Edgar, and Lieut. Brewster. I came very close to the
    Abbatis undiscovered and as soon as the alarm was given, pushed
    over the Abbatis ditch and parapet, with little opposition,
    without the loss of one man and without discharging one musket
    on my part, and met Lieut. Brewster just entering the gates.
    He came through the entry of the house, followed by the main
    body, except a small party which filed off and attacked at the
    same time the old house. The poor dogs had not time to rub
    their eyes, or gasp before they were obliged to cry Quarters.
    A musical sound. Here was a scene my friend, of war my eyes
    never beheld nor description cannot equal. The cries of the
    wounded in the agonies of death. The screeching of the women
    and children while the parent and friend were entreating pity
    and compassion, called forth every tender feeling, yet add to
    these the shouts of the veterans it gives a pleasing lustre to
    the triumphs of a soldier.

    “We had one man wounded. The enemy about 7 killed and wounded.
    Prisoners: 1 Lt. Coln. and 1 Capt. half pay. One lieutenant and
    50 rank and file. Some were paroled and we have about forty,
    which I move off to West Point with tomorrow. This tour will
    take me 7 or 8 days, soon after which I hope to see you, as it
    grows time for winter quarters and very probably we shall come
    some where in Connecticut.... You must excuse inaccuracies as I
    write in haste. Adieu.

                                           “THOS. TREDWELL JACKSON.”

There was too much transpiring in the fall of 1780 to permit using all
the intelligence in its chronological order. It is therefore necessary
to return to the closing days of September to examine the rest of the
correspondence. On September 27th Woodhull wrote, saying:

    “Inclosed you have C. Junr’s Blank, which I trust contains all
    that may be known in and about 727. And have only to mention
    the departure of the en Dragoons from Smith Town and are now
    at Jericho. None but Coll. Ludloe’s Regt, is at Lloyd’s Neck,
    nor none except the en Dragoons eastward of Jamaica. A number
    of Refugees have built a Block House on Jesse Arthur’s Farm for
    the purpose of cutting wood on the lands of Mr. Treddle and
    Platt. Queens Rangers is at Jamaica. Let 725 come again 462 the
    5. In the interim am yours,

                                                     “SAML. CULPER.”

Again on the 8th of October he wrote:

                                                729--462--0th, 1780.

    _Sir._ 708--356 of the fi of 616 came to hand, together with
    the enclosed blank, the lines of which were easily discovered
    and some sentences could be read. The paper being so bad I
    judge is the reason. To prevent the like for the future have
    forwarded you some good paper which please make use of for that
    purpose alone. The 174 return’d last night from 727 but without
    a blank from C. Jur. The present commotion that hath risen on
    account of that infamous Arnold, together with little or no
    intelligence at this time was the reason that he did not write.
    That have only to say the Enemies embarcation goes on but slow.
    They don’t seem to act with spirit about it. Culper Junr. is
    to be with me on the ef instant, if no unforeseen accident
    doth prevent. If possible, and think proper, come and see
    him. It may be of mutual advantage. There appears nothing in
    the way but the dangers of the Seas, and hope this invitation
    will come to hand timely for the purpose. Have just heard that
    Capt. Cornelius Conklin with a boat’s Crew hath fell into the
    hands of the refugees near Treadells Banks with the loss of
    Lieut. Ketchak Killd Dead. Their misfortune is owing to Abijah
    Tooker of Seatauket. Have nothing further to ad, and am yours
    Sincerely,

                                                       SAML. CULPER.

Comparatively few letters from this period to the end of the war have
survived. The next is Woodhull’s, as follows:

                                       “NEW YORK, December 24, 1780.

    “_Sir._ I yesterday returned from New York and shall now
    communicate all that have been able to collect. General Arnold
    saild on the 20th instant, from Sandy Hook, with a detachment
    not exceeding sixteen hundred men, consisting of British,
    Germans and volunteers. Arnold is intrusted with the command of
    a Military Chest where he may give and take thousands. Coll.
    Simcoe with part of his regiment is gone with him. Various are
    the conjectures concerning their destination. Some say to the
    West Indies, some to the Carolinas, some to the Floridas,
    others to Virginia. The latter the most probable, as a very
    noted Refugee, (I think by the name of Charles Williams)
    formerly an inhabitant of the beforementioned place, is gone
    with a large quantity of goods suitable for cloathing negroes.
    I am told Arnold’s having the command is displeased many of the
    independent gentlemen of the Army, and is called by some the
    Rebel Fleet. The enemy have certain accounts of a large fleet
    sailing from France, and in consequence thereof, four thousand
    Troops may be expected to arrive shortly at New York or to the
    Southward.... Admiral Rodney hath sent a considerable number
    of prisoners, both masters and seamen, to England, a step
    unheard of heretofore, which drew tears from our unfortunate
    countrymen. I hope you’ll endeavour to exchange as many as
    possible, for the prisoners will suffer more this winter
    than ever, as the tender and well disposed inhabitants are
    debarred from sending them any assistance without endangering
    themselves....

                                                    “SAMUEL CULPER.”

A mystery concerning the next letter remains unsolved. It appears to
have taken three months to get to Tallmadge. It is an invitation from
Arnold, inviting him to become a traitor, like himself. In forwarding a