Produced by David Widger

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND

Volume II.

BY DAVID HUME, ESQ.

1688

London: James S. Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane
New York: 26 John Street
1860

In Three Volumes:

VOLUME ONE: The History Of England From The Invasion Of Julius Cæsar To
The End Of The Reign Of James The Second............ By David Hume, Esq.

VOLUME TWO: Continued from the Reign of William and Mary to the Death of
George II........................................... by Tobias Smollett.

VOLUME THREE: From the Accession of George III. to the Twenty-Third Year
of the Reign of Queen Victoria............... by E. Farr and E.H. Nolan.

VOLUME TWO

CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

BY TOBIAS SMOLLETT, M.D.

[Illustration: 2-frontis-marlborough.jpg FRONTISPIECE: MARLEBOROUGH]

[Illustration: titlepage11.jpg  TITLEPAGE: EXECUTION OF DUDLEY]

MAPS:

[Illustration: map5.jpg MAP OF INDIA]

[Illustration: map6.jpg MAP OF UNITED STATES]

[Illustration: map7.jpg MAP OF SCOTLAND]

[Illustration: map8.jpg MAP OF THE BALTIC]

CHAPTER I.

WILLIAM AND MARY.

     _State of the Nation immediately after the Revolution.....
     Account of the new Ministry..... The Convention converted
     into a Parliament..... Mutiny in the Army..... The
     Coronation, and abolition of Hearth-money..... The Commons
     vote a Sum of Money to indemnify the Dutch..... William’s
     Efforts in Favour of the Dissenters..... Act for a
     Toleration..... Violent disputes about the Bill for a
     Comprehension..... The Commons address the King to summon a
     Convocation of the Clergy..... Settlement of the
     Revenue..... The King takes Umbrage at the Proceedings of
     the Whig-party..... Heats and Animosities about the Bill of
     Indemnity recommended by the King..... Birth of the Duke of
     Gloucester..... Affairs of the Continent..... War declared
     against France..... Proceedings in the Convention of
     Scotland, of which the Duke of Hamilton is chosen
     President..... Letters to the Convention from King William
     and King James..... They recognise the authority of King
     William..... They vote the Crown vacant, and pass an Act of
     settlement in favour of William and Mary..... They appoint
     Commissioners to make a Tender of the Crown to William, who
     receives it on the conditions they propose..... Enumeration
     of their Grievances..... The Convention is declared a
     Parliament, and the Duke of Hamilton King’s
     Commissioner..... Prelacy abolished in that Kingdom..... The
     Scots dissatisfied with the King’s Conduct..... Violent
     disputes in the Scotch Parliament..... which is
     adjourned..... A Remonstrance presented to the King--The
     Castle of Edinburgh besieged and taken-The Troops of King
     William defeated at Killycrankie..... King James cordially
     received by the French King..... Tyrconnel temporizes with
     King William..... James arrives in Ireland..... Issues five
     Proclamations at Dublin..... Siege of Londonderry..... The
     Inhabitants defend themselves with surprising Courage and
     Perseverance..... Cruelty of Rosene, the French General.....
     The Place is relieved by Kirke..... The Inniskilliners
     defeat and take General Maccarty..... Meeting of the Irish
     Parliament..... They repeal the Act of Settlement..... Pass
     an Act of Attainder against Absentees..... James coins base
     Money..... The Protestants of Ireland cruelly oppressed.....
     Their Churches are seized by the Catholics, and they are
     forbid to assemble on pain of Death..... Admiral Herbert
     worsted by the French Fleet in an Engagement near Ban-try-
     bay..... Divers Sentences and Attainders reversed in
     Parliament..... Inquiry into the Cause of Miscarriages in
     Ireland..... Bills passed in this Session of Parliament._

STATE OF THE NATION IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE REVOLUTION.

{1689}

The constitution of England had now assumed a new aspect. The maxim
of hereditary indefeisible right was at length renounced by a free
parliament. The power of the crown was acknowledged to flow from no
other fountain than that of a contract with the people. Allegiance and
protection were declared reciprocal ties depending upon each other. The
representatives of the nation made a regular claim of rights in
behalf of their constituents; and William III. ascended the throne in
consequence of an express capitulation with the people. Yet, on this
occasion, the zeal of the parliament towards their deliverer seems to
have overshot their attachment to their own liberty and privileges: or
at least they neglected the fairest opportunity that ever occurred, to
retrench those prerogatives of the crown to which they imputed all the
late and former calamities of the kingdom. Their new monarch retained
the old regal power over parliaments in its full extent. He was left
at liberty to convoke, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve them at
his pleasure. He was enabled to influence elections, and oppress
corporations. He possessed the right of choosing his own council; of
nominating all the great officers of the state, and of the household, of
the army, the navy, and the church. He reserved the absolute command
of the militia: so that lie remained master of all the instruments and
engines of corruption and violence, without any other restraint than his
own moderation, and prudent regard to the claim of rights, and principle
of resistance on which the revolution was founded. In a word, the
settlement was finished with some precipitation, before the plan had
been properly digested and matured; and this will be the case in every
establishment formed upon a sudden emergency in the face of opposition.
It was observed, that the king, who was made by the people, had it in
his power to rule without them; to govern _jure divino_ though he was
created _jure humano_: and that, though the change proceeded from a
republican spirit, the settlement was built upon tory maxims; for
the execution of his government continued still independent of his
commission, while his own person remained sacred and inviolable. The
prince of Orange had been invited to England by a coalition of parties,
united by a common sense of danger; but this tie was no sooner broken
than they flew asunder and each resumed its original bias. Their mutual
jealousy and rancour revived, and was heated by dispute into intemperate
zeal and enthusiasm. Those who at first acted from principles of
patriotism were insensibly warmed into partizans; and king William
soon found himself at the head of a faction. As he had been bred, a
Calvinist, and always expressed an abhorrence of spiritual persecution,
the presbyter-ians, and other protestant dissenters, considered him as
their peculiar protector, and entered into his interests with the most
zealous fervour and assiduity. For the same reasons the friends of
the church became jealous of his proceedings, and employed all their
influence, first in opposing his elevation to the throne, and afterwards
in thwarting his measures. Their party was espoused by all the friends
of the lineal succession; by the Roman catholics; by those who were
personally attached to the late king; and by such as were disgusted
by the conduct and personal deportment of William since his arrival
in England. They observed, That, contrary to his declaration, he
had plainly aspired to the crown; and treated his father-in-law with
insolence and rigour; that his army contained a number of foreign
papists, almost equal to that of the English Roman catholics whom James
had employed; that the reports so industriously circulated about the
birth of the prince of Wales, the treaty with France for enslaving
England, and the murder of the earl of Essex-reports countenanced by the
prince of Orange-now appeared to be without foundation; that the Dutch
troops remained in London, while the English forces were distributed in
remote quarters; that the prince declared the first should be kept about
his person, and the latter sent to Ireland; that the two houses out of
complaisance to William, had denied their late sovereign the justice of
being heard in his own defence; and that the Dutch had lately interfered
with the trade of London, which was already sensibly diminished. These
were the sources of discontent, swelled up by the resentment of some
noblemen and other individuals, disappointed in their hopes of profit
and preferment.

ACCOUNT OF THE NEW MINISTRY.

William began his reign with a proclamation, for confirming all
protestants in the offices which they enjoyed on the first day of
December; then he chose the members of his council, who were generally
staunch to his interest, except the archbishop of Canterbury and the
earl of Nottingham, and these were admitted in complaisance to the
church-party, which it was not thought adviseable to provoke. [001]
_[See note A, at the end of this Vol.]_ Nottingham and Shrewsbury were
appointed secretaries of state; the privy-seal was bestowed upon the
marquis of Halifax; the earl of Danby was created president of
the council. These two noblemen enjoyed a good share of the king’s
confidence, and Nottingham was considerable as head of the church-party:
but the chief favourite was Bentinck, first commoner on the list of
privy-counsellors, as well as groom of the stole and privy purse.
D’Averquerque was made master of the horse, Zuylestein of the robes, and
Sehomberg of the ordnance: the treasury, admiralty, and chancery were
put in commission; twelve able judges were chosen;* and the diocese of
Salisbury being vacated by the death of Dr. Ward, the king of his own
free motion filled it with Burnet, who had been a zealous stickler for
his interest; and in a particular manner instrumental in effecting the
revolution. Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, refused to consecrate
this ecclesiastic, though the reasons of his refusal are not specified;
but, being afraid of incurring the penalties of a premunire, he granted
a commission to the bishop of London, and three other suffragans, to
perform that ceremony. Burnet was a prelate of some parts, and great
industry; moderate in his notions of church discipline, inquisitive,
meddling, vain, and credulous. In consequence of having incurred the
displeasure of the late king, he had retired to the continent and fixed
his residence in Holland, where he was naturalized, and attached himself
to the interest of the prince of Orange, who consulted him about the
affairs of England. He assisted in drawing up the prince’s manifesto,
and wrote some other papers and pamphlets in defence of his design.
He was demanded of the States by the English ambassador as a British
fugitive, outlawed by king James, and excepted in the act of indemnity.
Nevertheless, he came over with William in quality of his chaplain; and,
by his intrigues, contributed in some measure to the success of that
expedition. The principal individuals that composed this ministry have
been characterized in the history of the preceding reigns. We have had
occasion to mention the fine talents, the vivacity, the flexibility of
Halifax; the plausibility, the enterprising genius, the obstinacy of
Danby; the pompous eloquence, the warmth, and ostentation of Nottingham;
the probity and popularity of Shrewsbury. Godolphin, now brought into
the treasury, was modest, silent, sagacious, and upright. Mordaunt,
appointed first commissioner of that board, and afterwards created earl
of Monmouth, was open, generous, and a republican in his principles.
Delamere, chancellor of the exchequer, promoted in the sequel to the
rank of earl of Warrington, was close and mercenary. Obsequiousness,
fidelity, and attachment to his master, composed the character of
Bentinck, whom the king raised to the dignity of earl of Portland. The
English favourite, Sidney, was a man of wit and pleasure, possessed of
the most engaging talents for conversation and private friendship, but
rendered unfit for public business by indolence and inattention. He
was ennobled, and afterwards created earl of Romney; a title which he
enjoyed with several successive posts of profit and importance. The
stream of honour and preferment ran strong in favour of the whigs, and
this appearance of partiality confirmed the suspicion and resentment of
the opposite party.

     * Sir John Holt was appointed lord chief justice of the king’s
          bench, and Sir Henry Pollexfen of the common pleas: the
          earl of Devonshire was made lord steward of the
          household, and the earl of Dorset lord
          chamberlain.--_Ralph._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

THE CONVENTION CONVERTED INTO A PARLIAMENT.

The first resolution taken in the new council was to convert the
convention into a parliament, that the new settlement might be
strengthened by a legal sanction, which was now supposed to be wanting,
as the assembly had not been convoked by the king’s writ of summons.
The experiment of a new election was deemed too hazardous; therefore the
council determined that the king should, by virtue of his own authority,
change the convention into a parliament, by going to the house of peers
with the usual state of a sovereign, and pronouncing a speech from the
throne to both houses. This expedient was accordingly practised. [002]
_[See note B, at the end of this Vol.]_ He assured them he should never
take any step that would diminish the good opinion they had conceived
of his integrity. He told them that Holland was in such a situation as
required their immediate attention and assistance; that the posture of
affairs at home likewise demanded their serious consideration; that
a good settlement was necessary, not only for the establishment of
domestic peace, but also for the support of the protestant interest
abroad: that the affairs of Ireland were too critically situated to
admit the least delay in their deliberations; he therefore begged they
would be speedy and effectual in concerting such measures as should
be judged indispensably necessary for the welfare of the nation. The
commons returning to their house, immediately passed a vote of thanks
to his majesty, and made an order that his speech should be taken into
consideration. After the throne had been declared vacant by a small
majority of the peers, those who opposed that measure had gradually
withdrawn themselves from the house, so that very few remained but such
as were devoted to the new monarch. These therefore brought in a bill
for preventing all disputes concerning the present parliament. In the
meantime, Mr. Hambden, in the lower house, put the question, Whether
a king elected by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons
assembled at Westminster, | coming to and consulting with the said lords
and commons, did not make as complete a parliament and legislative
power and authority as if the said king should cause new elections to
be made by writ? Many members affirmed that the king’s writ was as
necessary as his presence to the being of a legal parliament, and as the
convention was defective in this particular, it could not be vested
with a parliamentary authority by any management whatsoever. The whigs
replied, That the essence of a parliament consisted in the meeting
and co-operation of the king, lords, and commons; and that it was not
material whether they were convoked by writ or by letter: they proved
this assertion by examples deduced from the history of England: they
observed that a new election would be attended with great trouble,
expense, and loss of time; and that such delay might prove fatal to
the protestant interest in Ireland, as well as to the allies on the
continent. In the midst of this debate the bill was brought down from
the lords, and being read, a committee was appointed to make some
amendments. These were no sooner made than the commons sent it back to
the upper house, and it immediately received the royal assent. By this
act the lords and commons assembled at Westminster were declared the two
houses of parliament to all intents and purposes: it likewise ordained,
That the present act, and all other acts to which the royal assent
should be given before the next prorogation, should be understood and
adjudged in law to begin on the thirteenth day of February: that the
members, instead of the old oaths of allegiance and supremacy, should
take the new oath incorporated in this act under the ancient penalty;
and that the present parliament should be dissolved in the usual manner.
Immediately after this transaction a warm debate arose in the house of
commons about the revenue, which the courtiers alleged had devolved with
the crown upon William, at least during the life of James, for which
term the greater part of it had been granted. The members in the
opposition affirmed that these grants were vacated with the throne; and
at length it was voted, That the revenue had expired. Then a motion was
made, That a revenue should be settled on the king and queen; and
the house resolved it should be taken into consideration. While they
deliberated on this affair they received a message from his majesty,
importing that the late king had set sail from Brest with an armament to
invade Ireland. They forthwith resolved to assist his majesty with
their lives and fortunes; they voted a temporary aid of four hundred and
twenty thousand pounds, to be levied by monthly assessments, and both
houses waited on the king to signify this resolution. But this unanimity
did not take place till several lords spiritual as well as temporal had,
rather than take the oaths, absented themselves from parliament. The
nonjuring prelates were Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury; Turner,
bishop of Ely; Lake, of Chichester; Ken, of Bath and Wells; White, of
Peterborough; Lloyd, of Norwich; Thomas, of Worcester; and Frampton,
of Gloucester. The temporal peers who refused the oath were the duke
of Newcastle; the earls of Clarendon, Litchfield, Exeter, Yarmouth, and
Stafford; the lords Griffin and Stawel. Five of the bishops withdrew
themselves from the house at one time; but before they retired one of
the number moved for a bill of toleration, and another of comprehension,
by which moderate dissenters might be reconciled to the church, and
admitted into ecclesiastical benefices. Such bills were actually
prepared and presented by the earl of Nottingham, who received the
thanks of the house for the pains he had taken. From this period the
party averse to the government of William were distinguished by the
appellation of Nonjurors. They rejected the notion of a king _de facto_,
as well as all other distinctions and limitations; and declared for the
absolute power and divine hereditary indefeisible right of sovereigns.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

MUTINY IN THE ARMY.

This faction had already begun to practise against the new government.
The king having received some intimation of their designs from
intercepted letters, ordered the earl of Arran, sir Robert Hamilton, and
some other gentlemen of the Scottish nation, to be apprehended and sent
prisoners to the Tower. Then he informed the two houses of the step he
had taken, and even craved their advice with regard to his conduct in
such a delicate affair which had compelled him to trespass upon the
law of England. The lords thanked him for the care he took of their
liberties, and desired he would secure all disturbers of the peace: but
the commons empowered him by a bill to dispense with the _habeas-corpus_
act till the seventeenth day of April next ensuing. This was a stretch
of confidence in the crown which had not been made in favour of the late
king, even while Argyle and Monmouth were in open rebellion. A spirit of
discontent had by this time diffused itself through the army, and become
so formidable to the court, that the king resolved to retain the Dutch
troops in England and send over to Holland in their room such regiments
as were most tinctured with disaffection. Of these the Scottish regiment
of Dumbarton, commanded by mareschal Schomberg, mutinied on its march
to Ipswich, seized the military chest, disarmed the officers who opposed
their design, declared for king James, and with four pieces of cannon
began their march for Scotland. William, being informed of this revolt,
ordered general Ginckel to pursue them with three regiments of
Dutch dragoons, and the mutineers surrendered at discretion. As the
delinquents were natives of Scotland, which had not yet submitted in
form to the new government, the king did not think proper to punish
them as rebels, but ordered them to proceed for Holland according to his
first intention. Though this attempt proved abortive, it made a strong
impression upon the ministry, who were divided among themselves and
wavered in their principles. However, they used this opportunity to
bring in a bill for punishing mutiny and desertion, which in a little
time passed both houses and received the royal assent.

CORONATION--ABOLITION OF HEARTH-MONEY.

The coronation oath [003] _[See note C, at the end of this Vol.]_ being
altered and explained, that ceremony was performed on the eleventh day
of April, the bishop of London officiating, at the king’s desire, in the
room of the metropolitan, who was a malcontent; and next day the commons
in a body waited on the king and queen at Whitehall, with an address of
congratulation. William, with a view to conciliate the affections of his
new subjects, and check the progress of clamour and discontent,
signified in a solemn message to the house of commons, his readiness to
acquiesce in any measure they should think proper to take for a new
regulation or total suppression of the hearth-money, which he understood
was a grievous imposition on his subjects; and this tax was afterwards
abolished. He was gratified with an address of thanks, couched in the
warmest expressions of duty, gratitude, and affection, declaring they
would take such measures in support of his crown, as would convince the
world that he reigned in the hearts of his people.

THE COMMONS VOTE MONEY TO INDEMNIFY THE DUTCH.

He had, in his answer to their former address, assured them of his
constant regard to the rights and prosperity of the nation: he had
explained the exhausted state of the Dutch; expatiated upon the zeal of
that republic for the interests of Britain, as well as the maintenance
of the protestant religion; and expressed his hope that the English
parliament would not only repay the sums they had expended in his
expedition, but likewise further support them to the utmost of their
ability against the common enemies of their liberties and religion. He
had observed that a considerable army and fleet would be necessary for
the reduction of Ireland and the protection of Britain, and he desired
they would settle the revenue in such a manner that it might be
collected without difficulty and dispute. The sum total of the money
expended by the states-general in William’s expedition amounted to
seven millions of guilders, and the commons granted six hundred thousand
pounds for the discharge of this debt, incurred for the preservation of
their rights and religion. They voted funds for raising and maintaining
an army of two-and-twenty thousand men, as well as for equipping
a numerous fleet: but they provided for no more than half a year’s
subsistence of the troops, hoping the reduction of Ireland might
be finished in that term; and this instance of frugality the king
considered as a mark of their diffidence of his administration. The
whigs were resolved to supply him gradually, that he might be the more
dependent upon their zeal and attachment; but he was not at all pleased
with their precaution.

WILLIAM’S EFFORTS IN FAVOUR OF DISSENTEES.

William was naturally biassed to Calvinism, and averse to persecution.
Whatever promises he had made, and whatever sentiments of respect he had
entertained for the church of England, he seemed now in a great measure
alienated from it by the opposition he had met with from its members,
particularly from the bishops who had thwarted his measures. By
absenting themselves from parliament, and refusing the oath, they had
plainly disowned his title and renounced his government. He therefore
resolved to mortify the church, and gratify his own friends at the
same time, by removing the obstacles affixed to nonconformity, that
all protestant dissenters should be rendered capable of enjoying and
exercising civil employments. When he gave his assent to the bill for
suspending the _habeas-corpus_ act, he recommended the establishment of
a new oath in lieu of those of allegiance and supremacy: he expressed
his hope that they would leave room for the admission of all his
protestant subjects who should be found qualified for the service;
he said, such a conjunction would unite them the more firmly among
themselves, and strengthen them against their common adversaries.
In consequence of this hint, a clause was inserted in the bill
for abrogating the old and appointing the new oaths, by which the
sacramental test was declared unnecessary in rendering any person
capable of enjoying any office or employment. It was, however, rejected
by a great majority in the house of lords. Another clause for the
same purpose, though in different terms, was proposed by the king’s
direction, and met with the same fate, though in both cases several
noblemen entered a protest against the resolution of the house. These
fruitless efforts in favour of dissenters augmented the prejudice of the
churchmen against king William, who would have willingly compromised
the difference by excusing the clergy from the oaths, provided the
dissenters might be exempted from the sacramental test: but this was
deemed the chief bulwark of the church, and therefore the proposal was
rejected. The church party in the house of lords moved, That instead
of inserting a clause obliging the clergy to take the oaths, the king
should be empowered to tender them; and, in case of their refusal, they
should incur the penalty, because deprivation, or the apprehensions of
it, might make them desperate and excite them to form designs against
the government. This argument had no weight with the commons, who
thought it was indispensably necessary to exact the oaths of the clergy,
as their example influenced the kingdom in general, and the youth of
the nation were formed under their instructions. After a long and
warm debate, all the mitigation that could be obtained was a clause
empowering the king to indulge any twelve clergymen, deprived by virtue
of this act, with a third part of their benefices during pleasure.
Thus the ancient oaths of allegiance and supremacy were abrogated: the
declaration of non-resistance in the act of uniformity was repealed: the
new oath of allegiance was reduced to its primitive simplicity, and the
coronation-oath rendered more explicit. The clergy were enjoined to take
the new oaths before the first day of August, on pain of being suspended
from their office for six months, and of entire deprivation, in case
they should not take them before the expiration of this term. They
generally complied, though with such reservations and distinctions as
were not much for the honour of their sincerity.

ACT FOR A TOLERATION.

The king, though baffled in his design against the sacramental test,
resolved to indulge the dissenters with a toleration; and a bill for
this purpose being prepared by the earl of Nottingham, was, after some
debate, passed into a law, under the title of an act for exempting their
majesties’ protestant subjects, dissenting from the church of England,
from the penalties of certain laws. It enacted, That none of the penal
laws should be construed to extend to those dissenters who should take
the oaths to the present government, and subscribe the declaration of
the thirtieth year of the reign of Charles II. provided that they should
hold no private assemblies or conventicles with the doors shut; that
nothing should be construed to exempt them from the payment of tithes or
other parochial duties: that, in case of being chosen into the office
of constable, churchwarden, overseer, &c. and of scrupling to take the
oaths annexed to such offices, they should be allowed to execute the
employment by deputy: that the preachers and teachers in congregations
of dissenting protestants who should take the oaths, subscribe the
declaration, together with all the articles of religion, except
the thirty-fourth and the two succeeding articles, and part of the
twentieth, should be exempted from the penalties decreed against
non-conformists, as well as from serving upon juries, or acting in
parish offices: yet all justices of the peace were empowered to require
such dissenters to subscribe the declaration and take the oaths; and, in
case of refusal, to commit them to prison without bail or mainprize.
The same indulgence was extended to anabaptists, and even to quakers,
on their solemn promise before God to be faithful to the king and queen,
and their assenting by profession and asseveration to those articles
which the others ratified upon oath: they were likewise required to
profess their belief in the Trinity and the Holy Scriptures. Even the
papists felt the benign influence of William’s moderation in spiritual
matters: he rejected the proposal of some zealots, who exhorted him to
enact severe laws against popish recusants. Such a measure, he observed,
would alienate all the papists of Europe from the interests of England,
and might produce a new Catholic league which would render the war
a religious quarrel; besides, he would not pretend to screen the
protestants of Germany and Hungary, while he himself should persecute
the Catholics of England. He therefore resolved to treat them with
lenity; and though they were not comprehended in the act, they enjoyed
the benefit of the toleration.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

VIOLENT DISPUTES ABOUT THE BILL FOR A COMPREHENSION.

We have observed that, in consequence of the motion made by the bishops
when they withdrew from parliament, a bill was brought into the house
of lords for uniting their majesties’ protestant subjects. This was
extremely agreeable to the king, who had the scheme of comprehension
very much at heart. In the progress of the bill a warm debate arose
about the posture of kneeling at the sacrament, which was given up
in favour of the dissenters. Another no less violent ensued upon the
subsequent question, “Whether there should be an addition of laity in
the commission to be given by the king to the bishops and others of the
clergy, for preparing such a reformation of ecclesiastical affairs as
might be the means of healing divisions, and correcting whatever might
be erroneous or defective in the constitution.” A great number of
the temporal lords insisted warmly on this addition, and when it was
rejected four peers entered a formal protest. Bishop Burnet was a
warm stickler for the exclusion of the laity; and, in all probability,
manifested this warmth in hopes of ingratiating himself with his
brethren, among whom his character was very far from being popular. But
the merit of this sacrifice was destroyed by the arguments he had used
for dispensing with the posture of kneeling at the sacrament; and by his
proposing in another proviso of the bill, that the subscribers, instead
of expressing assent or consent, should only submit with a promise of
conformity.

THE COMMONS ADDRESS THE KING TO SUMMON A CONVOCATION.

The bill was with difficulty passed in the house of lords, but the
commons treated it with neglect. By this time a great number of
malcontent members, who had retired from parliament, were returned with
a view to thwart the administration, though they could not prevent
the settlement. Instead of proceeding with the bill they presented
an address to the king, thanking him for his gracious declaration and
repeated assurances that he would maintain the church of England as by
law established; a church whose doctrine and practice had evinced its
loyalty beyond all contradiction. They likewise humbly besought his
majesty to issue writs for calling a convocation of the clergy, to be
consulted in ecclesiastical matters according to the ancient usage
of parliaments; and they declared they would forthwith take into
consideration proper methods for giving ease to protestant dissenters.
Though the king was displeased at this address, in which the lords also
had concurred, he returned a civil answer by the mouth of the earl
of Nottingham, professing his regard for the church of England, which
should always be his peculiar care, recommending the dissenters to their
protection, and promising to summon a convocation as soon as such a
measure should be convenient. This message produced no effect in favour
of the bill which lay neglected on the table. Those who moved for it
had no other view than that of displaying their moderation: and now they
excited their friends to oppose it with all their interest. Others were
afraid of espousing it lost they should be stigmatized as enemies to the
church; and a great number of the most eminent presbyterians wore
averse to a scheme of comprehension, which diminished their strength and
weakened the importance of the party. Being therefore violently opposed
on one hand, and but faintly supported on the other, no wonder it
miscarried. The king however was so bent upon the execution of his
design, that it was next session revived in another form though with no
better success.

SETTLEMENT OF THE REVENUE.

The next object that engrossed the attention of the parliament was the
settlement of a revenue for the support of the government. Hitherto
there had been no distinction of what was allotted for the king’s
use, and what was assigned for the service of the public; so that the
sovereign was entirely master of the whole supply. As the revenue in the
late reigns had been often embezzled and misapplied, it was now resolved
that a certain sum should be set apart for the maintenance of the king’s
household and the support of his dignity; and that the rest of the
public money should be employed under the inspection of parliament.
Accordingly, since this period, the commons have appropriated the
yearly supplies to certain specified services; and an account of the
application has been constantly submitted to both houses at the next
session. At this juncture the prevailing party, or the whigs, determined
that the revenue should be granted from year to year, or at least for a
small term of years; that the king might find himself dependent upon
the parliament, and merit the renewal of the grant by a just and popular
administration. In pursuance of this maxim, when the revenue fell under
consideration, they, under pretence of charges and anticipations which
they had not time to examine, granted it by a provisional act for one
year only. The civil list was settled at six hundred thousand pounds,
chargeable with the appointments of the queen dowager, the prince and
princess of Denmark, the judges, and mareschal Schomberg, to whom
the parliament had already granted one hundred thousand pounds, in
consideration of his important services to the nation. The commons also
voted that a constant revenue of twelve hundred thousand pounds should
be established for the support of the crown in time of peace.

THE KING TAKES UMBRAGE AT THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE WHIG PARTY.

The king took umbrage at these restraints laid upon the application of
the public money, which were the most salutary fruits of the revolution.
He considered them as marks of diffidence by which he was distinguished
from his predecessors; and thought them an ungrateful return for the
services he had done the nation. The tories perceived his disgust, and
did not fail to foment his jealousy against their adversaries, which
was confirmed by a fresh effort of the whigs in relation to a militia.
A bill was brought into the house for regulating it in such a manner as
would have rendered it in a great measure independent both of the king
and the lords-lieutenants of counties. These being generally peers,
the bill was suffered to lie neglected on the table, but the attempt
confirmed the suspicion of the king, who began to think himself in
danger of being enslaved by a republican party. The tories had, by the
channel of Nottingham, made proffers of service to his majesty; but
complained at the same time that as they were in danger of being
prosecuted for their lives and fortunes, they could not, without an act
of indemnity, exert themselves in favour of the crown, lest they should
incur a persecution from their implacable enemies.

HEATS AND ANIMOSITIES ABOUT THE BILL OF INDEMNITY.

These remonstrances made such an impression on the king, that he sent a
message to the house by Mr. Hambden, recommending a bill of indemnity
as the most effectual means for putting an end to all controversies,
distinctions, and occasions of discord. He desired it might be prepared
with all convenient expedition, and with such exceptions only as should
seem necessary for the vindication of public justice, the safety of
him and his consort, and the settlement and welfare of the nation. An
address of thanks to his majesty was unanimously voted. Nevertheless,
his design was frustrated by the backwardness of the whigs, who
proceeded so slowly on the bill that it could not be brought to maturity
before the end of the session. They wanted to keep the scourge over the
heads of their enemies until they should find a proper opportunity for
revenge; and, in the meantime, restrain them from opposition by the
terror of impending vengeance. They affected to insinuate that the
king’s design was to raise the prerogative as high as it had been in
the preceding reigns; and that he for this purpose pressed an act of
indemnity, by virtue of which he might legally use the instruments of
the late tyranny. The earls of Monmouth and Warrington industrously
infused these jealousies into the minds of their party: on the other
hand, the earl of Nottingham inflamed William’s distrust of his old
friends: both sides succeeded in kindling an animosity, which had like
to have produced confusion, notwithstanding the endeavours used by the
earls of Shrewsbury and Devonshire, to allay those heats and remove the
suspicions that mutually prevailed.

BIRTH OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

It was now judged expedient to pass an act for settling the succession
of the crown according to the former resolution of the convention. A
bill for this purpose was brought into the lower house, with a clause
disabling papists from succeeding to the throne: to this the lords
added, “Or such as should marry papists,” absolving the subject in that
case from allegiance, The bishop of Salisbury, by the king’s direction,
proposed that the princess Sophia, duchess of Hanover, and her
posterity, should be nominated in the act of succession as the next
protestant heirs, failing issue of the king and Anne princess of
Denmark. These amendments gave rise to warm debates in the lower house,
where they were vigorously opposed, not only by those who wished well in
secret to the late king and the lineal succession, but likewise by the
republican party, who hoped to see monarchy altogether extinguished in
England by the death of the three persons already named in the bill
of succession. The lords insisted upon their amendments, and several
fruitless conferences were held between the two houses. At length the
bill was dropt for the present in consequence of an event which in a
great measure dissipated the fears of a popish successor. This was the
delivery of the princess Anne, who, on the twenty-seventh day of July,
brought forth a son, christened by the name of William, and afterwards
created duke of Gloucester.

AFFAIRS OF THE CONTINENT.

In the midst of these domestic disputes, William did not neglect the
affairs of the continent. He retained all his former influence in
Holland, as his countrymen had reason to confide in his repeated
assurances of inviolable affection. The great scheme which he had
projected of a confederacy against France began at this period to
take effect. The princes of the empire assembled in the diet, solemnly
exhorted the emperor to declare war against the French king, who had
committed numberless infractions of the treaties of Munster, Osnabruck,
Nimeguen, and the truce, invaded their country without provocation,
and evinced himself an inveterate enemy of the holy Roman empire. They
therefore besought his imperial majesty to conclude a treaty of peace
with the Turks, who had offered advantageous terms, and proceed to an
open rupture with Louis, in which case they would consider it as a war
of the empire, and support their head in the most effectual manner. The
states-general published a declaration against the common enemy, taxing
him with manifold infractions of the treaty of commerce; with having
involved the subjects of the republic in the persecution which he had
raised against the protestants; with having cajoled and insulted them
with deceitful promises and insolent threats; with having plundered and
oppressed the Dutch merchants and traders in France; and, finally, with
having declared war against the states without any plausible reason
assigned. The elector of Brandenburg denounced war against France as
a power whose perfidy, cruelty, and ambition, it was the duty of every
prince to oppose. The marquis de Castanaga, governor of the Spanish
Netherlands, issued a counter declaration to that of Louis, who had
declared against his master. He accused the French king of having laid
waste the empire, without any regard to the obligations of religion and
humanity, or even to the laws of war; of having countenanced the most
barbarous acts of cruelty and oppression; and of having intrigued with
the enemies of Christ for the destruction of the empire. The emperor
negotiated an alliance offensive and defensive with the states-general,
binding the contracting parties to co-operate with their whole power
against France and her allies. It was stipulated that neither side
should engage in a separate treaty on any pretence whatsoever; that no
peace should be admitted until the treaties of Westphalia, Osnabruck,
Minister, and the Pyrenees, should have been vindicated; that, in case
of a negotiation for a peace or truce, the transactions on both sides
should be communicated _bona fide_; and that Spain and England should be
invited to accede to the treaty. In a separate article, the contracting
powers agreed, that, in case of the Spanish king’s dying without issue,
the states-general should assist the emperor with all their forces to
take possession of that monarchy: that they should use their friendly
endeavours with the princes electors, their allies, towards elevating
his son Joseph to the dignity of king of the Romans, and employ their
utmost force against France should she attempt to oppose his elevation.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

WAR DECLARED AGAINST FRANCE.

William, who was the soul of this confederacy, found no difficulty in
persuading the English to undertake a war against their old enemies and
rivals. On the sixteenth day of April, Mr. Hambden made a motion for
taking into consideration the state of the kingdom with respect to
France, and foreign alliances; and the commons unanimously resolved,
that, in case his majesty should think fit to engage in a war with
France, they would, in a parliamentary way, enable him to carry it on
with vigour. An address was immediately drawn up and presented to the
king, desiring that he would seriously consider the destructive methods
taken of late years by the French king against the trade, quiet, and
interest of the nation, particularly his present invasion of Ireland,
and supporting the rebels in that kingdom. They did not doubt but the
alliances already made, and those that might hereafter be concluded by
his majesty, would be sufficient to reduce the French king to such a
condition, that it should not be in his power to violate the peace of
Christendom, nor prejudice the trade and prosperity of England; in the
mean time they assured his majesty he might depend upon the assistance
of his parliament, according to the vote which had passed in the house
of commons. This was a welcome address to king William. He assured them
that no part of the supplies which they might grant for the prosecution
of the war should be misapplied; and, on the seventh day of May, he
declared war against the French monarch. On this occasion, Louis was
charged with having ambitiously invaded the territories of the emperor,
and denounced war against the allies of England, in violation of the
treaties confirmed under the guarantee of the English crown; with
having encroached upon the fishery of Newfoundland, invaded the Caribbee
Islands, taken forcible possession of New-York and Hudson’s-bay, made
depredations on the English at sea, prohibited the importation of
English manufactures, disputed the right of the flag, persecuted many
English subjects on account of religion, contrary to express treaties
and the law of nations, and sent an armament to Ireland, in support of
the rebels of that kingdom.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONVENTION.

Having thus described the progress of the revolution in England, we
shall now briefly explain the measures that were prosecuted in Scotland,
towards the establishment of William on the throne of that kingdom. The
meeting of the Scottish convention was fixed for the fourteenth day of
March; and both parties employed all their interest to influence the
election of members. The duke of Hamilton, and all the presbyterians,
declared for William. The duke of Gordon maintained the castle of
Edinburgh for his old master; but, as he had neglected to lay in a store
of provisions, he depended entirely upon the citizens for subsistence.
The partisans of James were headed by the earl of Balcarras, and Graham
viscount Dundee, who employed their endeavours to preserve union among
the individuals of their party; to confirm the duke of Gordon, who
began to waver in his attachment to their sovereign; and to manage their
intrigues in such a manner as to derive some advantage to their cause
from the transactions of the ensuing session. When the lords and commons
assembled at Edinburgh, the bishop of that diocese, who officiated as
chaplain to the convention, prayed for the restoration of king James.
The first dispute turned upon the choice of a president. The friends of
the late king set up the marquis of Athol in opposition to the duke of
Hamilton; but this last was elected by a considerable majority; and
a good number of the other party, finding their cause the weakest,
deserted it from that moment. The earls of Lothian and Tweedale were
sent as deputies, to require the duke of Gordon, in the name of the
estates, to quit the castle in four-and-twenty hours, and leave the
charge of it to the protestant officer next in command. The duke, though
in himself irresolute, was animated by Dundee to demand such conditions
as the convention would not grant. The négociation proving ineffectual,
the states ordered the heralds, in all their formalities, to summon him
to surrender the castle immediately, on pain of incurring the penalties
of high treason; and he refusing to obey their mandate, was proclaimed
a traitor. All persons were forbid, under the same penalties, to aid,
succour, or correspond with him; and the castle was blocked up with the
troops of the city.

LETTERS TO THE CONVENTION FROM KING WILLIAM AND KING JAMES.

Next day an express arrived from London, with a letter from king William
to the estates; and, at the same time, another from James was presented
by one Crane, an English domestic of the abdicated queen. William
observed that he had called a meeting of their estates at the desire of
the nobility and gentry of Scotland assembled at London, who requested
that he would take upon himself the administration of their affairs. He
exhorted them to concert measures for settling the peace of the kingdom
upon a solid foundation; and to lay aside animosities and factions,
which served only to impede that salutary settlement. He professed
himself sensible of the good effects that would arise from an union of
the two kingdoms; and assured them he would use his best endeavours
to promote such a coalition. A committee being appointed to draw up a
respectful answer to these assurances, a debate ensued about the letter
from the late king James. This they resolved to favour with a reading,
after the members should have subscribed an act, declaring that
notwithstanding any thing that might be contained in the letter for
dissolving the convention, or impeding their procedure, they were a free
and lawful meeting of the states; and would continue undissolved until
they should have settled and secured the protestant religion, the
government, laws, and liberties of the kingdom. Having taken this
precaution, they proceeded to examine the letter of the late sovereign,
who conjured them to support his interest as faithful subjects, and
eternize their names by a loyalty suitable to their former professions.
He said he would not fail to give them such a speedy and powerful
assistance as would enable them to defend themselves from any foreign
attempt; and even to assert his right against those enemies who had
depressed it by the blackest usurpations and unnatural attempts, which
the Almighty God would not allow to pass unpunished. He offered pardon
to all those who should return to their duty before the last day of the
month; and threatened to punish rigorously such as should stand out in
rebellion against him and his authority.

THE CONVENTION RECOGNIZE THE AUTHORITY OF KING WILLIAM.

This address produced very little effect in favour of the unfortunate
exile, whose friends were greatly outnumbered in this assembly. His
messenger was ordered into custody, and afterwards dismissed with a
pass instead of an answer. James, foreseeing this contempt, had, by an
instrument dated in Ireland, authorised the archbishop of Glasgow, the
earl of Balcarras, and the viscount Dundee, to call a convention of the
estates at Stirling. These three depended on the interest of the marquis
of Athol and the earl of Mar, who professed the warmest affection
for the late king; and they hoped a secession of their friends would
embarrass the convention, so as to retard the settlement of king
William. Their expectations, however, were disappointed. Athol deserted
their cause; and Mar suffered himself to be intercepted in his retreat.
The rest of their party were, by the vigilance of the duke of Hamilton,
prevented from leaving the convention, except the viscount Dundee, who
retreated to the mountains with about fifty horse, and was pursued
by order of the estates. This design being frustrated, the convention
approved and recognized, by a solemn act, the conduct of the nobility
and gentlemen who had entreated the king of England to take upon him
the administration. They acknowledged their obligation to the prince of
Orange, who had prevented the destruction of their laws, religion, and
fundamental constitution; they besought his highness to assume the reins
of government for that kingdom; they issued a proclamation requiring
all persons, from sixteen to sixty, to be in readiness to take arms
when called upon for that purpose; they conferred the command of their
horse-militia upon sir Patrick Hume, who was formerly attainted for
having been concerned in Argyle’s insurrection; they levied eight
hundred men for a guard to the city of Edinburgh, and constituted the
earl of Leven their commander; they put the militia all over the kingdom
into the hands of those on whom they could rely; they created the earl
of Mar governor of Stirling-castle; they received a reinforcement of
five regiments from England under the command of Mac-kay, whom they
appointed their general; and they issued orders for securing all
disaffected persons. Then they dispatched lord Ross with an answer to
king William’s letter, professing their gratitude to their deliverer,
and congratulating him upon his success. They thanked him for assuming
the administration of their affairs, and assembling a convention of
their estates.

They declared they would take effectual and speedy measures for securing
the protestant religion, as well as for establishing the government,
laws, and liberties of the kingdom. They assured him they would, as much
as lay in their power, avoid disputes and animosities; and desired the
continuance of his majesty’s care and protection.

CROWN VOTED VACANT, AND AN ACT OF SETTLEMENT PASSED.

After the departure of lord Ross, they appointed a committee, consisting
of eight lords, eight knights, and as many burgesses, to prepare the
plan of a new settlement: but this resolution was not taken without
a vigorous opposition from some remaining adherents of the late king,
headed by the archbishop of Glasgow; all the other prelates, except
he of Edinburgh, having already deserted the convention. After warm
debates, the committee agreed in the following vote:--“The estates of
the kingdom of Scotland find and declare, That king James VII. being a
profest papist, did assume the royal power, and act as a king, without
ever taking the oath required by law; and had, by the advice of evil
and wicked counsellors, invaded the fundamental constitution of
this kingdom, and altered it from a legal and limited monarchy to an
arbitrary despotic power, and had governed the same to the subversion of
the protestant religion, and violation of the laws and liberties of the
nation, inverting all the ends of government; whereby he had forfaulted
the right of the crown, and the throne was become vacant.” When this
vote was reported, the bishop of Edinburgh argued strenuously against
it, as containing a charge of which the king was innocent; and he
proposed that his majesty should be invited to return to his Scottish
dominions. All his arguments were defeated or overruled, and the house
confirmed the vote, which was immediately enacted into a law by a great
majority. The lord president declared the throne vacant, and proposed
that it might be filled with William and Mary, king and queen of
England. The committee was ordered to prepare an act for settling the
crown upon their majesties, together with an instrument of government
for securing the subjects from the grievances under which they
laboured.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

THE CROWN TENDERED TO WILLIAM.

On the eleventh day of April, this act, with the conditions of
inheritance, and the instrument, were reported, considered, unanimously
approved, and solemnly proclaimed at the market-cross of Edinburgh,
in presence of the lord president, assisted by the lord provost and
magistracy of the city, the duke of Queensbury, the marquisses of Athol
and Douglas, together with a great number of the nobility and gentry.
At the same time they published another proclamation, forbidding all
persons to acknowledge, obey, assist, or correspond with the late king
James; or by word, writing, or sermon, to dispute or disown the
royal authority of king William and queen Mary; or to misconstrue the
proceedings of the estates, or create jealousies or misapprehensions
with regard to the transactions of the government, on pain of incurring
the most severe penalties. Then, having settled the coronation oath,
they granted a commission to the earl of Argyle for the lords, to sir
James Montgomery for the knights, and to sir John Dalrymple for
the boroughs, empowering them to repair to London, and invest their
majesties with the government. This affair being discussed, the
convention appointed a committee to take care of the public peace, and
adjourned to the twenty-first day of May. On the eleventh day of that
month, the Scottish commissioners being introduced to their majesties at
Whitehall, presented first a preparatory letter from the estates, then
the instrument of government, with a paper containing a recital of the
grievances of the nation; and an address desiring his majesty to convert
the convention into a parliament. The king having graciously promised to
concur with them in all just measures for the interest of the kingdom,
the coronation oath was tendered to their majesties by the earl of
Argyle. As it contained a clause, importing that they should root out
heresy, the king declared, that he did not mean by these words that he
should be under an obligation to act as a persecutor: the commissioners
replying that such was not the meaning or import of the oath, he desired
them, and others present, to bear witness to the exception he had made.

THE CONVENTION STATE THEIR GRIEVANCES.

In the meantime lord Dundee exerted himself with uncommon activity in
behalf of his master. He had been summoned by a trumpet to return to the
convention, refused to obey the citation on pretence that the whigs had
made an attempt upon his life; and that the deliberations of the estates
were influenced by the neighbourhood of English troops, under the
command of Mackay. He was forthwith declared a fugitive, outlaw, and
rebel. He was rancorously hated by the pres-byterians, on whom he had
exercised some cruelties as an officer under the former government:
and for this reason the states resolved to inflict upon him exemplary
punishment. Parties were detached in pursuit of him and Balcarras. This
last fell into their hands, and was committed to a common prison;
but Dundee fought his way through the troops that surrounded him, and
escaped to the Highlands, where he determined to take arms in favour
of James, though that prince had forbid him to make any attempt of this
nature until he should receive a reinforcement from Ireland. While this
officer was employed in assembling the clans of his party, king
William appointed the duke of Hamilton commissioner to the convention
parliament. The post of secretary for Scotland was bestowed upon lord
Melvil, a weak and servile nobleman, who had taken refuge in Holland
from the violence of the late reigns: but the king depended chiefly for
advice upon Dalrymple lord Stair, president of the college of justice,
an old crafty fanatic, who for forty years had complied in all things
with all governments. Though these were rigid pres-byterians, the king,
to humour the opposite party, admitted some individuals of the episcopal
nobility to the council-board; and this intermixture, instead of
allaying animosities, served only to sow the seeds of discord and
confusion. The Scottish convention, in their detail of grievances,
enumerated the lords of the articles; the act of parliament in the reign
of Charles II. by which the king’s supremacy was raised so high that he
could prescribe any mode of religion according to his pleasure; and the
superiority of any office in the church above that of presbyters. The
king in his instructions to the lord commissioner, consented to the
regulation of the lords of the articles, though he would not allow the
institution to be abrogated; he was contented that the act relating to
the king’s supremacy should be rescinded, and that the church government
should be established in such a manner as would be most agreeable to the
inclinations of the people.

PRELACY ABOLISHED IN SCOTLAND.

On the seventeenth day of June, duke Hamilton opened the Scottish
parliament, after the convention had assumed this name, in consequence
of an act passed by his majesty’s direction; but the members in general
were extremely chagrined when they found the commissioners so much
restricted in the affair of the lords of the articles, which they
considered as their chief grievance. [008] _[See note D, at the end of
this Vol.]_ The king permitted that the estates should choose the lords
by their own suffrages, and that they should be at liberty to reconsider
any subject which the said lords might reject. He afterwards indulged
the three estates with the choice of eleven delegates each, for this
committee, to be elected monthly, or oftener if they should think fit:
but even these concessions proved unsatisfactory while the institution
itself remained. Their discontents were not even appeased by the passing
of an act abolishing prelacy. Indeed their resentment was inflamed by
another consideration, namely, that of the king’s having given seats
in the council to some individuals attached to the hierarchy. They
manifested their sentiments on this subject by bringing in a bill
excluding from any public trust, place, or employment under their
majesties, all such as had been concerned in the encroachments of the
late reign, or had discovered disaffection to the late happy change, or
in any way retarded or obstructed the designs of the convention. This
measure was prosecuted with great warmth; and the bill passed through
all the forms of the house, but proved ineffectual for want of the royal
assent.

DISPUTES IN THE PARLIAMENT.

Nor were they less obstinate in the affair of the judges whom the
king had ventured to appoint by virtue of his own prerogative. The
malcontents brought in a bill declaring the bench vacant, as it was at
the restoration; asserting their own right to examine and approve those
who should appointed to fill it; providing that if in time to come any
such total vacancy should occur, the nomination should be in the king or
queen, or regent for the time being, and the parliament retain the right
of approbation; and that all the clauses in the several acts relating to
the admission of the ordinary lords of session, and their qualifications
for that office, should be ratified and confirmed for perpetual
observation. Such was the interest of this party, that the bill was
carried by a great majority, notwithstanding the opposition of the
ministers, who resolved to maintain the king’s nomination even in
defiance of a parliamentary resolution. The majority, exasperated at
this open violation of their privileges, forbade the judges whom the
king had appointed to open their commissions, or hold a session until
his majesty’s further pleasure should be known: on the other hand they
were compelled to act by the menaces of the privy-council. The dispute
was carried on with great acrimony on both sides, and produced such a
ferment, that before the session opened, the ministry thought proper
to draw a great number of forces into the neighbourhood of Edinburgh to
support the judges in the exercise of their functions.

SCOTCH PARLIAMENT ADJOURNED.

The lord commissioner, alarmed at this scene of tumult and confusion,
adjourned the house till the eighth day of October; a step which, added
to the other unpopular measures of the court, incensed the opposition to
a violent degree. They drew up a remonstrance to the king, complaining
of this adjournment while the nation was yet unsettled, recapitulating
the several instances in which they had expressed their zeal and
affection for his majesty; explaining their reasons for dissenting from
the ministry in some articles; beseeching him to consider what they had
represented, to give his royal assent to the acts of parliament which
they had prepared, and take measures for redressing all the other
grievances of the nation. This address was presented to the king at
Hampton-court. William was so touched with the reproaches it implied, as
if he had not fulfilled the conditions on which he accepted the crown of
Scotland, that he, in his own vindication, published his instructions
to the commissioner; and by these it appeared that the duke might have
proceeded to greater lengths in obliging his countrymen. Before the
adjournment, however, the parliament had granted the revenue for life;
and raised money for maintaining a body of forces, as well as for
supporting the incidental expense of the government for some months; yet
part of the troops in that kingdom were supplied and subsisted by the
administration of England. In consequence of these disputes in the
Scottish parliament, their church was left without any settled form of
government; for, though the hierarchy was abolished, the presbyterian
discipline was not yet established, and ecclesiastical affairs were
occasionally regulated by the privy-council, deriving its authority from
that very act of supremacy, which, according to the claim of rights,
ought to have been repealed.

THE CASTLE OF EDINBURGH BESIEGED.

The session was no sooner adjourned than sir John Lanier converted the
blockade of Edinburgh castle into a regular siege, which was prosecuted
with such vigour that in a little time the fortifications were ruined,
and the works advanced at the foot of the walls, in which the besiegers
had made several large breaches. The duke of Gordon, finding his
ammunition expended, his defences destroyed, his intelligence entirely
cut off, and despairing of relief from the adherents of his master,
desired to capitulate, and obtained very favourable terms for his
garrison; but he would not stipulate any conditions for himself,
declaring that he had so much respect for all the princes descended from
king James VI. that he would not affront any of them so far as to insist
upon terms for his own particular: he therefore, on the thirteenth day
of June, surrendered the castle and himself at discretion. All the hopes
of James and his party were now concentred in the viscount Dundee, who
had assembled a body of Highlanders, and resolved to attack Mackay, on
an assurance he had received by message, that the regiment of Scottish
dragoons would desert that officer, and join him in the action. Mackay
having received intimation of this design, decamped immediately, and by
long marches retired before Dundee, until he was reinforced by Ramsey’s
dragoons, and another regiment of English infantry: then he faced about,
and Dundee in his turn retreated into Lochaber. Lord Murray, son of the
marquis of Athol, assembled his vassals, to the number of twelve hundred
men, for the service of the regency; but he was betrayed by one of his
own dependents, who seized the castle of Blair for Dundee, and prevailed
upon the Athol men to disperse, rather than fight against James their
lawful sovereign.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

KING WILLIAM’S TROOPS DEFEATED.

The viscount was by this time reduced to great difficulty and distress.
His men had not for many weeks tasted bread or salt, or any drink but
water: instead of five hundred infantry, three hundred horse, with a
supply of arms, ammunition, and provision, which James had promised to
send from Ireland, he received a reinforcement of three hundred naked
recruits; but the transports with the stores fell into the hands of the
English. Though this was a mortifying disappointment, he bore it without
repining; and, far from abandoning himself to despair, began his march
to the castle of Blair, which was threatened with a seige by general
Mackay. When he reached this fortress, he received intelligence that the
enemy had entered the pass of Killycrankie, and he resolved to give
them battle without delay. He accordingly advanced against them, and
a furious engagement ensued, though it was not of long duration. The
Highlanders having received and returned the fire of the English, fell
in among them sword in hand with such impetuosity, that the foot were
utterly broke in seven minutes. The dragoons fled at the first charge
in the utmost consternation. Dundee’s horse, not exceeding one hundred,
broke through Mackay’s own regiment; the earl of Dumbarton, at the
head of a few volunteers, made himself master of the artillery: twelve
hundred of Mackay’s forces were killed on the spot, five hundred taken
prisoners, and the rest fled with great precipitation for some hours,
until they were rallied by their general, who was an officer of approved
courage, conduct, and experience. Nothing could be more complete or
decisive than the victory which the Highlanders obtained; yet it was
clearly purchased with the death of their beloved chieftain the viscount
Dundee, who fell by a random shot in the engagement, and his fate
produced such confusion in his army as prevented all pursuit. He
possessed an enterprising spirit, undaunted courage, inviolable
fidelity, and was peculiarly qualified to command the people who fought
under his banner. He was the life and soul of that cause which he
espoused, and after his death it daily declined into ruin and disgrace.
He was succeeded in command by colonel Cannon, who landed the
reinforcement from Ireland; but all his designs miscarried; so that the
clans, wearied with repeated misfortunes, laid down their arms by
degrees, and took the benefit of a pardon which king William offered to
those who should submit within the time specified in his proclamation.

KING JAMES CORDIALLY RECEIVED BY THE FRENCH KING.

After this sketch of Scottish affairs, it will be necessary to take
a retrospective view of James, and relate the particulars of his
expedition to Ireland. That unfortunate prince and his queen were
received with the most cordial hospitality by the French monarch, who
assigned the castle of St. Germain for the place of their residence,
supported their household with great magnificence, enriched them with
presents, and undertook to re-establish them on the throne of England.
James, however, conducted himself in such a manner as conveyed no
favourable idea of his spirit and understanding. He seems to have been
emasculated by religion: he was deserted by that courage and magnanimity
for which his youth had been distinguished. He did not discover great
sensibility at the loss of his kingdom. All his faculties were swallowed
up in bigotry. Instead of contriving plans for retrieving his crown, he
held conferences with the Jesuits on topics of religion. The pity which
his misfortunes excited in Louis was mingled with contempt. The pope
supplied him with indulgencies, while the Romans laughed at him in
pasquinades: “There is a pious man, (said the archbishop of Rheims
ironically,) who has sacrificed three crowns for a mass.” In a word, he
subjected himself to the ridicule and raillery of the French nation.

TYRCONNEL TEMPORIZES WITH WILLIAM.

All the hope of re-ascending the British throne depended upon his
friends in Scotland and Ireland. Tyr-connel, who commanded in this last
kingdom, was confirmed in his attachment to James by the persuasions of
Hamilton, who had undertaken for his submission to the prince of Orange.
Nevertheless, he disguised his sentiments, and temporized with William,
until James should be able to supply him with reinforcements from
France, which he earnestly solicited by private messages. In the
meantime, with a view to cajole the protestants of Ireland, and
amuse king William with hope of his submission, he persuaded the lord
Mountjoy, in whom the protestants chiefly confided, and baron Rice, to
go in person with a commission to James, representing the necessity of
yielding to the times, and of waiting a fitter opportunity to make use
of his Irish subjects. Mountjoy, on his arrival at Paris, instead of
being favoured with an audience by James, to explain the reasons which
Tyrconnel had suggested touching the inability of Ireland to restore his
majesty, was committed prisoner to the Bastile, on account of the zeal
with which he had espoused the protestant interest. Although Louis was
sincerely disposed to assist James effectually, his intentions were
obstructed by the disputes of his ministry. Louvois possessed the chief
credit in council; but Seignelai enjoyed a greater share of personal
favour, both with the king and madame de Maintenon, the favourite
concubine. To this nobleman, as secretary for marine affairs, James made
his chief application; and he had promised the command of the troops
destined for his service to Latisun, whom Louvois hated. For these
reasons this minister thwarted his measures, and retarded the assistance
which Louis had promised towards his restoration.

JAMES ARRIVES IN IRELAND.

Yet notwithstanding all his opposition, the succours were prepared and
the fleet ready to put to sea by the latter end of February. The French
king is said to have offered an army of fifteen thousand natives of
France to serve in this expedition; but James replied, that he would
succeed by the help of his own subjects, or perish in the attempt.
Accordingly, he contented himself with about twelve hundred British
subjects, [010] _[See note E, at the end of this Vol.]_ and a good
number of French officers, who were embarked in the fleet at Brest,
consisting of fourteen ships of the line, seven frigates, three
fire-ships, with a good number of transports. The French king also
supplied him with a considerable quantity of arms for the use of his
adherents in Ireland; accommodated him with a large sum of money, superb
equipages, store of plate, and necessaries of all kinds for the camp
and the household. At parting he presented him with his own cuirass, and
embracing him affectionately, “The best thing I can wish you (said he)
is, that I may never see you again.” On the seventh day of March, James
embarked at Brest, together with the count D’Avaux, who accompanied him
in quality of ambassador, and his principal officers. He was detained
in the harbour by contrary winds till the seventeenth day of the month,
when he set sail, and on the twenty-second landed at Kinsale in Ireland.
By this time, king William perceiving himself amused by Tyrconnel, had
published a declaration, requiring the Irish to lay down their arms
and submit to the new government. On the twenty-second day of February,
thirty ships of war had been put in commission, and the command of them
conferred upon admiral Herbert; but the armament was retarded in such
a manner by the disputes of the council and the king’s attention to the
affairs of the continent, that the admiral was not in a condition to
sail till the beginning of April, and then with part of his fleet only.
James was received with open arms at Kinsale, and the whole country
seemed to be at his devotion; for although the protestants in the North
had declared for the new government, their strength and number was
deemed inconsiderable when compared with the power of Tyrconnel. This
minister had disarmed all the other protestant subjects in one day, and
assembled an army of thirty thousand foot, and eight thousand cavalry,
for the service of his master.

ISSUES FIVE PROCLAMATIONS AT DUBLIN.

In the latter end of March, James made his public entry into Dublin,
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. He was met at the
castle-gate by a procession of popish bishops and priests in their
pontificals, bearing the host, which he publicly adored. He dismissed
from the council-board the lord Granard, judge Keating, and other
protestants, who had exhorted the lord lieutenant to an accommodation
with the new government. In their room he admitted the French
ambassador, the bishop of Chester, colonel Darrington, and, by degrees,
the principal noblemen who accompanied him in the expedition. On the
second day after his arrival in Dublin, he issued five proclamations:
the first recalled all the subjects of Ireland who had abandoned the
kingdom, by a certain time, on pain of outlawry and confiscation, and
requiring all persons to join him against the prince of Orange. The
second contained expressions of acknowledgement to his catholic subjects
for their vigilance and fidelity, and an injunction to such as were not
actually in his service, to retain and lay up their arms until it
should be found necessary to use them for his advantage. By the third he
invited the subjects to supply his army with provisions; and prohibited
the soldiers to take anything without payment. By the fourth he raised
the value of the current coin; and in the fifth he summoned a parliament
to meet on the seventh day of May, at Dublin. Finally, he created
Tyrconnel a duke, in consideration of his eminent services.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY.

The adherents of James in England pressed him to settle the affairs
of Ireland immediately, and bring over his army either to the north of
England, or the west of Scotland, where it might be joined by his party,
and act without delay against the usurper; but his council dissuaded him
from complying with their solicitations, until Ireland should be totally
reduced to obedience. On the first alarm of an intended massacre, the
protestants of Londonderry had shut their gates against the regiment
commanded by the earl of Antrim, and resolved to defend themselves
against the lord lieutenant. They transmitted this resolution to the
government of England, together with an account of the danger they
incurred by such a vigorous measure, and implored immediate assistance.
They were accordingly supplied with some arms and ammunition, but did
not receive any considerable reinforcement till the middle of April,
when two regiments arrived in Loughfoyl, under the command of Cunningham
and Richards. By this time king James had taken Coleraine, invested
Killmore, and was almost in sight of Londonderry. George Walker,
rector of Donaghmore, who had raised a regiment for the defence of the
protestants, conveyed this intelligence to Lundy the governor. This
officer directed him to join colonel Grafton, and take post at the
Long-causey, which he maintained a whole night against the advanced
guard of the enemy; until being overpowered by numbers, he retreated to
Londonderry and exhorted the governor to take the field, as the army of
king James was not yet completely formed. Lundy assembling a council of
war, at which Cunningham and Richards assisted; they agreed, that as the
place was not tenable, it would be imprudent to land the two regiments,
and that the principal officers should withdraw themselves from
Londonderry, the inhabitants of which would obtain the more favourable
capitulation in consequence of their retreat. An officer was immediately
dispatched to king James with proposals of a negotiation; and
lieutenant-general Hamilton agreed that the army should halt at the
distance of four miles from the town. Notwithstanding this preliminary,
James advanced at the head of his troops; but met with such a warm
reception from the besieged, that he was fain to retire to St. John’s
Town in some disorder. The inhabitants and soldiers in garrison at
Londonderry were so incensed at the members of the council of war,
who had resolved to abandon the place, that they threatened immediate
vengeance. Cunningham and Richards retired to their ships, and Lundy
locked himself in his chamber. In vain did Walker and major Baker exhort
him to maintain his government. Such was his cowardice or treachery,
that he absolutely refused to be concerned in the defence of the place,
and he was suffered to escape in disguise with a load of match upon his
back; but he was afterwards apprehended in Scotland, from whence he was
sent to London to answer for his perfidy or misconduct.

COURAGEOUS DEFENCE.

After his retreat, the townsmen chose Mr. Walker and major Baker for
their governors, with joint authority; but this office they would
not undertake until it had been offered to colonel Cunningham, as the
officer next in command to Lundy. He rejected the proposal, and with
Richards returned to England, where they were immediately cashiered. The
two new governors, thus abandoned to their fate, began to prepare for
a vigorous defence; indeed their courage seems to have transcended
the bounds of discretion, for the place was very ill fortified; their
cannon, which did not exceed twenty pieces, were wretchedly mounted;
they had not one engineer to direct their operations; they had a very
small number of horse; the garrison consisted of people unacquainted
with military discipline; they wore destitute of provisions; they were
besieged by a king in person, at the head of a formidable army, directed
by good officers, and supplied with all the necessary implements for a
siege or battle. This town was invested on the twentieth day of April;
the batteries were soon opened, and several attacks were made with great
impetuosity; but the besiegers were always repulsed with considerable
loss. The townsmen gained divers advantages in repeated sallies, and
would have held their enemies in the utmost contempt, had they not been
afflicted with a contagious distemper, as well as reduced to extremity
by want of provisions. They were even tantalized in their distress;
for they had the mortification to see some ships which had arrived
with supplies from England, prevented from sailing up the river by the
batteries the enemy had raised on both sides, and a boom with which they
had blocked up the channel. At length a reinforcement arrived in the
Lough, under the command of general Kirke, who had deserted his master
and been employed in the service of king William. He found means to
convey intelligence to Walker, that he had troops and provisions on
board for their relief, but found it impracticable to sail up the river:
he promised, however, that he would land a body of forces at the Inch,
and endeavour to make a diversion in their favour-, when joined by the
troops at Inniskilling, which amounted to five thousand men, including
two thousand cavalry. He said he expected six thousand men from England,
where they were embarked before he set sail. He exhorted them to
persevere in their courage and loyalty, and assured them he would come
to their relief at all hazards. These assurances enabled them to bear
their miseries a little longer, though their numbers daily diminished.
Major Baker dying, his place was filled with colonel Michel-burn, who
now acted as colleague to Mr. Walker.

CRUELTY OF ROSENE.

King James having returned to Dublin to be present at the parliament,
the command of his army devolved to the French general Rosene, who was
exasperated at such an obstinate opposition by a handful of half-starved
militia. He threatened to raze the town to its foundations, and destroy
the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex, unless they would
immediately submit themselves to their lawful sovereign. The governors
treated his menaces with contempt, and published an order that no
person, on pain of death, should talk of surrendering. They had now
consumed the last remains of their provisions, and supported life by
eating the flesh of horses, dogs, cats, rats, mice, tallow, starch,
and salted hides, and even this loathsome food began to fail. Rosene,
finding him deaf to all his proposals, threatened to wreak his vengeance
on all the protestants of that country, and drive them under the walls
of Londonderry, where they should be suffered to perish by famine. The
bishop of Meath being informed of this design, complained to king James
of the barbarous intention, entreating his majesty to prevent its being
put in execution. That prince assured him that he had already ordered
Rosene to desist from such proceeding: nevertheless, the Frenchman
executed his threats with the utmost rigour. Parties of dragoons
were detached on this cruel service: after having stripped all the
protestants for thirty miles round, they drove these unhappy people
before them like cattle, without even sparing the enfeebled old men,
nurses with infants at their breasts, tender children, women just
delivered, and some even in the pangs of labour. Above four thousand of
these miserable objects were driven under the walls of Londonderry. This
expedient, far from answering the purpose of Rosene, produced quite
a contrary effect. The besieged were so exasperated at this act of
inhumanity, that they resolved to perish rather than submit to such
a barbarian. They erected a gibbet in sight of the enemy, and sent a
message to the French general, importing that they would hang all the
prisoners they had taken during the siege, unless the protestants whom
they had driven under the walls should be immediately dismissed. This
threat produced a negotiation, in consequence of which the protestants
were released after they had been detained three days without tasting
food. Some hundreds died of famine or fatigue; and those who lived to
return to their own habitations, found them plundered and sacked by the
papists, so that the greater number perished for want, or were murdered
by the straggling parties of the enemy; yet these very people had for
the most part obtained protections from king James, to which no respect
was paid by his general.

THE PLACE IS RELIEVED BY KIRKE

The garrison of Londonderry was now reduced from seven to five thousand
seven hundred men, and these were driven to such extremity of distress,
that they began to talk of killing the popish inhabitants and feeding on
their bodies. In this emergency Kirke, who had hitherto lain inactive,
ordered two ships laden with provisions to sail up the river under
convoy of the Dartmouth frigate. One of them, called the Mountjoy, broke
the enemy’s boom; and all the three, after having sustained a very hot
fire from both sides of the river, arrived in safety at the town to
the inexpressible joy of the inhabitants. The army of James were so
dispirited by the success of this enterprise, that they abandoned the
siege in the night and retired with precipitation, after having
lost about nine thousand men before the place. Kirke no sooner took
possession of the town, than Walker was prevailed upon to embark
for England with an address of thanks from the inhabitants to their
majesties for the seasonable relief they had received.

THE INNISKILLINEES DEFEAT AND TAKE GENERAL MACARTY.

The Inniskilliners were no less remarkable than the people of
Londonderry for the valour and perseverance with which they opposed the
papists. They raised twelve companies, which they regimented under the
command of Gustavus Hamilton, whom they chose for their governor. They
proclaimed William and Mary on the eleventh day of March, and resolved
in a general council to maintain their title against all opposition. The
lord Gilmoy invested the castle of Groin belonging to the protestants
in the neighbourhood of Inniskilling, the inhabitants of which threw
succours into the place, and compelled Gilmoy to retire to Belturbet. A
detachment of the garrison, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Lloyd, took
and demolished the castle of Aughor, and they gained the advantage in
several skirmishes with the enemy. On the day that preceded the relief
of Londonderry, they defeated six thousand Irish papists at a place
called Newton-Butler, and took their commander Macarty, commonly called
lord Moncashel.

MEETING OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The Irish parliament being assembled at Dublin, according to the
proclamation of king James, he, in a speech from the throne, thanked
them for the zeal, courage, and loyalty they had manifested; extolled
the generosity of the French king, who had enabled him to visit them in
person; insisted upon executing his design of establishing liberty of
conscience as a step equally agreeable to the dictates of humanity and
discretion, and promised to concur with them in enacting such laws as
would contribute to the peace, affluence, and security of his subjects.
Sir Richard Neagle, being chosen speaker of the commons, moved for an
address of thanks to his majesty, and that the count D’Avaux should be
desired to make their acknowledgments to the most christian king for
the generous assistance he had given to their sovereign. These addresses
being drawn up with the concurrence of both houses, a bill was brought
in to recognize the king’s title, to express their abhorence of the
usurpation by the prince of Orange, as well as of the defection of the
English. Next day James published a declaration, complaining of the
calumnies which his enemies had spread to his prejudice; expatiating
upon his own impartiality in preferring his protestant subjects;
his care in protecting them from their enemies, in redressing their
grievances, and in granting liberty of conscience; promising that he
would take no step but with the approbation of parliament; offering a
free pardon to all persons who should desert his enemies and join with
him in four-and-twenty days after his landing in Ireland, and charging
all the blood that might be shed upon those who should continue in
rebellion.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT REPEALED.

His conduct, however, very ill agreed with this declaration; nor can it
be excused on any other supposition but that of his being governed, in
some cases against his own inclination, by the count D’Avaux and the
Irish catholics, on whom his whole dependence was placed. As both houses
were chiefly filled with members of that persuasion, we ought not to
wonder at their bringing in a bill for repealing the act of settlement,
by which the protestants of the kingdom had been secured in the
possession of their estates. These were by this law divested of their
lands, which reverted to the heirs of those catholics to whom they
belonged before the rebellion. This iniquitous bill was framed in such
a manner, that no regard was paid to such protestant owners as had
purchased estates for valuable considerations; no allowance was made for
improvements, nor any provision for protestant widows; the possessor,
and tenants were not even allowed to remove their stock and corn. When
the bill was sent up to the lords, Dr. Dopping, bishop of Meath, opposed
it with equal courage and ability, and an address in behalf of the
purchasers under the act of settlement was presented to the king by the
earl of Granard; but notwithstanding these remonstrances, it received
the royal assent, and the protestants of Ireland were mostly ruined.

THEY PASS AN ACT OF ATTAINDER.

Yet in order to complete their destruction, an act of attainder was
passed against all protestants, whether male or female, whether of high
or low degree, who were absent from the kingdom, as well as against all
those who retired into any part of the three kingdoms, which did not own
the authority of king James, or corresponded with rebels, or were any
ways aiding, abetting, or assisting them, from the first day of August
in the preceding year. The number of protestants attainted by name in
this act amounted to about three thousand, including two archbishops,
one duke, seventeen earls, seven countesses, as many bishops, eighteen
barons, three-and-thirty baronets, one-and-fifty knights, eighty-three
clergymen, who were declared traitors, and adjudged to suffer the pains
of death and forfeiture. The individuals subjected to this dreadful
proscription, were even cut off from all hope of pardon and all benefit
of appeal; for by a clause in the act, the king’s pardon was deemed null
unless enrolled before the first day of December. A subsequent law was
enacted, declaring Ireland independent of the English parliament. This
assembly passed another act, granting twenty thousand pounds per annum
out of the forfeited estates to Tyrconnel, in acknowledgment of his
signal services: they imposed a tax of twenty thousand pounds per month
for the service of the king: the royal assent was given to an act for
liberty of conscience; they enacted that the tithes payable by papists
should be delivered to priests of that communion: the maintenance of
the protestant clergy in cities and corporations was taken away; and all
dissenters were exempted from ecclesiastical jurisdictions. So that
the established church was deprived of all power and prerogative,
notwithstanding the express promise of James, who had declared,
immediately after his landing, that he would maintain the clergy in
their rights and privileges.

JAMES COINS BASE MONEY.

Nor was the king less arbitrary in the executive part of his government,
if we suppose that he countenanced the grievous acts of oppression that
were daily committed upon the protestant subjects of Ireland; but the
tyranny of his proceedings may be justly imputed to the temper of
his ministry, consisting of men abandoned to all sense of justice and
humanity, who acted from the dictates of rapacity and revenge, inflamed
with all the acrimony of religious rancour. Soldiers were permitted to
live upon free quarter; the people were robbed and plundered; licenses
and protections were abused in order to extort money from the trading
part of the nation. The king’s old stores were ransacked; the shops of
tradesmen and the kitchens of burghers were pillaged, to supply the mint
with a quantity of brass, which was converted into current coin for his
majesty’s occasions; an arbitrary value was set upon it, and all persons
were required and commanded to take it in payment under the severest
penalties, though the proportion between its intrinsic worth and
currency was nearly as one to three hundred. A vast sum of this
counterfeit coin was issued in the course of one year, and forced upon
the protestants in payment of merchandize, provision, and necessaries
for the king’s service. James, not content with the supply granted by
parliament, imposed, by his own authority, a tax of twenty thousand
pounds per month on chattels, as the former was laid upon lands. This
seems to have been a temporary expedient during the adjournment of the
two houses, as the term of the assessment was limited to three months;
it was however levied by virtue of a commission under the seals, and
seems to have been a stretch of prerogative the less excusable, as he
might have obtained the money in a parliamentary way. Understanding that
the protestants had laid out all their brass money in purchasing great
quantities of hides, tallow, wool, and corn, he assumed the despotic
power of fixing the prices of these commodities, and then bought them
for his own use. One may see his ministers were bent upon the utter
destruction of those unhappy people.

PROTESTANT CHURCHES SEIZED BY THE CATHOLICS.

All vacancies in public schools were supplied with popish teachers. The
pension allowed from the exchequer to the university of Dublin was
cut off; the vice-provost, fellows, and scholars, were expelled: their
furniture, plate, and public library were seized without the least
shadow or pretence, and in direct violation of a promise the king had
made to preserve their privileges and immunities. His officers converted
the college into a garrison, the chapel into a magazine, and the
apartments into prisons; a popish priest was appointed provost; one
Maccarty, of the same persuasion, was made library-keeper, and the whole
foundation was changed into a catholic seminary. When bishoprics and
benefices in the gift of the crown became vacant, the king ordered the
profits to be lodged in the exchequer, and suffered the cures to be
totally neglected. The revenues were chiefly employed in the maintenance
of Romish bishops and priests, who grew so insolent under this
indulgence, that in several places they forcibly seized the protestant
churches. When complaint was made of this outrage, the king promised
to do justice to the injured, and in some places actually ordered the
churches to be restored; but the popish clergy refused to comply with
this order, alleging, that in spirituals they owed obedience to no
earthly power but the holy see, and James found himself unable to
protect his protestant subjects against a powerful body which he durst
not disoblige. Some ships appearing in the bay of Dublin, a proclamation
was issued forbidding the protestants to assemble in any place of
worship, or elsewhere, on pain of death. By a second, they were
commanded to bring in their arms on pain of being treated as rebels and
traitors. Luttrel, governor of Dublin, published an ordinance by beat
of drum, requiring the farmers to bring in their corn for his majesty’s
horses within a certain day, otherwise he would order them to be hanged
before their own doors. Brigadier Sarsfield commanded all protestants
of a certain district to retire to the distance of ten miles from their
habitations on pain of death; and in order to keep up the credit of the
brass money, the same penalty was denounced, in a proclamation, against
any person who should give more than one pound eighteen shillings for a
guinea.

[Illustration: 2-013-dover.jpg DOVER]

ACTION WITH THE FRENCH FLEET.

All the revenues of Ireland, and all the schemes contrived to bolster up
the credit of the base coin, would have proved insufficient to support
the expenses of the war, had not James received occasional supplies from
the French monarch. After the return of the fleet which had conveyed
him to Ireland, Louis sent another strong squadron, commanded by Chateau
Benault, as a convoy to some transports laden with arms, ammunition, and
a large sum of money for the use of king James. Before they sailed
from Brest, king William, being informed of their destination, detached
admiral Herbert from Spithead with twelve ships of the line, one
fire-ship, and four tenders, in order to intercept the enemy. He was
driven by stress of weather into Mil-ford-haven, from whence he steered
his course to Kin-sale, on the supposition that the French fleet had
sailed from Brest, and that in all probability he should fall in with
them on the coast of Ireland. On the first day of May he discovered them
at anchor in Bantry-bay, and stood in to engage them, though they were
greatly superior to him in number. They no sooner perceived him at
day-break, than they weighed, stood out to windward, formed their line,
bore down, and began the action, which was maintained for two hours
with equal valour on both sides, though the English fleet sustained
considerable damage from the superior fire of the enemy. Herbert tacked
several times in hope of gaining the weather-gage; but the French
admiral kept his wind with uncommon skill and perseverance. At length
the English squadron stood off to sea, and maintained a running fight
till five in the afternoon, when Chateau Renault tacked about and
returned into the bay, content with the honour he had gained. The loss
of men was inconsiderable on both sides; and where the odds were so
great, the victor could not reap much glory. Herbert retired to
the isles of Scilly, where he expected a reinforcement; but being
disappointed in this expectation, he returned to Portsmouth in very
ill humour, with which his officers and men were infected. The common
sailors still retained some attachment to James, who had formerly been
a favourite among them; and the officers complained that they had been
sent upon this service with a force so much inferior to that of the
enemy. King William, in order to appease their discontent, made an
excursion to Portsmouth, where he dined with the admiral on board
the ship Elizabeth, declared his intention of making him an earl in
consideration of his good conduct and services, conferred the honour of
knighthood on the captains Ashby and Shovel, and bestowed a donation of
ten shillings on every private sailor.

DIVERS SENTENCES REVERSED.

The parliament of England thought it incumbent upon them not only to
raise supplies for the maintenance of the war in which the nation was
involved, but also to do justice with respect to those who had been
injured by illegal or oppressive sentences in the late reigns. The
attainders of lord Russel, Algernon Sidney, alderman Cornish, and lady
Lisle, were now reversed. A committee of privileges was appointed by
the lords to examine the case of the earl of Devonshire, who in the
late reign had been fined thirty thousand pounds for assaulting colonel
Culpepper in the presence-chamber. They reported that the court of
king’s bench, in overruling the earl’s plea of privilege of parliament,
had committed a manifest breach of privilege; that the fine was
excessive and exhorbitant, against the great charter, the common right
of the subject, and the law of the realm. The sentence pronounced upon
Samuel Johnson, chaplain to lord Russel, in consequence of which he
had been degraded, fined, scourged, and set in the pillory, was now
annulled, and the commons recommended him to his majesty for some
ecclesiastical preferment. He received one thousand pounds in money,
with a pension of three hundred pounds for his own life and that of his
son, who was moreover gratified with a place of one hundred pounds a
year; but the father never obtained any ecclesiastical benefice. Titus
Oates seized this opportunity of petitioning the house of lords for a
reversal of the judgments given against him on his being convicted of
perjury. The opinions of all the judges and counsel at the bar were
heard on this subject, and a bill of reversal passed the commons; but
the peers having inserted some amendments and a proviso, a conference
was demanded, and violent heats ensued. Oates, however, was released
from confinement, and the lords, with the consent of the commons,
recommended him to his majesty for a pardon, which he obtained, together
with a comfortable pension. The committee appointed to inquire into the
cases of the state-prisoners, found sir Robert Wright, late lord chief
justice, to have been concerned in the cruelties committed in the west
after the insurrection of Monmouth; as also one of the ecclesiastical
commissioners, and guilty of manifold enormities. Death had by this time
delivered Jefferies from the resentment of the nation. Graham and Burton
had acted as solicitors in the illegal prosecutions carried on against
those who opposed the court in the reign of Charles II.; these were now
reported guilty of having been instrumental in taking away the lives and
estates of those who had suffered the loss of either under colour of
law for eight years last past; of having, by malicious indictments,
informations, and prosecutions of _quo warranto_, endeavoured the
subversion of the protestant religion, and the government of the realm;
and of having wasted many thousand pounds of the public revenue in the
course of their infamous practices.

INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSE OF MISCARRIAGES IN IRELAND.

Nor did the misconduct of the present ministry escape the animadversion
of the parliament. The lords having addressed the king to put the
Isle of Wight, Jersey, Guernsey, Scilly, Dover-castle, and the other
fortresses of the kingdom, in a posture of defence, and to disarm the
papists, empowered a committee to inquire into the miscarriages in
Ireland, which were generally imputed to the neglect of the marquisses
of Cærmarthan and Halifax. They presented an address to the king,
desiring the minute-book of the committee for Irish affairs might be
put into their hands; but his majesty declined gratifying them in this
particular: then the commons voted that those persons who had advised
the king to delay this satisfaction were enemies to the kingdom.
William, alarmed at this resolution, allowed them to inspect the book,
in which they found very little for their purpose. The house resolved,
that an address should be presented to his majesty, declaring that the
succour of Ireland had been retarded by unnecessary delays; that the
transports prepared were not sufficient to convey the forces to that
kingdom; and that several ships had been taken by the enemy, for want
of proper convoy. At the same time the question was put, whether or not
they should address the king against the marquis of Halifax. But it was
carried in the negative by a small majority. Before this period, Howe,
vice-chamberlain to the queen, had moved for an address against such
counsellors as had been impeached in parliament, and betrayed the
liberties of the nation. This motion was levelled at Cæmarthen and
Halifax, the first of whom had been formerly impeached of high treason,
under the title of earl of Danby; and the other was charged with all the
misconduct of the present administration. Warm debates ensued, and in
all probability the motion would have been carried in the affirmative,
had not those who spoke warmly in behalf it suddenly cooled in the
course of the dispute. Some letters from king James to his partisans
being intercepted, and containing some hints of an intended invasion,
Mr. Hambden, chairman of the committee of the whole house, enlarged upon
the imminent danger to which the kingdom was exposed, and moved for
a further supply to his majesty. In this unexpected motion he was not
seconded by one member. The house, however, having taken the letters
into consideration, resolved to draw up an address to the king, desiring
him to secure and disarm all papists of note; and they brought in a bill
for attainting several persons in rebellion against their majesties; but
it was not finished during this session.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

BILLS PASSED IN THIS SESSION.

Another bill being prepared in the house of lords, enjoining the
subjects to wear the woollen manufacture at certain seasons of the year,
a petition was presented against it by the silk-weavers of London and
Canterbury, assembled in a tumultuous manner at Westminster. The
lords refused their petition, because this was an unusual manner of
application. They were persuaded to return to their respective places
of abode; precautions were taken against a second riot; and the bill was
unanimously rejected in the upper house. This parliament passed an act,
vesting in the two universities the presentations belonging to papists:
those of the southern counties being given to Oxford; and those of
the northern to Cambridge, on certain specified conditions, Courts of
conscience were erected at Bristol, Gloucester, and Newcastle; and that
of the marches of Wales was abolished as an intolerable oppression. The
protestant clergymen, who had been forced to leave their benefices in
Ireland, were rendered capable of holding any living in England, without
forfeiting their title to their former preferment, with the proviso that
they should resign their English benefices when restored to ‘those
they had been obliged to relinquish. The statute of Henry IV. against
multiplying gold and silver was now repealed; the subjects were allowed
to melt and refine metals and ores, and extract gold and silver from
them, on condition that it should be brought to the Mint, and converted
into money, the owners receiving its full value in current coin. These,
and several other bills of smaller importance being passed, the two
houses adjourned to the twentieth clay of September, and afterwards to
the nineteenth day of October.

CHAPTER II.

     _Duke of Schomberg lands with an Army in Ireland..... The
     Inniskilliners obtain a Victory over the Irish.....
     Schomberg censured for his Inactivity..... The French
     worsted at Walcourt..... Success of the Confederates in
     Germany..... The Turks defeated at Pacochin, Nissa, and
     Widen..... Death of Pope Innocent XI..... .King William
     becomes unpopular..... A good Number of the Clergy refuse to
     take the Oaths..... The King grants a Commission for
     reforming Church Discipline..... Meeting of the
     Convocation..... Their Session discontinued by repeated
     Prorogations..... Proceedings in Parliament..... The Whigs
     obstruct the Bill of Indemnity..... The Commons resume the
     Inquiry into the Cause of the Miscarriages in Ireland.....
     King William irritated against the Whigs..... Plot against
     the Government by Sir James Montgomery discovered by Bishop
     Burnet..... Warm Debates in Parliament about the Corporation
     Bills..... The King resolves to finish the Irish War in
     Person ..... General Ludlow arrives in England, but is
     obliged to withdraw..... Efforts of the Jacobites in
     Scotland..... The Court Interest triumphs over all
     Opposition in that Country..... The Tory Interest prevails
     in the New Parliament of England..... Bill for recognising
     their Majesties..... Another violent Contest about the Bill
     of Abjuration..... King William lands in Ireland..... King
     James marches to the Boyne..... William resolves to give him
     battle..... Battle of the Boyne..... Death and Character of
     Schomberg..... James embarks for France..... William enters
     Dublin and publishes his Declaration..... The French obtain
     a Victory over the English and Dutch Fleets off Beachy-
     head..... Torrington committed Prisoner to the Tower.....
     Progress of William in Ireland..... He Invests Limerick; but
     is obliged to raise the Siege, and returns to England.....
     Cork and Kinsale reduced by the Earl of Marlborough .....
     Lausun and the French Forces quit Ireland..... The Duke of
     Savoy joins the Confederacy..... Prince Waldeck defeated at
     Fleurus..... The Archduke Joseph elected King of the
     Romans..... Death of the Duke of Lorrain..... Progress of
     the War against the Turks..... Meeting of the
     Parliament..... The Commons comply with all the King’s
     Demands..... Petition of the Tories in the City of
     London..... Attempt against the Marquis of Cærmarthen.....
     The King’s Voyage to Holland..... He assists at a
     Congress..... Returns to England._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

SCHOMBERG LANDS WITH AN ARMY.

Though the affairs of Ireland were extremely pressing, and the
protestants of that country had made repeated application for relief,
the succours were retarded either by disputes among the ministers, or
the neglect of those who had the management of the expedition, in such
a manner that king James had been six months in Ireland before the army
was embarked for that kingdom. At length eighteen regiments of infantry,
and five of dragoons, being raised for that service, a train of
artillery provided, and transports prepared, the duke of Sehomberg, on
whom king William had conferred the chief command of this armament,
set out for Chester, after he had in person thanked the commons for the
uncommon regard they had paid to his services, and received assurances
from the house, that they would pay particular attention to him and his
army. On the thirteenth day of August he landed in the neighbourhood
of Carrickfergus with about ten thousand foot and dragoons, and took
possession of Belfast, from whence the enemy retired at his approach
to Carrickfergus, where they resolved to make a stand. The duke having
refreshed his men, marched thither, and invested the place; the siege
was carried on till the twenty-sixth clay of the month, when the
breaches being practicable, the besieged capitulated, on condition of
marching out with their arms, and as much baggage as they could carry on
their backs; and of their being conducted to the next Irish garrison,
which was at Newry. During this siege the duke was joined by the rest of
his army from England; but he had left orders for conveying the greater
part of the artillery and stores from Chester directly to Carlingford.
He now began his march through Lisburne and Hillsborough, and encamped
at Drummore, where the protestants of the north had been lately routed
by Hamilton; thence he proceeded to Loughbrillane, where he was joined
by the horse and dragoons of Inniskilling. Then the enemy abandoned
Newry and Dundalk, in the neighbourhood of which Sehomberg encamped on a
low damp ground, having the town and river on the south, and surrounded
on every other part by hills, bogs, and mountains.

THE INNISKILLINERS OBTAIN A VICTORY.

His army, consisting chiefly of new-raised men little inured to
hardship, began to flag under the fatigue of marching, the inclemency of
the weather, and scarcity of provisions. Here he was reinforced by the
regiments of Kirke, Hanmer, and Stuart; and would have continued his
march to Drogheda, where he understood Rosene lay with about twenty
thousand men, had he not been obliged to wait for the artillery, which
was not yet arrived at Carlingford. King James, having assembled all
his forces, advanced towards Schomberg, and appeared before his
intrenchments in order of battle; but the duke, knowing they were
greatly superior in number of horse, and that his own army was
undisciplined, and weakened by death and sickness, restrained his men
within the lines, and in a little time the enemy retreated. Immediately
after their departure, a conspiracy was discovered in the English camp,
hatched by some French papists, who had insinuated themselves into
the protestant regiments. One of these, whose name was Du Plessis, had
written a letter to the ambassador D’Avaux, promising to desert with
all the papists of the three French regiments in Schomberg’s army. This
letter being found, Du Plessis and five accomplices were tried by a
court-martial, and executed. About two hundred and fifty papists being
discovered in the French regiments, they were sent over to England,
from thence to Holland. While Schomberg remained in this situation, the
Inniskilliners made excursions in the neighbourhood, under the command
of colonel Lloyd; and on the twenty-seventh day of September they
obtained a complete victory over five times their number of the Irish.
They killed seven hundred on the spot, and took O’Kelly their commander,
with about fifty officers, and a considerable booty of cattle. The duke
was so pleased with their behaviour on this occasion, that they received
a very honourable testimony of his approbation.

SCHOMBERG CENSURED.

Meanwhile, the enemy took possession of James-Town, and reduced Sligo,
one of the forts of which was gallantly defended by St. Sauver, a
French captain, and his company of grenadiers, until he was obliged
to capitulate for want of water and provisions. A contagious distemper
still continued to rage in Schomberg’s camp, and swept off a great
number of officers and soldiers; so that in the beginning of next
spring, not above half the number of those who went over with the
general remained alive. He was censured for his inactivity, and the
king, in repeated letters, desired him to hazard an engagement, provided
any opportunity should occur; but he did not think proper to run the
risk of a battle, against an enemy that was above thrice his number,
well disciplined, healthy, and conducted by able officers. Nevertheless,
he was certainly blameable for having chosen such an unwholesome
situation. At the approach of winter he retired into quarters, in hopes
of being reinforced with seven thousand Danes, who had already arrived
in Britain. These auxiliaries were stipulated in a treaty which William
had just concluded with the king of Denmark. The English were not more
successful at sea than they had proved in their operations by land.
Admiral Herbert, now created earl of Torrington, having sailed to
Ireland with the combined squadrons of England and Holland, made a
fruitless attempt upon Cork, and lost a great number of seamen by
sickness, which was imputed to bad provisions. The Dartmouth ship of war
fell into the hands of the enemy, who infested the channel with such
a number of armed ships and privateers, that the trade of England
sustained incredible damage.

THE FRENCH WORSTED AT WALCOURT.

The affairs of France wore but a gloomy aspect on the continent, where
all the powers of Europe seemed to have conspired her destruction. King
William had engaged in a new league with the states-general, in which
former treaties of peace and commerce were confirmed. It was stipulated,
that in case the king of Great Britain should be attacked, the Dutch
should assist him with six thousand infantry, and twenty ships of the
line; and that, provided hostilities should be committed against the
states-general, England should supply them with ten thousand infantry,
and twenty ships of war. This treaty was no sooner ratified, than king
William dispatched the lord Churchill, whom he had by this time created
earl of Marlborough, to Holland, in order to command the British
auxiliaries in that service to the number of eleven thousand, the
greater part of which had been in the army of king James when the prince
of Orange landed in England. The earl forthwith joined the Dutch army,
under the command of prince Waldeck, who had fixed his rendezvous in the
county of Liege, with a view to act against the French army commanded by
the mareschal D’Humieres; while the prince of Vaudemont headed a little
army of observation, consisting of Spaniards, Dutch, and Germans, to
watch the motions of Calvo in another part of the Low-Countries. The
city of Liege was compelled to renounce the neutrality, and declare for
the allies. Mareschal D’Humieres attacked the foragers belonging to the
army of the states at Walcourt, in the month of August; an obstinate
engagement ensued, and the French were obliged to retreat in confusion,
with the loss of two thousand men, and some pieces of artillery. The
army of observation levelled part of the French lines on the side of
Courtray, and raised contributions on the territories of the enemy.

SUCCESS OF THE CONFEDERATES IN GERMANY.

The French were almost entire masters of the three ecclesiastical
electorates of Germany. They possessed Mentz, Triers, Bonne,
Keiserswaert, Philipsburgh, and Landau. They had blown up the castle of
Heildelberg, in the Palatinate, and destroyed Manheim. They had reduced
Worms and Spiers to ashes; and demolished Frankendahl, together
with several other fortresses. These conquests, the fruits of sudden
invasion, were covered with a numerous army, commanded by the mareschal
de Duras; and all his inferior generals were officers of distinguished
courage and ability. Nevertheless, he found it difficult to maintain
his ground against the different princes of the empire. The duke of
Lorraine, who commanded the imperial troops, invested Mentz, and took
it by capitulation; the elector of Brandenburgh, having reduced
Keiserswaert, undertook the siege of Bonne, which the garrison
surrendered after having made a long and vigorous defence. Nothing
contributed more to the union of the German princes than their
resentment of the shocking barbarity with which the French had
plundered, wasted, and depopulated their country. Louis having, by his
intrigues in Poland and at Constantinople, prevented a pacification
between the emperor and the Ottoman Porte, the campaign was opened in
Croatia, where five thousand Turks were defeated by a body of Croates
between Vihitz and Novi. The prince of Baden, who commanded the
imperialists on that side, having thrown a bridge over the Morava at
Passarowitz, crossed that river, and marched in quest of a Turkish
army amounting to fifty thousand men, headed by a seraskier. On the
thirteenth day of August he attacked the enemy in their intrenchments
near Patochin, and forced their lines, routed them with great slaughter,
and took possession of their camp, baggage, and artillery. They returned
to Nissa, where the general finding them still more numerous than the
imperialists, resolved to make a stand, and encamped in a situation that
was inaccessible in every part except the rear, which he left open
for the convenience of a retreat. Through this avenue he was, on the
twenty-fourth day of September, attacked by the prince of Baden,
who, after a desperate resistance, obtained another complete victory,
enriched his troops with the spoil of the enemy, and entered Nissa
without opposition. There he found above three thousand horses and a
vast quantity of provisions. Having reposed his army for a few days in
this place, he resumed his march against the Turks, who had chosen
an advantageous post at Widen, and seemed ambitious of retrieving the
honour they had lost in the two former engagements. The Germans attacked
their lines without hesitation; and though the Musselmen fought with
incredible fury, they were a third time defeated with great slaughter.
This defeat was attended with the loss of Widen, which being surrendered
to the victor, he distributed his troops in winter quarters, and
returned to Vienna covered with laurels.

DEATH OF POPE INNOCENT XI.

The French were likewise baffled in their attempt upon Catalonia, where
the duke de Noailles had taken Campredon in the month of May. Leaving a
garrison in this place, he retreated to the frontiers of France, while
the duke de Villa Hermosa, at the head of a Spanish army, blocked up the
place and laid Rousillon under contribution. He afterwards undertook the
siege in form, and Noailles marched to its relief; but he was so hard
pressed by the Spaniards that he withdrew the garrison, dismantled the
place, and retreated with great precipitation. The French king hoped to
derive some considerable advantage from the death of Pope Innocent XL
which happened on the twelfth day of August. That pontiff had been an
inveterate enemy to Louis ever since the affair of the franchises, and
the seizure of Avignon. [016] _[See note F, at the end of this Vol.]_
Cabals were immediately formed at Eome by the French faction against
the Spanish and Imperial interest. The French cardinals, de Bouillon and
Bonzi, accompanied by Furstemberg, repaired to Eome with a large sum
of money. Peter Ottoboni, a Venetian, was elected pope, and assumed the
name of Alexander VIII. The duke de Chaulnes, ambassador from France,
immediately signified in the name of his master, that Avignon should
be restored to the patrimony of the church; and Louis renounced the
franchises in a letter written by his own hand to the pontiff. Alexander
received these marks of respect with the warmest acknowledgments; but
when the ambassador and Furstemberg besought him to re-examine the
election of the bishop of Cologne, which had been the source of so much
calamity to the empire, he lent a deaf ear to their solicitations.
He even confirmed the dispensations granted by his predecessor to the
prince of Bavaria, who was thus empowered to take possession of the
electorate, though he had not yet attained the age required by the
canons. Furstemberg retired in disgust to Paris, where Louis immediately
gratified him with the abbey of St. Germains.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}

KING WILLIAM BECOMES UNPOPULAR.

King William found it an easier task to unite the councils of Europe
against the common enemy than to conciliate and preserve the affections
of his own subjects, among whom he began visibly to decline in point of
popularity. Many were dissatisfied with his measures; and a great number
even of those who exerted themselves for his elevation had conceived a
disgust from his personal deportment, which was very unsuitable to the
manners and disposition of the English people. Instead of mingling
with his nobility in social amusements and familiar conversation, he
maintained a disagreeable reserve which had all the air of sullen pride;
he seldom or never spoke to his courtiers or attendants, he spent his
time chiefly in the closet retired from all communication; or among
his troops in a camp he had formed at Hounslow; or in the exercise of
hunting, to which he was immoderately addicted. This had been prescribed
to him by physicians as necessary to improve his constitution, which was
naturally weak, and by practice had become so habitual that he could not
lay it aside. His ill health co-operating with his natural aversion
to society, produced a peevishness which could not fail of being
displeasing to those who were near his person: this was increased by the
disputes in his cabinet, and the opposition of those who were professed
enemies to his government, as well as by the alienation of his former
friends. As he could not breathe without difficulty in the air of
London, he resided chiefly at Hampton-court, and expended considerable
sums in beautifying and enlarging that palace; he likewise purchased the
house at Kensington of the earl of Nottingham; and such profusion in the
beginning of an expensive war gave umbrage to the nation in general.
Whether he was advised by his counsellors, or his own sagacity pointed
out the expediency of conforming with the English humour, he now seemed
to change his disposition, and in some measure adopt the manners of his
predecessors. In imitation of Charles II. he resorted to the races at
Newmarket; he accepted an invitation to visit Cambridge, where he
behaved himself with remarkable affability to the members of the
university; he afterwards dined with the lord-mayor of London, accepted
the freedom of the city, and condescended so far as to become
sovereign-master of the company of grocers.

A GOOD NUMBER OF THE CLERGY REFUSE TO TAKE THE OATHS.

While William thus endeavoured to remove the prejudices which had been
conceived against his person, the period arrived which the parliament
had prescribed for taking the oaths to the new government. Some
individuals of the clergy sacrificed their benefices to their scruples
of conscience, and absolutely refused to take oaths that were contrary
to those they had already sworn in favour of their late sovereign. These
were distinguished by the epithet of nonjurors: but their number bore
a very small proportion to that of others, who took them with such
reservations and distinctions as redounded very little to the honour of
their integrity. Many of those who had been the warmest advocates for
non-resistance and passive obedience, made no scruple of renouncing
their allegiance to king James, and complying with the present act,
after having declared that they took the oaths in no other sense than
that of a peaceable submission to the powers that were. They even
affirmed that the legislature itself had allowed the distinction between
a king _de facto_ and a king _de jure_, as they had dropped the word
“rightful” when the form was under debate. They alleged that as prudence
obliged them to conform to the letter of the oath, so conscience
required them to give it their own interpretation. Nothing could be more
infamous and of worse tendency than this practice of equivocating in
the most sacred of all obligations. It introduced a general disregard of
oaths, which hath been the source of universal perjury and corruption.
Though this set of temporizers were bitterly upbraided both by the
nonjurors and the papists, they all concurred in representing William as
an enemy to the church; as a prince educated in the doctrines of Calvin,
which he plainly espoused, by limiting his favour and preferment to such
as were latitudinarians in religion, and by his abolishing episcopacy
in Scotland. The presbyterians in that kingdom now tyrannized in their
turn. They were headed by the earl of Crawford, a nobleman of a violent
temper and strong prejudices. He was chosen president of the parliament
by the interest of Melvil, and oppressed the episcopalians in such a
manner that the greater part of them from resentment became well-wishers
to king James. Every circumstance of the hardships they underwent was
reported in England; and the earl of Clarendon, as well as the suspended
bishops, circulated these particulars with great assiduity. The oaths
being rejected by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Ely,
Chichester, Bath and Wells, Peterborough and Gloucester, they were
suspended from their functions, and threatened with deprivation. Lake
of Chichester, being seized with a dangerous distemper, signed a solemn
declaration, in which he professed his adherence to the doctrine of
non-resistance and passive obedience, which he believed to be the
distinguishing characteristic of the church of England. After his death
this paper was published, industriously circulated, and extolled by the
party as an inspired oracle pronounced by a martyr to religious truth
and sincerity.

THE KING GRANTS A COMMISSION FOR REFORMING CHURCH DISCIPLINE.

All the clamour that was raised against the king could not divert him
from prosecuting the scheme of comprehension. He granted a commission