fiction and romance.

As Cyrus was upon the march, rumors and reports were brought
him, as though the king still deliberated, and were not minded
to fight and presently to join battle with him; but to wait in
the heart of his kingdom until his forces should have come in
thither from all parts of his dominions.  He had cut a trench
through the plain ten fathoms in breadth, and as many in depth,
the length of it being no less than four hundred furlongs.  Yet
he allowed Cyrus to pass across it, and to advance almost to the
city of Babylon.  Then Teribazus, as the report goes, was the
first that had the boldness to tell the king that he ought not
to avoid the conflict, nor to abandon Media, Babylon, and even
Susa, and hide himself in Persis, when all the while he had an
army many times over more numerous than his enemies, and an
infinite company of governors and captains that were better
soldiers and politicians than Cyrus.  So at last he resolved to
fight, as soon as it was possible for him.  Making, therefore,
his first appearance, all on a sudden, at the head of nine
hundred thousand well-marshaled men, he so startled and
surprised the enemy, who with the confidence of contempt were
marching on their way in no order, and with their arms not ready
for use, that Cyrus, in the midst of much noise and tumult, was
scarce able to form them for battle.  Moreover, the very manner
in which he led on his men, silently and slowly, made the
Grecians stand amazed at his good discipline; who had expected
irregular shouting and leaping, much confusion and separation
between one body of men and another, in so vast a multitude of
troops.  He also placed the choicest of his armed chariots in
the front of his own phalanx over against the Grecian troops,
that a violent charge with these might cut open their ranks
before they closed with them.

But as this battle is described by many historians, and Xenophon
in particular as good as shows it us by eyesight, not as a past
event, but as a present action, and by his vivid account makes
his hearers feel all the passions and join in all the dangers of
it, it would be folly in me to give any larger account of it
than barely to mention any things omitted by him which yet
deserve to be recorded.  The place, then, in which the two
armies were drawn out is called Cunaxa, being about five hundred
furlongs distant from Babylon.  And here Clearchus beseeching
Cyrus before the fight to retire behind the combatants, and not
expose himself to hazard, they say he replied, "What is this,
Clearchus?  Would you have me, who aspire to empire, show myself
unworthy of it?"  But if Cyrus committed a great fault in
entering headlong into the midst of danger, and not paying any
regard to his own safety, Clearchus was as much to blame, if not
more, in refusing to lead the Greeks against the main body of
the enemy, where the king stood, and in keeping his right wing
close to the river, for fear of being surrounded.  For if he
wanted, above all other things, to be safe, and considered it
his first object to sleep in whole skin, it had been his best
way not to have stirred from home.  But, after marching in arms
ten thousand furlongs from the sea-coast, simply on his own
choosing, for the purpose of placing Cyrus on the throne, to
look about and select a position which would enable him, not to
preserve him under whose pay and conduct he was, but himself to
engage with more ease and security seemed much like one that
through fear of present dangers had abandoned the purpose of his
actions, and been false to the design of his expedition.  For it
is evident from the very event of the battle that none of those
who were in array around the king's person could have stood the
shock of the Grecian charge; and had they been beaten out of the
field, and Artaxerxes either fled or fallen, Cyrus would have
gained by the victory, not only safety, but a crown.  And,
therefore, Clearchus, by his caution, must be considered more
to blame for the result in the destruction of the life and
fortune of Cyrus, than he by his heat and rashness.  For had the
king made it his business to discover a place, where having
posted the Grecians, he might encounter them with the least
hazard, he would never have found out any other but that which
was most remote from himself and those near him; of his defeat
in which he was insensible, and, though Clearchus had the
victory, yet Cyrus could not know of it, and could take no
advantage of it before his fall.  Cyrus knew well enough what
was expedient to be done, and commanded Clearchus with his men
to take their place in the center.  Clearchus replied that he
would take care to have all arranged as was best, and then
spoiled all.

For the Grecians, where they were, defeated the barbarians till
they were weary, and chased them successfully a very great way.
But Cyrus being mounted upon a noble but a headstrong and
hard-mouthed horse, bearing the name, as Ctesias tells us, of
Pasacas, Artagerses, the leader of the Cadusians, galloped up to
him, crying aloud, "O most unjust and senseless of men, who are
the disgrace of the honored name of Cyrus, are you come here
leading the wicked Greeks on a wicked journey, to plunder the
good things of the Persians, and this with the intent of slaying
your lord and brother, the master of ten thousand times ten
thousand servants that are better men than you?  as you shall
see this instant; for you shall lose your head here, before you
look upon the face of the king."  Which when he had said, he
cast his javelin at him.  But the coat of mail stoutly repelled
it, and Cyrus was not wounded; yet the stroke falling heavy upon
him, he reeled under it.  Then Artagerses turning his horse,
Cyrus threw his weapon, and sent the head of it through his neck
near the shoulder bone.  So that it is almost universally agreed
to by all the author that Artagerses was slain by him.  But as
to the death of Cyrus, since Xenophon, as being himself no
eye-witness of it, has stated it simply and in few words, it may
not be amiss perhaps to run over on the one hand what Dinon, and
on the other, what Ctesias has said of it.

Dinon then affirms, that, after the death of Artagerses, Cyrus,
furiously attacking the guard of Artaxerxes, wounded the king's
horse, and so dismounted him, and when Teribazus had quickly
lifted him up upon another, and said to him, "O king, remember
this day, which is not one to be forgotten," Cyrus, again
spurring up his horse, struck down Artaxerxes.  But at the third
assault the king being enraged, and saying to those near him
that death was more eligible, made up to Cyrus, who furiously
and blindly rushed in the face of the weapons opposed to him.
So the king struck him with a javelin, as likewise did those
that were about him.  And thus Cyrus falls, as some say, by the
hand of the king; as others, by the dart of a Carian, to whom
Artaxerxes, for a reward of his achievement, gave the privilege
of carrying ever after a golden cock upon his spear before the
first ranks of the army in all expeditions.  For the Persians
call the men of Caria cocks, because of the crests with which
they adorn their helmets.

But the account of Ctesias, to put it shortly, omitting many
details, is as follows: Cyrus, after the death of Artagerses,
rode up against the king, as he did against him, neither
exchanging a word with the other.  But Ariaeus, Cyrus's friend,
was beforehand with him, and darted first at the king, yet
wounded him not.  Then the king cast his lance at his brother,
but missed him, though he both hit and slew Satiphernes, a noble
man and a faithful friend to Cyrus.  Then Cyrus directed his
lance against the king, and pierced his breast with it quite
through his armor, two inches deep, so that he fell from his
horse with the stroke.  At which those that attended him being
put to flight and disorder, he, rising with a few, among whom
was Ctesias, and making his way to a little hill not far off,
rested himself.  But Cyrus, who was in the thick of the enemy,
was carried off a great way by the wildness of his horse, the
darkness which was now coming on making it hard for them to know
him, and for his followers to find him.  However, being made
elate with victory, and full of confidence and force, he passed
through them, crying out, and that more than once, in the
Persian language, "Clear the way, villains, clear the way;"
which they indeed did, throwing themselves down at his feet.
But his tiara dropped off his head, and a young Persian, by name
Mithridates, running by, struck a dart into one of his temples
near his eye, not knowing who he was, out of which wound much
blood gushed, so that Cyrus, swooning and senseless, fell off
his horse.  The horse escaped, and ran about the field; but the
companion of Mithridates took the trappings, which fell off,
soaked with blood.  And as Cyrus slowly began to come to
himself, some eunuchs who were there tried to put him on another
horse, and so convey him safe away.  And when he was not able to
ride, and desired to walk on his feet, they led and supported
him, being indeed dizzy in the head and reeling, but convinced
of his being victorious, hearing, as he went, the fugitives
saluting Cyrus as king, and praying for grace and mercy.  In the
meantime, some wretched, poverty-stricken Caunians, who in some
pitiful employment as camp-followers had accompanied the king's
army, by chance joined these attendants of Cyrus, supposing them
to be of their own party.  But when, after a while, they made
out that their coats over their breastplates were red, whereas
all the king's people wore white ones, they knew that they were
enemies.  One of them, therefore, not dreaming that it was
Cyrus, ventured to strike him behind with a dart.  The vein
under the knee was cut open, and Cyrus fell, and at the same
time struck his wounded temple against a stone, and so died.
Thus runs Ctesias's account, tardily, with the slowness of a
blunt weapon, effecting the victim's death.

When he was now dead, Artasyras, the king's eye, passed by on
horseback, and, having observed the eunuchs lamenting, he asked
the most trusty of them, "Who is this, Pariscas, whom you sit
here deploring?"  He replied, "Do not you see, O Artasyras, that
it is my master, Cyrus?"  Then Artasyras wondering, bade the
eunuch be of good cheer, and keep the dead body safe.  And going
in all haste to Artaxerxes, who had now given up all hope of his
affairs, and was in great suffering also with his thirst and his
wound, he with much joy assured him that he had seen Cyrus dead.
Upon this, at first, he set out to go in person to the place,
and commanded Artasyras to conduct him where he lay.  But when
there was a great noise made about the Greeks, who were said to
be in full pursuit, conquering and carrying all before them, he
thought it best to send a number of persons to see; and
accordingly thirty men went with torches in their hands.
Meantime, as he seemed to be almost at the point of dying from
thirst, his eunuch Satibarzanes ran about seeking drink for him;
for the place had no water in it, and he was at a good distance
from his camp.  After a long search he at last luckily met with
one of those poor Caunian camp-followers, who had in a wretched
skin about four pints of foul and stinking water, which he took
and gave to the king; and when he had drunk all off, he asked
him if he did not dislike the water; but he declared by all the
gods, that he never so much relished either wine, or water out
of the lightest or purest stream.  "And therefore," said he, "if
I fail myself to discover and reward him who gave it to you, I
beg of heaven to make him rich and prosperous."

Just after this, came back the thirty messengers, with joy and
triumph in their looks, bringing him the tidings of his
unexpected fortune.  And now he was also encouraged by the
number of soldiers that again began to flock in and gather about
him; so that he presently descended into the plain with many
lights and flambeaus round about him.  And when he had come near
the dead body, and, according to a certain law of the Persians,
the right hand and head had been lopped off from the trunk, he
gave orders that the latter should be brought to him, and,
grasping the hair of it, which was long and bushy, he showed it
to those who were still uncertain and disposed to fly.  They
were amazed at it, and did him homage; so that there were
presently seventy thousand of them got about him, and entered
the camp again with him.  He had led out to the fight, as
Ctesias affirms, four hundred thousand men.  But Dinon and
Xenophon aver that there were many more than forty myriads
actually engaged.  As to the number of the slain, as the
catalogue of them was given up to Artaxerxes, Ctesias says, they
were nine thousand, but that they appeared to him no fewer than
twenty thousand.  Thus far there is something to be said on both
sides.  But it is a flagrant untruth on the part of Ctesias to
say that he was sent along with Phalinus the Zacynthian and some
others to the Grecians.  For Xenophon knew well enough that
Ctesias was resident at court; for he makes mention of him, and
had evidently met with his writings.  And, therefore, had he
come, and been deputed the interpreter of such momentous words,
Xenophon surely would not have struck his name out of the
embassy to mention only Phalinus.  But Ctesias, as is evident,
being excessively vain-glorious, and no less a favorer of the
Lacedaemonians and Clearchus, never fails to assume to himself
some province in his narrative, taking opportunity, in these
situations, to introduce abundant high praise of Clearchus and
Sparta.

When the battle was over, Artaxerxes sent goodly and magnificent
gifts to the son of Artagerses, whom Cyrus slew.  He conferred
likewise high honors upon Ctesias and others, and, having found
out the Caunian who gave him the bottle of water, he made him,
of a poor, obscure man, a rich and an honorable person.  As for
the punishments he indicted upon delinquents, there was a kind
of harmony betwixt them and the crimes.  He gave order that one
Arbaces, a Mede, that had fled in the fight to Cyrus, and again
at his fall had come back, should, as a mark that he was
considered a dastardly and effeminate, not a dangerous or
treasonable man, have a common harlot set upon his back, and
carry her about for a whole day in the marketplace.  Another,
besides that he had deserted to them, having falsely vaunted
that he had killed two of the rebels, he decreed that three
needles should be struck through his tongue.  And both supposing
that with his own hand he had cut off Cyrus, and being willing
that all men should think and say so, he sent rich presents to
Mithridates, who first wounded him, and charged those by whom he
conveyed the gifts to him to tell him, that "the king has
honored you with these his favors, because you found and brought
him the horse-trappings of Cyrus."  The Carian, also, from whose
wound in the ham Cyrus died, suing for his reward, he commanded
those that brought it him to say that "the king presents you
with this as a second remuneration for the good news told him;
for first Artasyras, and, next to him, you assured him of the
decease of Cyrus."  Mithridates retired without complaint,
though not without resentment.  But the unfortunate Carian was
fool enough to give way to a natural infirmity.  For being
ravished with the sight of the princely gifts that were before
him, and being tempted thereupon to challenge and aspire to
things above him, he deigned not to accept the king's present as
a reward for good news, but indignantly crying out and appealing
to witnesses, he protested that he, and none but he, had killed
Cyrus, and that he was unjustly deprived of the glory.  These
words, when they came to his ear, much offended the king, so
that forthwith he sentenced him to be beheaded.  But the queen
mother, being in the king's presence, said, "Let not the king so
lightly discharge this pernicious Carian; let him receive from
me the fitting punishment of what he dares to say."  So when the
king had consigned him over to Parysatis, she charged the
executioners to take up the man, and stretch him upon the rack
for ten days, then, tearing out his eyes, to drop molten brass
into his ears till he expired.

Mithridates, also, within a short time after, miserably perished
by the like folly; for being invited to a feast where were the
eunuchs both of the king and of the queen mother, he came
arrayed in the dress and the golden ornaments which he had
received from the king.  After they began to drink, the eunuch
that was the greatest in power with Parysatis thus speaks to
him: A magnificent dress, indeed, O Mithridates, is this which
the king has given you; the chains and bracelets are glorious,
and your scimitar of invaluable worth; how happy has he made
you, the object of every eye!"  To whom he, being a little
overcome with the wine replied, "What are these things,
Sparamizes?  Sure I am, I showed myself to the king in that day
of trial to be one deserving greater and costlier gifts than
these."  At which Sparamizes smiling, said, "I do not grudge
them to you, Mithridates; but since the Grecians tell us that
wine and truth go together, let me hear now, my friend, what
glorious or mighty matter was it to find some trappings that had
slipped off a horse, and to bring them to the king?"  And this
he spoke, not as ignorant of the truth, but desiring to unbosom
him to the company, irritating the vanity of the man, whom drink
had now made eager to talk and incapable of controlling himself.
So he forbore nothing, but said out, "Talk you what you please
of horse-trappings, and such trifles; I tell you plainly, that
this hand was the death of Cyrus.  For I threw not my dart as
Artagerses did, in vain and to no purpose, but only just missing
his eye, and hitting him right on the temple, and piercing him
through, I brought him to the ground; and of that wound he
died."  The rest of the company, who saw the end and the hapless
fate of Mithridates as if it were already completed, bowed their
heads to the ground; and he who entertained them said,
"Mithridates, my friend, let us eat and drink now, revering the
fortune of our prince, and let us waive discourse which is too
weighty for us."

Presently after, Sparamizes told Parysatis what he said, and she
told the king, who was greatly enraged at it, as having the lie
given him, and being in danger to forfeit the most glorious and
most pleasant circumstance of his victory.  For it was his
desire that everyone, whether Greek or barbarian, should
believe that in the mutual assaults and conflicts between him
and his brother, he, giving and receiving a blow, was himself
indeed wounded, but that the other lost his life.  And,
therefore, he decreed that Mithridates should be put to death in
boats; which execution is after the following manner: Taking two
boats framed exactly to fit and answer each other, they lay down
in one of them the malefactor that suffers, upon his back; then,
covering it with the other, and so setting them together that
the head, hands, and feet of him are left outside, and the rest
of his body lies shut up within, they offer him food, and if he
refuse to eat it, they force him to do it by pricking his eyes;
then, after he has eaten, they drench him with a mixture of
milk and honey, pouring it not only into his mouth, but all over
his face.  They then keep his face continually turned towards
the sun; and it becomes completely covered up and hidden by the
multitude of flies that settle on it.  And as within the boats
he does what those that eat and drink must needs do, creeping
things and vermin spring out of the corruption and rottenness of
the excrement, and these entering into the bowels of him, his
body is consumed.  When the man is manifestly dead, the
uppermost boat being taken off, they find his flesh devoured,
and swarms of such noisome creatures preying upon and, as it
were, growing to his inwards.  In this way Mithridates, after
suffering for seventeen days, at last expired.

Masabates, the king's eunuch, who had cut off the hand and head
of Cyrus, remained still as a mark for Parysatis's vengeance.
Whereas, therefore, he was so circumspect, that he gave her no
advantage against him, she framed this kind of snare for him.
She was a very ingenious woman in other ways, and was an
excellent player at dice, and, before the war, had often played
with the king.  After the war, too, when she had been reconciled
to him, she joined readily in all amusements with him, played
at dice with him, was his confidant in his love matters, and in
every way did her best to leave him as little as possible in the
company of Statira, both because she hated her more than any
other person, and because she wished to have no one so powerful
as herself.  And so once when Artaxerxes was at leisure, and
inclined to divert himself, she challenged him to play at dice
with her for a thousand Darics, and purposely let him win them,
and paid him down in gold.  Yet, pretending to be concerned for
her loss, and that she would gladly have her revenge for it, she
pressed him to begin a new game for a eunuch; to which he
consented.  But first they agreed that each of them might except
five of their most trusty eunuchs, and that out of the rest of
them the loser should yield up any the winner should make choice
of.  Upon these conditions they played.  Thus being bent upon
her design, and thoroughly in earnest with her game, and the
dice also running luckily for her, when she had got the game,
she demanded Masabates, who was not in the number of the five
excepted.  And before the king could suspect the matter, having
delivered him up to the tormentors, she enjoined them to flay
him alive, to set his body upon three stakes, and to stretch his
skin upon stakes separately from it.

These things being done, and the king taking them ill, and being
incensed against her, she with raillery and laughter told him,
"You are a comfortable and happy man indeed, if you are so much
disturbed for the sake of an old rascally eunuch, when I, though
I have thrown away a thousand Darics, hold my peace and
acquiesce in my fortune."  So the king, vexed with himself for
having been thus deluded, hushed up all.  But Statira both in
other matters openly opposed her, and was angry with her for
thus, against all law and humanity, sacrificing to the memory of
Cyrus the king's faithful friends and eunuchs.

Now after that Tisaphernes had circumvented and by a false oath
had betrayed Clearchus and the other commanders, and, taking
them, had sent them bound in chains to the king, Ctesias says
that he was asked by Clearchus to supply him with a comb; and
that when he had it, and had combed his head with it, he was
much pleased with this good office, and gave him a ring, which
might be a token of the obligation to his relatives and friends
in Sparta; and that the engraving upon this signet was a set of
Caryatides dancing.  He tells us that the soldiers, his fellow
captives, used to purloin a part of the allowance of food sent
to Clearchus, giving him but little of it; which thing Ctesias
says he rectified, causing a better allowance to be conveyed to
him, and that a separate share should be distributed to the
soldiers by themselves; adding that he ministered to and
supplied him thus by the interest and at the instance of
Parysatis.  And there being a portion of ham sent daily with his
other food to Clearchus, she, he says, advised and instructed
him, that he ought to bury a small knife in the meat, and thus
send it to his friend, and not leave his fate to be determined
by the king's cruelty; which he, however, he says, was afraid to
do.  However, Artaxerxes consented to the entreaties of his
mother, and promised her with an oath that he would spare
Clearchus; but afterwards, at the instigation of Statira, he put
every one of them to death except Menon.  And thenceforward, he
says, Parysatis watched her advantage against Statira, and made
up poison for her; not a very probable story, or a very likely
motive to account for her conduct, if indeed he means that out
of respect to Clearchus she dared to attempt the life of the
lawful queen, that was mother of those who were heirs of the
empire.  But it is evident enough, that this part of his history
is a sort of funeral exhibition in honor of Clearchus.  For he
would have us believe, that, when the generals were executed,
the rest of them were torn in pieces by dogs and birds; but as
for the remains of Clearchus, that a violent gust of wind,
bearing before it a vast heap of earth, raised a mound to cover
his body, upon which, after a short time, some dates having
fallen there, a beautiful grove of trees grew up and
overshadowed the place, so that the king himself declared his
sorrow, concluding that in Clearchus he put to death a man
beloved of the gods.

Parysatis, therefore, having from the first entertained a secret
hatred and jealousy against Statira, seeing that the power she
herself had with Artaxerxes was founded upon feelings of honor
and respect for her, but that Statira's influence was firmly and
strongly based upon love and confidence, was resolved to
contrive her ruin, playing at hazard, as she thought, for the
greatest stake in the world.  Among her attendant women there
was one that was trusty and in the highest esteem with her,
whose name was Gigis; who, as Dinon avers, assisted in making up
the poison.  Ctesias allows her only to have been conscious of
it, and that against her will; charging Belitaras with actually
giving the drug, whereas Dinon says it was Melantas.  The two
women had begun again to visit each other and to eat together;
but though they had thus far relaxed their former habits of
jealousy and variance, still, out of fear and as a matter of
caution, they always ate of the same dishes and of the same
parts of them.  Now there is a small Persian bird, in the inside
of which no excrement is found, only a mass of fat, so that they
suppose the little creature lives upon air and dew.  It is
called rhyntaces.  Ctesias affirms, that Parysatis, cutting a
bird of this kind into two pieces with a knife, one side of
which had been smeared with the drug, the other side being clear
of it, ate the untouched and wholesome part herself, and gave
Statira that which was thus infected; but Dinon will not have it
to be Parysatis, but Melantas, that cut up the bird and
presented the envenomed part of it to Statira; who, dying with
dreadful agonies and convulsions, was herself sensible of what
had happened to her, and aroused in the king's mind suspicion of
his mother, whose savage and implacable temper he knew.  And
therefore proceeding instantly to an inquest, he seized upon his
mother's domestic servants that attended at her table, and put
them upon the rack.  Parysatis kept Gigis at home with her a
long time, and, though the king commanded her, she would not
produce her.  But she, at last, herself desiring that she might
be dismissed to her own home by night, Artaxerxes had intimation
of it, and, lying in wait for her, hurried her away, and
adjudged her to death.  Now poisoners in Persia suffer thus by
law.  There is a broad stone, on which they place the head of
the culprit, and then with another stone beat and press it,
until the face and the head itself are all pounded to pieces;
which was the punishment Gigis lost her life by.  But to his
mother, Artaxerxes neither said nor did any other hurt, save
that he banished and confined her, not much against her will, to
Babylon, protesting that while she lived he would not come near
that city.  Such was the condition of the king's affairs in his
own house.

But when all his attempts to capture the Greeks that had come up
with Cyrus, though he desired to do so no less than he had
desired to overcome Cyrus and maintain his throne, proved
unsuccessful, and they, though they had lost both Cyrus and
their own generals, nevertheless escaped, as it were, out of his
very palace, making it plain to all men that the Persian king
and his empire were mighty indeed in gold and luxury and women,
but otherwise were a mere show and vain display, upon this, all
Greece took courage, and despised the barbarians; and
especially the Lacedaemonians thought it strange if they should
not now deliver their countrymen that dwelt in Asia from their
subjection to the Persians, nor put an end to the contumelious
usage of them.  And first having an army under the conduct of
Thimbron, then under Dercyllidas, but doing nothing memorable,
they at last committed the war to the management of their king
Agesilaus, who, when he had arrived with his men in Asia, as
soon as he had landed them, fell actively to work, and got
himself great renown.  He defeated Tisaphernes in a pitched
battle, and set many cities in revolt.  Upon this, Artaxerxes,
perceiving what was his wisest way of waging the war, sent
Timocrates the Rhodian into Greece, with large sums of gold,
commanding him by a free distribution of it to corrupt the
leading men in the cities, and to excite a Greek war against
Sparta.  So Timocrates following his instructions, the most
considerable cities conspiring together, and Peloponnesus being
in disorder, the ephors remanded Agesilaus from Asia.  At which
time, they say, as he was upon his return, he told his friends
that Artaxerxes had driven him out of Asia with thirty thousand
archers; the Persian coin having an archer stamped upon it.

Artaxerxes scoured the seas, too, of the Lacedaemonians, Conon
the Athenian and Pharnabazus being his admirals.  For Conon,
after the battle of Aegospotami, resided in Cyprus; not that he
consulted his own mere security, but looking for a vicissitude
of affairs with no less hope than men wait for a change of wind
at sea.  And perceiving that his skill wanted power, and that
the king's power wanted a wise man to guide it, he sent him an
account by letter of his projects, and charged the bearer to
hand it to the king, if possible, by the mediation of Zeno the
Cretan or Polycritus the Mendaean (the former being a
dancing-master, the latter a physician), or, in the absence of
them both, by Ctesias; who is said to have taken Conon's letter,
and foisted into the contents of it a request; that the king
would also be pleased to send over Ctesias to him, who was
likely to be of use on the sea-coast.  Ctesias, however,
declares that the king, of his own accord, deputed him to this
service.  Artaxerxes, however, defeating the Lacedaemonians in a
sea-fight at Cnidos, under the conduct of Pharnabazus and Conon,
after he had stripped them of their sovereignty by sea, at the
same time, brought, so to say, the whole of Greece over to him,
so that upon his own terms he dictated the celebrated peace
among them, styled the peace of Antalcidas.  This Antalcidas was
a Spartan, the son of one Leon, who, acting for the king's
interest, induced the Lacedaemonians to covenant to let all the
Greek cities in Asia and the islands adjacent to it become
subject and tributary to him, peace being upon these conditions
established among the Greeks, if indeed the honorable name of
peace can fairly be given to what was in fact the disgrace and
betrayal of Greece, a treaty more inglorious than had ever been
the result of any war to those defeated in it.

And therefore Artaxerxes, though always abominating other
Spartans, and looking upon them, as Dinon says, to be the most
impudent men living, gave wonderful honor to Antalcidas when he
came to him into Persia; so much so that one day, taking a
garland of flowers and dipping it in the most precious ointment,
he sent it to him after supper, a favor which all were amazed
at.  Indeed he was a person fit to be thus delicately treated,
and to have such a crown, who had among the Persians thus made
fools of Leonidas and Callicratidas.  Agesilaus, it seems, on
someone having said, "O the deplorable fate of Greece, now that
the Spartans turn Medes!" replied, "Nay, rather it is the Medes
who become Spartans."  But the subtlety of the repartee did not
wipe off the infamy of the action.  The Lacedaemonians soon
after lost their sovereignty in Greece by their defeat at
Leuctra; but they had already lost their honor by this treaty.
So long then as Sparta continued to be the first state in
Greece, Artaxerxes continued to Antalcidas the honor of being
called his friend and his guest; but when, routed and humbled at
the battle of Leuctra, being under great distress for money,
they had dispatched Agesilaus into Egypt, and Antalcidas went up
to Artaxerxes, beseeching him to supply their necessities, he so
despised, slighted, and rejected him, that finding himself, on
his return, mocked and insulted by his enemies, and fearing also
the ephors, he starved himself to death.  Ismenias, also, the
Theban, and Pelopidas, who had already gained the victory at
Leuctra, arrived at the Persian court; where the latter did
nothing unworthy of himself.  But Ismenias, being commanded to
do obeisance to the king, dropped his ring before him upon the
ground, and so, stooping to take it up, made a show of doing him
homage.  He was so gratified with some secret intelligence which
Timagoras the Athenian sent in to him by the hand of his
secretary, Beluris, that he bestowed upon him ten thousand
darics, and because he was ordered, on account of some sickness,
to drink cow's milk, there were fourscore milch kine driven
after him; also, he sent him a bed, furniture, and servants for
it, the Grecians not having skill enough to make it, as also
chairmen to carry him, being infirm in body, to the seaside.
Not to mention the feast made for him at court, which was so
princely and splendid that Ostanes, the king's brother, said to
him, "O, Timagoras, do not forget the sumptuous table you have
sat at here; it was not put before you for nothing;" which was
indeed rather a reflection upon his treason than to remind him
of the king's bounty.  And indeed the Athenians condemned
Timagoras to death for taking bribes.

But Artaxerxes gratified the Grecians in one thing in lieu of
the many wherewith he plagued them, and that was by taking off
Tisaphernes, their most hated and malicious enemy, whom he put
to death; Parysatis adding her influence to the charges made
against him.  For the king did not persist long in his wrath
with his mother, but was reconciled to her, and sent for her,
being assured that she had wisdom and courage fit for royal
power, and there being now no cause discernible but that they
might converse together without suspicion or offense.  And from
thenceforward humoring the king in all things according to his
heart's desire, and finding fault with nothing that he did, she
obtained great power with him, and was gratified in all her
requests.  She perceived he was desperately in love with Atossa,
one of his own two daughters, and that he concealed and checked
his passion chiefly for fear of herself, though, if we may
believe some writers, he had privately given way to it with the
young girl already.  As soon as Parysatis suspected it, she
displayed a greater fondness for the young girl than before, and
extolled both her virtue and beauty to him, as being truly
imperial and majestic.  In fine, she persuaded him to marry her
and declare her to be his lawful wife, overriding all the
principles and the laws by which the Greeks hold themselves
bound, and regarding himself as divinely appointed for a law to
the Persians, and the supreme arbitrator of good and evil.  Some
historians further affirm, in which number is Heraclides of
Cuma, that Artaxerxes married not only this one, but a second
daughter also, Amestris, of whom we shall speak by and by.  But
he so loved Atossa when she became his consort, that when
leprosy had run through her whole body, he was not in the least
offended at it; but putting up his prayers to Juno for her, to
this one alone of all the deities he made obeisance, by laying
his hands upon the earth; and his satraps and favorites made
such offerings to the goddess by his direction, that all along
for sixteen furlongs, betwixt the court and her temple, the road
was filled up with gold and silver, purple and horses, devoted
to her.

He waged war out of his own kingdom with the Egyptians, under
the conduct of Pharnabazus and Iphicrates, but was unsuccessful
by reason of their dissensions.  In his expedition against the
Cadusians, he went himself in person with three hundred thousand
footmen and ten thousand horse.  And making an incursion into
their country, which was so mountainous as scarcely to be
passable, and withal very misty, producing no sort of harvest of
corn or the like, but with pears, apples, and other tree-fruits
feeding a warlike and valiant breed of men, he unawares fell
into great distresses and dangers.  For there was nothing to be
got fit for his men to eat, of the growth of that place, nor
could anything be imported from any other.  All they could do
was to kill their beasts of burden, and thus an ass's head could
scarcely be bought for sixty drachmas.  In short, the king's own
table failed; and there were but few horses left; the rest they
had spent for food.  Then Teribazus, a man often in great favor
with his prince for his valor, and as often out of it for his
buffoonery, and particularly at that time in humble estate and
neglected, was the deliverer of the king and his army.  There
being two kings amongst the Cadusians, and each of them
encamping separately, Teribazus, after he had made his
application to Artaxerxes and imparted his design to him, went
to one of the princes, and sent away his son privately to the
other.  So each of them deceived his man, assuring him that the
other prince had deputed an ambassador to Artaxerxes, suing for
friendship and alliance for himself alone; and, therefore, if he
were wise, he told him, he must apply himself to his master
before he had decreed anything, and he, he said, would lend him
his assistance in all things.  Both of them gave credit to these
words, and because they supposed they were each intrigued
against by the other, they both sent their envoys, one along
with Teribazus, and the other with his son.  All this taking
some time to transact, fresh surmises and suspicions of
Teribazus were expressed to the king, who began to be out of
heart, sorry that he had confided in him, and ready to give ear
to his rivals who impeached him.  But at last he came, and so
did his son, bringing the Cadusian agents along with them, and
so there was a cessation of arms and a peace signed with both
the princes.  And Teribazus, in great honor and distinction, set
out homewards in the company of the king; who, indeed, upon this
journey made it appear plainly that cowardice and effeminacy are
the effects, not of delicate and sumptuous living, as many
suppose, but of a base and vicious nature, actuated by false and
bad opinions.  For notwithstanding his golden ornaments, his
robe of state, and the rest of that costly attire, worth no less
than twelve thousand talents, with which the royal person was
constantly clad, his labors and toils were not a whit inferior
to those of the meanest persons in his army.  With his quiver by
his side and his shield on his arm, he led them on foot,
quitting his horse, through craggy and steep ways, insomuch that
the sight of his cheerfulness and unwearied strength gave wings
to the soldiers, and so lightened the journey, that they made
daily marches of above two hundred furlongs.

After they had arrived at one of his own mansions, which had
beautiful ornamented parks in the midst of a region naked and
without trees, the weather being very cold, he gave full
commission to his soldiers to provide themselves with wood by
cutting down any, without exception, even the pine and cypress.
And when they hesitated and were for sparing them, being large
and goodly trees, he, taking up an ax himself, felled the
greatest and most beautiful of them.  After which his men used
their hatchets, and piling up many fires, passed away the night
at their ease.  Nevertheless, he returned not without the loss
of many and valiant subjects, and of almost all his horses.  And
supposing that his misfortunes and the ill success of his
expedition made him despised in the eyes of his people, he
looked jealously on his nobles, many of whom he slew in anger,
and yet more out of fear.  As, indeed, fear is the bloodiest
passion in princes; confidence, on the other hand, being
merciful, gentle, and unsuspicious.  So we see among wild
beasts, the intractable and least tamable are the most timorous
and most easily startled; the nobler creatures, whose courage
makes them trustful, are ready to respond to the advances of
men.

Artaxerxes, now being an old man, perceived that his sons were
in controversy about his kingdom, and that they made parties
among his favorites and peers.  Those that were equitable among
them thought it fit, that as he had received it, so he should
bequeath it, by right of age, to Darius.  The younger brother,
Ochus, who was hot and violent, had indeed a considerable number
of the courtiers that espoused his interest, but his chief hope
was that by Atossa's means he should win his father.  For he
flattered her with the thoughts of being his wife and partner in
the kingdom after the death of Artaxerxes.  And truly it was
rumored that already Ochus maintained a too intimate
correspondence with her.  This, however, was quite unknown to
the king; who, being willing to put down in good time his son
Ochus's hopes, lest, by his attempting the same things his uncle
Cyrus did, wars and contentions might again afflict his kingdom,
proclaimed Darius, then twenty-five years old, his successor,
and gave him leave to wear the upright hat, as they call it.  It
was a rule and usage of Persia, that the heir apparent to the
crown should beg a boon, and that he that declared him so should
give whatever he asked, provided it were within the sphere of
his power.  Darius therefore requested Aspasia, in former time
the most prized of the concubines of Cyrus, and now belonging to
the king.  She was by birth a Phocaean, of Ionia, born of free
parents, and well educated.  Once when Cyrus was at supper, she
was led in to him with other women, who, when they were sat down
by him, and he began to sport and dally and talk jestingly with
them, gave way freely to his advances.  But she stood by in
silence, refusing to come when Cyrus called her, and when his
chamberlains were going to force her towards him, said,
"Whosoever lays hands on me shall rue it;" so that she seemed to
the company a sullen and rude-mannered person.  However, Cyrus
was well pleased, and laughed, saying to the man that brought
the women, "Do you not see of a certainty that this woman alone
of all that came with you is truly noble and pure in character?"
After which time he began to regard her, and loved her above all
of her sex, and called her the Wise.  But Cyrus being slain in
the fight, she was taken among the spoils of his camp.

Darius, in demanding her, no doubt much offended his father, for
the barbarian people keep a very jealous and watchful eye over
their carnal pleasures, so that it is death for a man not only
to come near and touch any concubine of his prince, but likewise
on a journey to ride forward and pass by the carriages in which
they are conveyed.  And though, to gratify his passion, he had
against all law married his daughter Atossa, and had besides her
no less than three hundred and sixty concubines selected for
their beauty, yet being importuned for that one by Darius, he
urged that she was a free-woman, and allowed him to take her, if
she had an inclination to go with him, but by no means to force
her away against it.  Aspasia, therefore, being sent for, and,
contrary to the king's expectation, making choice of Darius, he
gave him her indeed, being constrained by law, but when he had
done so, a little after he took her from him.  For he
consecrated her priestess to Diana of Ecbatana, whom they name
Anaitis, that she might spend the remainder of her days in
strict chastity, thinking thus to punish his son, not
rigorously, but with moderation, by a revenge checkered with
jest and earnest.  But he took it heinously, either that he was
passionately fond of Aspasia, or because he looked upon himself
as affronted and scorned by his father.  Teribazus, perceiving
him thus minded, did his best to exasperate him yet further,
seeing in his injuries a representation of his own, of which the
following is the account: Artaxerxes, having many daughters,
promised to give Apama to Pharnabazus to wife, Rhodogune to
Orontes, and Amestris to Teribazus; whom alone of the three he
disappointed, by marrying Amestris himself.  However, to make
him amends, he betrothed his youngest daughter Atossa to him.
But after he had, being enamored of her too, as has been said,
married her, Teribazus entertained an irreconcilable enmity
against him.  As indeed he was seldom at any other time steady
in his temper, but uneven and inconsiderate; so that whether he
were in the number of the choicest favorites of his prince, or
whether he were offensive and odious to him, he demeaned himself
in neither condition with moderation; but if he was advanced he
was intolerably insolent, and in his degradation not submissive
and peaceable in his deportment, but fierce and haughty.

And therefore Teribazus was to the young prince flame added upon
flame, ever urging him, and saying, that in vain those wear
their hats upright who consult not the real success of their
affairs, and that he was ill befriended of reason if he
imagined, whilst he had a brother, who, through the women's
apartments, was seeking a way to the supremacy, and a father of
so rash and fickle a humor, that he should by succession
infallibly step up into the throne.  For he that out of fondness
to an Ionian girl has eluded a law sacred and inviolable among
the Persians is not likely to be faithful in the performance of
the most important promises.  He added, too, that it was not all
one for Ochus not to attain to, and for him to be put by his
crown; since Ochus as a subject might live happily, and nobody
could hinder him; but he, being proclaimed king, must either
take up his scepter or lay down his life.  These words presently
inflamed Darius: what Sophocles says being indeed generally
true: --

Quick travels the persuasion to what's wrong.

For the path is smooth, and upon an easy descent, that leads us
to our own will; and the most part of us desire what is evil
through our strangeness to and ignorance of good.  And in this
case, no doubt, the greatness of the empire and the jealousy
Darius had of Ochus furnished Teribazus with material for his
persuasions.  Nor was Venus wholly unconcerned in the matter, in
regard, namely, of his loss of Aspasia.

Darius, therefore, resigned himself up to the dictates of
Teribazus; and many now conspiring with them, a eunuch gave
information to the king of their plot and the way how it was to
be managed, having discovered the certainty of it, that they had
resolved to break into his bed-chamber by night, and there to
kill him as he lay.  After Artaxerxes had been thus advertised,
he did not think fit, by disregarding the discovery, to despise
so great a danger, nor to believe it when there was little or no
proof of it.  Thus then he did: he charged the eunuch constantly
to attend and accompany the conspirators wherever they were; in
the meanwhile, he broke down the party-wall of the chamber
behind his bed, and placed a door in it to open and shut, which
covered up with tapestry; so the hour approaching, and the
eunuch having told him the precise time in which the traitors
designed to assassinate him, he waited for them in his bed, and
rose not up till he had seen the faces of his assailants and
recognized every man of them.  But as soon as he saw them with
their swords drawn and coming up to him, throwing up the
hanging, he made his retreat into the inner chamber, and,
bolting to the door, raised a cry.  Thus when the murderers had
been seen by him, and had attempted him in vain, they with speed
went back through the same doors they came in by, enjoining
Teribazus and his friends to fly, as their plot had been
certainly detected.  They, therefore, made their escape
different ways; but Teribazus was seized by the king's guards,
and after slaying many, while they were laying hold on him, at
length being struck through with a dart at a distance, fell.  As
for Darius, who was brought to trial with his children, the king
appointed the royal judges to sit over him, and because he was
not himself present, but accused Darius by proxy, he commanded
his scribes to write down the opinion of every one of the
judges, and show it to him.  And after they had given their
sentences, all as one man, and condemned Darius to death, the
officers seized on him and hurried him to a chamber not far off.
To which place the executioner, when summoned, came with a razor
in his hand, with which men of his employment cut off' the heads
of offenders.  But when he saw that Darius was the person thus
to be punished, he was appalled and started back, offering to go
out, as one that had neither power nor courage enough to behead
a king; yet at the threats and commands of the judges, who stood
at the prison door, he returned, and grasping the hair of his
head and bringing his face to the ground with one hand, he cut
through his neck with the razor he had in the other.  Some
affirm that sentence was passed in the presence of Artaxerxes;
that Darius, after he had been convicted by clear evidence,
falling prostrate before him, did humbly beg his pardon; that
instead of giving it, he, rising up in rage and drawing his
scimitar, smote him till he had killed him; that then, going
forth into the court, he worshipped the sun, and said, "Depart
in peace, ye Persians, and declare to your fellow-subjects how
the mighty Oromasdes hath dealt out vengeance to the contrivers
of unjust and unlawful things."

Such, then, was the issue of this conspiracy.  And now Ochus was
high in his hopes, being confident in the influence of Atossa;
but yet was afraid of Ariaspes, the only male surviving, besides
himself, of the legitimate off-spring of his father, and of
Arsames, one of his natural sons.  For indeed Ariaspes was
already claimed as their prince by the wishes of the Persians,
not because he was the elder brother, but because he excelled
Ochus in gentleness, plain-dealing, and good-nature; and on the
other hand Arsames appeared, by his wisdom, fitted for the
throne, and that he was dear to his father, Ochus well knew.  So
he laid snares for them both, and being no less treacherous than
bloody, he made use of the cruelty of his nature against
Arsames, and of his craft and wiliness against Ariaspes.  For he
suborned the king's eunuchs and favorites to convey to him
menacing and harsh expressions from his father, as though he had
decreed to put him to a cruel and ignominious death.  When they
daily communicated these things as secrets, and told him at one
time that the king would do so to him ere long, and at another,
that the blow was actually close impending, they so alarmed the
young man, struck; such a terror into him, and cast such a
confusion and anxiety upon his thoughts, that, having prepared
some poisonous drugs, he drank them, that he might be delivered
from his life.  The king, on hearing what kind of death he died,
heartily lamented him, and was not without a suspicion of the
cause of it.  But being disabled by his age to search into and
prove it, he was, after the loss of this son, more affectionate
than before to Arsames, did manifestly place his greatest
confidence in him, and made him privy to his counsels.
Whereupon Ochus had no longer patience to defer the execution of
his purpose, but having procured Arpates, Teribazus's son, for
the undertaking, he killed Arsames by his hand.  Artaxerxes at
that time had but a little hold on life, by reason of his
extreme age, and so, when he heard of the fate of Arsames, he
could not sustain it at all, but sinking at once under the
weight of his grief and distress, expired, after a life of
ninety-four years, and a reign of sixty-two.  And then he seemed
a moderate and gracious governor, more especially as compared to
his son Ochus, who outdid all his predecessors in
blood-thirstiness and cruelty.

GALBA

Iphicrates the Athenian used to say that it is best to have a
mercenary soldier fond of money and of pleasures, for thus he
will fight the more boldly, to procure the means to gratify his
desires.  But most have been of opinion, that the body of an
army, as well as the natural one, when in its healthy condition,
should make no efforts apart, but in compliance with its head.
Wherefore they tell us that Paulus Aemilius, on taking command
of the forces in Macedonia, and finding them talkative and
impertinently busy, as though they were all commanders, issued
out his orders that they should have only ready hands and keen
swords, and leave the rest to him.  And Plato, who can discern
no use of a good ruler or general, if his men are not on their
part obedient and conformable (the virtue of obeying, as of
ruling, being in his opinion one that does not exist without
first a noble nature, and then a philosophic education, where
the eager and active powers are allayed with the gentler and
humaner sentiments), may claim in confirmation of his doctrines
sundry mournful instances elsewhere, and, in particular, the
events that followed among the Romans upon the death of Nero, in
which plain proofs were given that nothing is more terrible than
a military force moving about in an empire upon uninstructed and
unreasoning impulses.  Demades, after the death of Alexander,
compared the Macedonian army to the Cyclops after his eye was
out, seeing their many disorderly and unsteady motions.  But the
calamities of the Roman government might be likened to the
motions of the giants that assailed heaven, convulsed as it was,
and distracted, and from every side recoiling, as it were, upon
itself, not so much by the ambition of those who were proclaimed
emperors, as by the covetousness and license of the soldiery,
who drove commander after commander out, like nails one upon
another.

Dionysius, in raillery, said of the Pheraean who enjoyed the
government of Thessaly only ten months, that he had been a
tragedy-king, but the Caesars' house in Rome, the Palatium,
received in a shorter space of time no less than four emperors,
passing, as it were, across the stage, and one making room for
another to enter.

This was the only satisfaction of the distressed, that they
needed not require any other justice on their oppressors, seeing
them thus murder each other, and first of all, and that most
justly, the one that ensnared them first, and taught them to
expect such happy results from a change of emperors, sullying a
good work by the pay he gave for its being done, and turning
revolt against Nero into nothing better than treason.

For, as already related, Nymphidius Sabinus, captain of the
guards, together with Tigellinus, after Nero's circumstances
were now desperate, and it was perceived that he designed to fly
into Egypt, persuaded the troops to declare Galba emperor, as if
Nero had been already gone, promising to all the court and
praetorian soldiers, as they are called, seven thousand five
hundred drachmas apiece, and to those in service abroad twelve
hundred and fifty drachmas each; so vast a sum for a largess as
it was impossible anyone could raise, but he must be infinitely
more exacting and oppressive than ever Nero was.  This quickly
brought Nero to his grave, and soon after Galba too; they
murdered the first in expectation of the promised gift, and not
long after the other because they did not obtain it from him;
and then, seeking about to find someone who would purchase at
such a rate, they consumed themselves in a succession of
treacheries and rebellions before they obtained their demands.
But to give a particular relation of all that passed would
require a history in full form; I have only to notice what is
properly to my purpose, namely, what the Caesars did and
suffered.

Sulpicius Galba is owned by all to have been the richest private
person that ever came to the imperial seat.  And besides the
additional honor of being of the family of the Servii, he valued
himself more especially for his relationship to Catulus, the
most eminent citizen of his time both for virtue and renown,
however he may have voluntarily yielded to others as regards
power and authority.  Galba was also akin to Livia, the wife of
Augustus, by whose interest he was preferred to the consulship
by the emperor. It is said of him that he commanded the troops
well in Germany, and, being made proconsul in Libya, gained a
reputation that few ever had.  But his quiet manner of living
and his sparingness in expenses and his disregard of appearance
gave him, when he became emperor, an ill-name for meanness,
being, in fact, his worn-out credit for regularity and
moderation.  He was entrusted by Nero with the government of
Spain, before Nero had yet learned to be apprehensive of men of
great repute.  To the opinion, moreover, entertained of his mild
natural temper, his old age added a belief that he would never
act incautiously.

There while Nero's iniquitous agents savagely and cruelly
harassed the provinces under Nero's authority, he could afford
no succor, but merely offer this only ease and consolation, that
he seemed plainly to sympathize, as a fellow-sufferer, with
those who were condemned upon suits and sold.  And when lampoons
were made upon Nero and circulated and sung everywhere about, he
neither prohibited them, nor showed any indignation on behalf of
the emperor's agents, and for this was the more beloved; as also
that he was now well acquainted with them, having been in chief
power there eight years at the time when Junius Vindex, general
of the forces in Gaul, began his insurrection against Nero.  And
it is reported that letters came to Galba before it fully broke
out into an open rebellion, which he neither seemed to give
credit to, nor on the other hand to take means to let Nero know,
as other officers did, sending to him the letters which came to
them, and so spoiled the design, as much as in them lay, who yet
afterwards shared in the conspiracy, and confessed they had been
treacherous to themselves as well as him.  At last Vindex,
plainly declaring war, wrote to Galba, encouraging him to take
the government upon him, and give a head to this strong body,
the Gaulish provinces, which could already count a hundred
thousand men in arms, and were able to arm a yet greater number
if occasion were.  Galba laid the matter before his friends,
some of whom thought it fit to wait, and see what movement there
might be and what inclinations displayed at Rome for the
revolution.  But Titus Vinius, captain of his praetorian guard,
spoke thus: "Galba, what means this inquiry?  To question
whether we shall continue faithful to Nero is, in itself, to
cease to be faithful.  Nero is our enemy, and we must by no
means decline the help of Vindex: or else we must at once
denounce him, and march to attack him, because he wishes you to
be the governor of the Romans, rather than Nero their tyrant."
Thereupon Galba, by an edict, appointed a day when he would
receive manumissions, and general rumor and talk beforehand
about his purpose brought together a great crowd of men so ready
for a change, that he scarcely appeared, stepping up to the
tribunal, but they with one consent saluted him emperor.  That
title he refused at present to take upon him; but after he had a
while inveighed against Nero, and bemoaned the loss of the more
conspicuous of those that had been destroyed by him, he offered
himself and service to his country, not by the titles of Caesar
or emperor, but as the lieutenant of the Roman senate and
people.

Now that Vindex did wisely in inviting Galba to the empire, Nero
himself bore testimony; who, though he seemed to despise Vindex
and altogether to slight the Gauls and their concerns, yet when
he heard of Galba (as by chance he had just bathed and sat down
to his morning meal), at this news he overturned the table.  But
the senate having voted Galba an enemy, presently, to make his
jest, and likewise to personate a confidence among his friends,
"This is a very happy opportunity," he said, "for me, who sadly
want such a booty as that of the Gauls, which must all fall in
as lawful prize; and Galba's estate I can use or sell at once,
he being now an open enemy."  And accordingly he had Galba's
property exposed to sale, which when Galba heard of; he
sequestered all that was Nero's in Spain, and found far readier
bidders.

Many now began to revolt from Nero, and pretty nearly all
adhered to Galba; only Clodius Macer in Africa, and Virginius
Rufus, commander of the German forces in Gaul, followed counsel
of their own; yet these two were not of one and the same advice,
for Clodius, being sensible of the rapines and murders to which
he had been led by cruelty and covetousness, was in perplexity,
and felt it was not safe for him either to retain or quit his
command.  But Virginius, who had the command of the strongest
legions, by whom he was many repeated times saluted emperor and
pressed to take the title upon him, declared that he neither
would assume that honor himself, nor see it given to any other
than whom the senate should elect.

These things at first did not a little disturb Galba, but when
presently Virginius and Vindex were in a manner forced by their
armies, having got the reins, as it were, out of their hands, to
a great encounter and battle, in which Vindex, having seen
twenty thousand of the Gauls destroyed, died by his own hand,
and when the report straight spread abroad, that all desired
Virginius, after this great victory, to take the empire upon
him, or else they would return to Nero again, Galba, in great
alarm at this, wrote to Virginius, exhorting him to join with
him for the preservation of the empire and the liberty of the
Romans, and so retiring with his friends into Clunia, a town in
Spain, he passed away his time, rather repenting his former
rashness, and wishing for his wonted ease and privacy, than
setting about what was fit to be done.

It was now summer, when on a sudden, a little before dusk, comes
a freedman, Icelus by name, having arrived in seven days from
Rome; and being informed where Galba was reposing himself in
private, he went straight on, and pushing by the servants of the
chamber, opened the door and entered the room, and told him,
that Nero being yet alive but not appearing, first the army, and
then the people and senate, declared Galba emperor; not long
after, it was reported that Nero was dead; "but I," said he,
"not giving credit to common fame, went myself to the body and
saw him lying dead, and only then set out to bring you word."
This news at once made Galba great again, and a crowd of people
came hastening to the door, all very confident of the truth of
his tidings, though the speed of the man was almost incredible.
Two days after came Titus Vinius with sundry others from the
camp, who gave an account in detail of the orders of the senate,
and for this service was considerably advanced.  On the
freedman, Galba conferred the honor of the gold ring, and
Icelus, as he had been before, now taking the name of Marcianus,
held the first place of the freedmen.

But at Rome, Nymphidius Sabinus, not gently and little by
little, but at once, and without exception, engrossed all power
to himself; Galba, being an old man (seventy-three years of
age), would scarcely, he thought, live long enough to be carried
in a litter to Rome; and the troops in the city were from old
time attached to him, and now bound by the vastness of the
promised gift, for which they regarded him as their benefactor,
and Galba as their debtor.  Thus presuming on his interest, he
straightway commanded Tigellinus, who was in joint commission
with himself, to lay down his sword; and giving entertainments,
he invited the former consuls and commanders, making use of
Galba's name for the invitation; but at the same time prepared
many in the camp to propose that a request should be sent to
Galba that he should appoint Nymphidius sole prefect for life
without a colleague.  And the modes which the senate took to
show him honor and increase his power, styling him their
benefactor, and attending daily at his gates, and giving him the
compliment of heading with his own name and confirming all their
acts, carried him on to a yet greater degree of arrogance, so
that in a short time he became an object, not only of dislike,
but of terror, to those that sought his favor.  When the consuls
themselves had dispatched their couriers with the decrees of the
senate to the emperor, together with the sealed diplomas, which
the authorities in all the towns where horses or carriages are
changed, look at and on that certificate hasten the couriers
forward with all their means, he was highly displeased that his
seal had not been used, and none of his soldiers employed on the
errand.  Nay, he even deliberated what course to take with the
consuls themselves, but upon their submission and apology he was
at last pacified.  To gratify the people, he did not interfere
with their beating to death any that fell into their hands of
Nero's party.  Amongst others, Spiclus, the gladiator, was
killed in the forum by being thrown under Nero's statues, which
they dragged about the place over his body.  Aponius, one of
those who had been concerned in accusations, they knocked to the
ground, and drove carts loaded with stones over him.  And many
others they tore in pieces, some of them no way guilty, insomuch
that Mauriscus, a person of great account and character, told
the senate that he feared, in a short time, they might wish for
Nero again.

Nymphidius, now advancing towards the consummation of his hopes,
did not refuse to let it be said that he was the son of Caius
Caesar, Tiberius's successor; who, it is told, was well
acquainted with his mother in his early youth, a woman indeed
handsome enough, the off-spring of Callistus, one of Caesar's
freedmen, and a certain seamstress.  But it is plain that
Caius's familiarity with his mother was of too late date to give
him any pretensions, and it was suspected he might, if he
pleased, claim a father in Martianus, the gladiator, whom his
mother, Nymphidia, took a passion for, being a famous man in his
way, whom also he much more resembled.  However, though he
certainly owned Nymphidia for his mother, he ascribed meantime
the downfall of Nero to himself alone, and thought he was not
sufficiently rewarded with the honors and riches he enjoyed,
(nay, though to all was added the company of Sporus, whom he
immediately sent for while Nero's body was yet burning on the
pile, and treated as his consort, with the name of Poppaea,) but
he must also aspire to the empire.  And at Rome he had friends
who took measures for him secretly, as well as some women and
some members of the senate also, who worked underhand to assist
him.  And into Spain he dispatched one of his friends, named
Gellianus, to view the posture of affairs.

But all things succeeded well with Galba after Nero's death;
only Virginius Rufus, still standing doubtful, gave him some
anxiety, lest he should listen to the suggestions of some who
encouraged him to take the government upon him, having, at
present, besides the command of a large and warlike army, the
new honors of the defeat of Vindex and the subjugation of one
considerable part of the Roman empire, namely, the entire Gaul,
which had seemed shaking about upon the verge of open revolt.
Nor had any man indeed a greater name and reputation than
Virginius, who had taken a part of so much consequence in the
deliverance of the empire at once from a cruel tyranny and a
Gallic war.  But he, standing to his first resolves, reserved to
the senate the power of electing an emperor.  Yet when it was
now manifest that Nero was dead, the soldiers pressed him hard
to it, and one of the tribunes, entering his tent with his drawn
sword, bade him either take the government or that.  But after
Fabius Valens, having the command of one legion, had first sworn
fealty to Galba, and letters from Rome came with tidings of the
resolves of the senate, at last with much ado he persuaded the
army to declare Galba emperor.  And when Flaccus Hordeonius came
by Galba's commission as his successor, he handed over to him
his forces, and went himself to meet Galba on his way, and
having met him, turned back to attend him; in all which no
apparent displeasure nor yet honor was shown him.  Galba's
feelings of respect for him prevented the former; the latter was
checked by the envy of his friends, and particularly of Titus
Vinius, who, acting in the desire of hindering Virginius's
promotion, unwittingly aided his happy genius in rescuing him
from those hazards and hardships which other commanders were
involved in, and securing him the safe enjoyment of a quiet life
and peaceable old age.

Near Narbo, a city in Gaul, the deputation of the senate met
Galba, and, after they had delivered their compliments, begged
him to make what haste he could to appear to the people, that
impatiently expected him.  He discoursed with them courteously
and unassumingly, and in his entertainment, though Nymphidius
had sent him royal furniture and attendance of Nero's, he put
all aside, and made use of nothing but his own, for which he
was well spoken of, as one who had a great mind, and was
superior to little vanities.  But in a short time, Vinius, by
declaring to him that these noble, unpompous, citizen-like ways
were a mere affectation of popularity and a petty bashfulness at
assuming his proper greatness, induced him to make use of Nero's
supplies, and in his entertainments not to be afraid of a regal
sumptuosity.  And in more than one way the old man let it
gradually appear that he had put himself under Vinius's
disposal.

Vinius was a person of an excessive covetousness, and not quite
free from blame in respect to women.  For being a young man,
newly entered into the service under Calvisius Sabinus, upon his
first campaign, he brought his commander's wife, a licentious
woman, in a soldier's dress, by night into the camp, and was
found with her in the very general's quarters, the principia, as
the Romans call them.  For which insolence Caius Caesar cast him
into prison, from whence he was fortunately delivered by Caius's
death.  Afterwards, being invited by Claudius Caesar to supper,
he privily conveyed away a silver cup, which Caesar hearing of,
invited him again the next day, and gave order to his servants
to set before him no silver plate, but only earthen ware.  And
this offense, through the comic mildness of Caesar's reprimand,
was treated rather as a subject of jest than as a crime.  But
the acts to which now, when Galba was in his hands and his power
was so extensive, his covetous temper led him were the causes,
in part, and in part the provocation, of tragical and fatal
mischiefs.

Nymphidius became very uneasy upon the return out of Spain of
Gellianus, whom he had sent to pry into Galba's actions,
understanding that Cornelius Laco was appointed commander of the
court guards, and that Vinius was the great favorite, and that
Gellianus had not been able so much as to come nigh, much less
have any opportunity to offer any words in private, so narrowly
had he been watched and observed.  Nymphidius, therefore, called
together the officers of the troops, and declared to them that
Galba of himself was a good, well-meaning old man, but did not
act by his own counsel, and was ill-guided by Vinius and Laco;
and lest, before they were aware, they should engross the
authority Tigellinus had with the troops, he proposed to them to
send deputies from the camp, acquainting him that if he pleased
to remove only these two from his counsel and presence, he would
be much more welcome to all at his arrival.  Wherein when he saw
he did not prevail (it seeming absurd and unmannerly to give
rules to an old commander what friends to retain or displace, as
if he had been a youth newly taking the reins of authority into
his hands), adopting another course, he wrote himself to Galba
letters in alarming terms, one while as if the city were
unsettled, and had not yet recovered its tranquillity; then that
Clodius Macer withheld the corn-ships from Africa; that the
legions in Germany began to be mutinous, and that he heard the
like of those in Syria and Judaea.  But Galba not minding him
much nor giving credit to his stories, he resolved to make his
attempt beforehand, though Clodius Celsus, a native of Antioch,
a person of sense, and friendly and faithful to Nymphidius, told
him he was wrong, saying he did not believe one single street in
Rome would ever give him the title of Caesar.  Nevertheless many
also derided Galba, amongst the rest Mithridates of Pontus,
saying, that as soon as this wrinkled, bald-headed man should be
seen publicly at Rome, they would think it an utter disgrace
ever to have had such a Caesar.

At last it was resolved, about midnight, to bring Nymphidius
into the camp, and declare him emperor.  But Antonius Honoratus,
who was first among the tribunes, summoning together in the
evening those under his command, charged himself and them
severely with their many and unreasonable turns and alterations,
made without any purpose or regard to merit, simply as if some
evil genius hurried them from one treason to another.  "What
though Nero's miscarriages," said he, "gave some color to your
former acts, can you say you have any plea for betraying Galba
in the death of a mother, the blood of a wife, or the
degradation of the imperial power upon the stage and amongst
players?  Neither did we desert Nero for all this, until
Nymphidius had persuaded us that he had first left us and fled
into Egypt.  Shall we, therefore, send Galba after, to appease
Nero's shade, and, for the sake of making the son of Nymphidia
emperor, take off one of Livia's family, as we have already the
son of Agrippina?  Rather, doing justice on him, let us revenge
Nero's death, and show ourselves true and faithful by preserving
Galba."

The tribune having ended his harangue, the soldiers assented,
and encouraged all they met with to persist in their fidelity to
the emperor, and, indeed, brought over the greatest part.  But
presently hearing a great shout, Nymphidius, imagining, as some
say, that the soldiers called for him, or hastening to be in
time to check any opposition and gain the doubtful, came on with
many lights, carrying in his hand a speech in writing, made by
Cingonius Varro, which he had got by heart, to deliver to the
soldiers.  But seeing the gates of the camp shut up, and large
numbers standing armed about the walls, he began to be afraid.
Yet drawing nearer, he demanded what they meant, and by whose
orders they were then in arms; but hearing a general
acclamation, all with one consent crying out that Galba was
their emperor, advancing towards them, he joined in the cry, and
likewise commanded those that followed him to do the same.  The
guard notwithstanding permitted him to enter the camp only with
a few, where he was presently struck with a dart, which
Septimius, being before him, received on his shield; others,
however, assaulted him with their naked swords, and on his
flying, pursued him into a soldier's cabin, where they slew him.
And dragging his body thence, they placed a railing about it,
and exposed it next day to public view.  When Galba heard of
the end which Nymphidius had thus come to, he commanded that all
his confederates who had not at once killed themselves should
immediately be dispatched; amongst whom were Cingonius, who made
his oration, and Mithridates, formerly mentioned.  It was,
however, regarded as arbitrary and illegal, and though it might
be just, yet by no means popular, to take off men of their rank
and quality without a hearing.  For everyone expected another
scheme of government, being deceived, as is usual, by the first
plausible pretenses; and the death of Petronius Turpilianus, who
was of consular dignity, and had remained faithful to Nero, was
yet more keenly resented.  Indeed, the taking off of Macer in
Africa by Trebonius, and Fonteius by Valens in Germany, had a
fair pretense, they being dreaded as armed commanders, having
their soldiers at their bidding; but why refuse Turpilianus, an
old man and unarmed, permission to try to clear himself, if any
part of the moderation and equity at first promised were really
to come to a performance?  Such were the comments to which these
actions exposed him.  When he came within five and twenty
furlongs or thereabouts of the city, he happened to light on a
disorderly rabble of the seamen, who beset him as he passed.
These were they whom Nero made soldiers, forming them into a
legion.  They so rudely crowded to have their commission
confirmed, that they did not let Galba either be seen or heard
by those that had come out to meet their new emperor; but
tumultuously pressed on with loud shouts to have colors to their
legion, and quarters assigned them.  Galba put them off until
another time, which they interpreting as a denial, grew more
insolent and mutinous, following and crying out, some of them
with their drawn swords in their hands.  Upon seeing which,
Galba commanded the horse to ride over them, when they were soon
routed, not a man standing his ground, and many of them were
slain, both there and in the pursuit; an ill omen, that Galba
should make his first entry through so much blood and among dead
bodies.  And now he was looked upon with terror and alarm by any
who had entertained contempt of him at the sight of his age and
apparent infirmities.

But when he desired presently to let it appear what change would
be made from Nero's profuseness and sumptuosity in giving
presents, he much missed his aim, and fell so short of
magnificence, that he scarcely came within the limits of
decency.  When Canus, who was a famous musician, played at
supper for him, he expressed his approbation, and bade the bag
be brought to him; and taking a few gold pieces, put them in
with this remark, that it was out of his own purse, and not on
the public account.  He ordered the largesses which Nero had
made to actors and wrestlers and such like to be strictly
required again, allowing only the tenth part to be retained;
though it turned to very small account, most of those persons
expending their daily income as fast as they received it, being
rude, improvident livers; upon which he had further inquiry made
as to those who had bought or received from them, and called
upon these people to refund.  The trouble was infinite, the
exactions being prosecuted far, touching a great number of
persons, bringing disrepute on Galba, and general hatred on
Vinius, who made the emperor appear base-minded and mean to the
world, whilst he himself was spending profusely, taking whatever
he could get, and selling to any buyer.  Hesiod tells us to
drink without stinting of

The end and the beginning of the cask.

And Vinius, seeing his patron old and decaying, made the most of
what he considered to be at once the first of his fortune and
the last of it.

Thus the aged man suffered in two ways: first, through the evil
deeds which Vinius did himself, and, next, by his preventing or
bringing into disgrace those just acts which he himself
designed.  Such was the punishing Nero's adherents.  When he
destroyed the bad, amongst whom were Helius, Polycletus,
Petinus, and Patrobius, the people mightily applauded the act,
crying out, as they were dragged through the forum, that it was
a goodly sight, grateful to the gods themselves, adding,
however, that the gods and men alike demanded justice on
Tigellinus, the very tutor and prompter of all the tyranny.
This good man, however, had taken his measures beforehand, in
the shape of a present and a promise to Vinius.  Turpilianus
could not be allowed to escape with life, though his one and
only crime had been that he had not betrayed or shown hatred to
such a ruler as Nero.  But he who had made Nero what he became,
and afterwards deserted and betrayed him whom he had so
corrupted, was allowed to survive as an instance that Vinius
could do anything, and an advertisement that those that had
money to give him need despair of nothing.  The people, however,
were so possessed with the desire of seeing Tigellinus dragged
to execution, that they never ceased to require it at the
theater and in the race-course, till they were checked by an
edict from the emperor himself, announcing that Tigellinus could
not live long, being wasted with a consumption, and requesting
them not to seek to make his government appear cruel and
tyrannical.  So the dissatisfied populace were laughed at, and
Tigellinus made a splendid feast, and sacrificed in thanksgiving
for his deliverance: and after supper, Vinius, rising from the
emperor's table, went to revel with Tigellinus, taking his
daughter, a widow, with him; to whom Tigellinus presented his
compliments, with a gift of twenty-five myriads of money, and
bade the superintendent of his concubines take off a rich
necklace from her own neck and tie it about hers, the value of
it being estimated at fifteen myriads.

After this, even reasonable acts were censured; as, for example,
the treatment of the Gauls who had been in the conspiracy with
Vindex.  For people looked upon their abatement of tribute and
admission to citizenship as a piece, not of clemency on the part
of Galba, but of money-making on that of Vinius.  And thus the
mass of the people began to look with dislike upon the
government.  The soldiers were kept on a while in expectation of
the promised donative, supposing that if they did not receive
the full, yet they should have at least as much as Nero gave
them.  But when Galba, on hearing they began to complain,
declared greatly, and like a general, that he was used to enlist
and not to buy his soldiers, when they heard of this, they
conceived an implacable hatred against him; for he did not seem
to defraud them merely himself in their present expectations,
but to give an ill precedent, and instruct his successors to do
the like.  This heart-burning, however, was as yet at Rome a
thing undeclared, and a certain respect for Galba's personal
presence somewhat retarded their motions, and took off their
edge, and their having no obvious occasion for beginning a
revolution curbed and kept under, more or less, their
resentments.  But those forces that had been formerly under
Virginius, and now were under Flaccus in Germany, valuing
themselves much upon the battle they had fought with Vindex, and
finding now no advantage of it, grew very refractory and
intractable towards their officers: and Flaccus they wholly
disregarded, being incapacitated in body by unintermitted gout,
and, besides, a man of little experience in affairs.  So at one
of their festivals, when it was customary for the officers of
the army to wish all health and happiness to the emperor, the
common soldiers began to murmur loudly, and on their officers
persisting in the ceremony, responded with the words, "If he
deserves it."

When some similar insolence was committed by the legions under
Vitellius, frequent letters with the information came to Galba
from his agents; and taking alarm at this, and fearing that he
might be despised not only for his old age, but also for want of
issue, he determined to adopt some young man of distinction, and
declare him his successor.  There was at this time in the city
Marcus Otho, a person of fair extraction, but from his childhood
one of the few most debauched, voluptuous, and luxurious livers
in Rome.  And as Homer gives Paris in several places the title
of "fair Helen's love," making a woman's name the glory and
addition to his, as if he had nothing else to distinguish him,
so Otho was renowned in Rome for nothing more than his marriage
with Poppaea, whom Nero had a passion for when she was
Crispinus's wife.  But being as yet respectful to his own wife,
and standing in awe of his mother, he engaged Otho underhand to
solicit her.  For Nero lived familiarly with Otho, whose
prodigality won his favor, and he was well pleased when he took
the freedom to jest upon him as mean and penurious.  Thus when
Nero one day perfumed himself with some rich essence and favored
Otho with a sprinkle of it, he, entertaining Nero next day,
ordered gold and silver pipes to disperse the like on a sudden
freely, like water, throughout the room.  As to Poppaea, he was
beforehand with Nero, and first seducing her himself, then, with
the hope of Nero's favor, he prevailed with her to part with her
husband, and brought her to his own house as his wife, and was
not content afterwards to have a share in her, but grudged to
have Nero for a claimant, Poppaea herself, they say, being
rather pleased than otherwise with this jealousy; she sometimes
excluded Nero, even when Otho was not present, either to prevent
his getting tired with her, or, as some say, not liking the
prospect of an imperial marriage, though willing enough to have
the emperor as her lover.  So that Otho ran the risk of his
life, and strange it was he escaped, when Nero, for this very
marriage, killed his wife and sister.  But he was beholden to
Seneca's friendship, by whose persuasions and entreaty Nero was
prevailed with to dispatch him as praetor into Lusitania, on the
shores of the Ocean; where he behaved himself very agreeably and
indulgently to those he had to govern, well knowing this command
was but to color and disguise his banishment.

When Galba revolted from Nero, Otho was the first governor of
any of the provinces that came over to him, bringing all the
gold and silver he possessed in the shape of cups and tables, to
be coined into money, and also what servants he had fitly
qualified to wait upon a prince.  In all other points, too, he
was faithful to him, and gave him sufficient proof that he was
inferior to none in managing public business.  And he so far
ingratiated himself, that he rode in the same carriage with him
during the whole journey, several days together.  And in this
journey and familiar companionship, he won over Vinius also,
both by his conversation and presents, but especially by
conceding to him the first place, securing the second, by his
interest, for himself.  And he had the advantage of him in
avoiding all odium and jealousy, assisting all petitioners,
without asking for any reward, and appearing courteous and of
easy access towards all, especially to the military men, for
many of whom he obtained commands, some immediately from the
emperor, others by Vinius's means, and by the assistance of the
two favorite freedmen, Icelus and Asiaticus, these being the
men in chief power in the court.  As often as he entertained
Galba, he gave the cohort on duty, in addition to their pay, a
piece of gold for every man there, upon pretense of respect to
the emperor, while really he undermined him, and stole away his
popularity with the soldiers.

So Galba consulting about a successor, Vinius introduced Otho,
yet not even this gratis, but upon promise that he would marry
his daughter, if Galba should make him his adopted son and
successor to the empire.  But Galba, in all his actions, showed
clearly that he preferred the public good before his own private
interest, not aiming so much to pleasure himself as to advantage
the Romans by his selection.  Indeed he does not seem to have
been so much as inclined to make choice of Otho, had it been but
to inherit his own private fortune, knowing his extravagant and
luxurious character, and that he was already plunged in debt
five thousand myriads deep.  So he listened to Vinius, and made
no reply, but mildly suspended his determination.  Only he
appointed himself consul, and Vinius his colleague, and it was
the general expectation that he would declare his successor at
the beginning of the new year.  And the soldiers desired nothing
more than that Otho should be the person.

But the forces in Germany broke out into their mutiny whilst he
was yet deliberating, and anticipated his design.  All the
soldiers in general felt much resentment against Galba for not
having given them their expected largess but these troops made a
pretense of a more particular concern, that Virginius Rufus was
cast off dishonorably, and that the Gauls who had fought with
them were well rewarded, while those who had refused to take
part with Vindex were punished; and Galba's thanks seemed all to
be for him, to whose memory he had done honor after his death
with public solemnities as though he had been made emperor by
his means only.  Whilst these discourses passed openly
throughout the army, on the first day of the first month of the
year, the Calends, as they call it, of January, Flaccus
summoning them to take the usual anniversary oath of fealty to
the emperor, they overturned and pulled down Galba's statues,
and having sworn in the name of the senate and people of Rome,
departed.  But the officers now feared anarchy and confusion, as
much as rebellion; and one of them came forward and said: "What
will become of us, my fellow-soldiers, if we neither set up
another general, nor retain the present one?  This will be not
so much to desert from Galba as to decline all subjection and
command.  It is useless to try and maintain Flaccus Hordeonius,
who is but a mere shadow and image of Galba.  But Vitellius,
commander of the other Germany, is but one day's march distant,
whose father was censor and thrice consul, and in a manner
co-emperor with Claudius Caesar; and he himself has the best
proof to show of his bounty and largeness of mind, in the
poverty with which some reproach him.  Him let us make choice
of, that all may see we know how to choose an emperor better
than either Spaniards or Lusitanians."  Which motion whilst some
assented to, and others gainsaid, a certain standard-bearer
slipped out and carried the news to Vitellius, who was
entertaining much company by night.  This, taking air, soon
passed through the troops, and Fabius Valens, who commanded one
legion, riding up next day with a large body of horse, saluted
Vitellius emperor.  He had hitherto seemed to decline it,
professing a dread he had to undertake the weight of the
government; but on this day, being fortified, they say, by wine
and a plentiful noonday repast, he began to yield, and submitted
to take on him the title of Germanicus they gave him, but
desired to be excused as to that of Caesar.  And immediately the
army under Flaccus also, putting away their fine and popular
oaths in the name of the senate, swore obedience to Vitellius as
emperor, to observe whatever he commanded.

Thus Vitellius was publicly proclaimed emperor in Germany; which
news coming to Galba's ear, he no longer deferred his adoption;
yet knowing that some of his friends were using their interest
for Dolabella, and the greatest number of them for Otho, neither
of whom he approved of, on a sudden, without anyone's privity,
he sent for Piso, the son of Crassus and Scribonia, whom Nero
slew, a young man in general of excellent dispositions for
virtue, but his most eminent qualities those of steadiness and
austere gravity.  And so he set out to go to the camp to declare
him Caesar and successor to the empire.  But at his very first
going forth, many signs appeared in the heavens, and when he
began to make a speech to the soldiers, partly extempore, and
partly reading it, the frequent claps of thunder and flashes of
lightning and the violent storm of rain that burst on both the
camp and the city were plain discoveries that the divine powers
did not look with favor or satisfaction on this act of adoption,
that would come to no good result.  The soldiers, also, showed
symptoms of hidden discontent, and wore sullen looks, no
distribution of money being even now made to them.  However,
those that were present and observed Piso's countenance and
voice could not but feel admiration to see him so little
overcome by so great a favor, of the magnitude of which at the
same time he seemed not at all insensible.  Otho's aspect, on
the other hand, did not fail to let many marks appear of his
bitterness and anger at his disappointment; since to have been
the first man thought of for it, and to have come to the very
point of being chosen, and now to be put by, was in his feelings
a sign of the displeasure and ill-will of Galba towards him.
This filled him with fears and apprehensions, and sent him home
with a mind full of various passions, whilst he dreaded Piso,
hated Galba, and was full of wrath and indignation against
Vinius.  And the Chaldeans and soothsayers about him would not
permit him to lay aside his hopes or quit his design, chiefly
Ptolemaeus, insisting much on a prediction he had made, that
Nero should not murder Otho, but he himself should die first,
and Otho succeed as emperor; for the first proving true, he
thought he could not distrust the rest.  But none perhaps
stimulated him more than those that professed privately to pity
his hard fate and compassionate him for being thus ungratefully
dealt with by Galba; especially Nymphidius's and Tigellinus's
creatures, who, being now cast off and reduced to low estate,
were eager to put themselves upon him, exclaiming at the
indignity he had suffered, and provoking him to revenge himself.

Amongst these were Veturius and Barbius, the one an optio, the
other a tesserarius (these are men who have the duties of
messengers and scouts), with whom Onomastus, one of Otho's
freedmen, went to the camp, to tamper with the army, and brought
over some with money, others with fair promises, which was no
hard matter, they being already corrupted, and only wanting a
fair pretense.  It had been otherwise more than the work of four
days (which elapsed between the adoption and murder) so
completely to infect them as to cause a general revolt.  On the
sixth day ensuing, the eighteenth, as the Romans call it,
before the Calends of February, the murder was done.  On that
day, in the morning, Galba sacrificed in the Palatium, in the
presence of his friends, when Umbricius, the priest, taking up
the entrails, and speaking not ambiguously, but in plain words,
said that there were signs of great troubles ensuing, and
dangerous snares laid for the life of the emperor.  Thus Otho
had even been discovered by the finger of the god; being there
just behind Galba, hearing all that was said, and seeing what
was pointed out to them by Umbricius.  His countenance changed
to every color in his fear, and he was betraying no small
discomposure, when Onomastus, his freedman, came up and
acquainted him that the master-builders had come, and were
waiting for him at home.  Now that was the signal for Otho to
meet the soldiers.  Pretending then that he had purchased an old
house, and was going to show the defects to those that had sold
it to him, he departed; and passing through what is called
Tiberius's house, he went on into the forum, near the spot
where a golden pillar stands, at which all the several roads
through Italy terminate.

Here, it is related, no more than twenty-three received and
saluted him emperor; so that, although he was not in mind as in
body enervated with soft living and effeminacy, being in his
nature bold and fearless enough in danger, nevertheless, he was
afraid to go on.  But the soldiers that were present would not
suffer him to recede, but came with their drawn swords about his
chair, commanding the bearers to take him up, whom he hastened
on, saying several times over to himself, "I am a lost man."
Several persons overheard the words, who stood by wondering,
rather than alarmed, because of the small number that attempted
such an enterprise.  But as they marched on through the forum,
about as many more met him, and here and there three or four at
a time joined in.  Thus returning towards the camp, with their
bare swords in their hands, they saluted him as Caesar;
whereupon Martialis, the tribune in charge of the watch, who
was, they say, noways privy to it, but was simply surprised at
the unexpectedness of the thing, and afraid to refuse, permitted
him entrance.  And after this, no man made any resistance; for
they that knew nothing of the design, being purposely
encompassed by the conspirators, as they were straggling here
and there, first submitted for fear, and afterwards were
persuaded into compliance.  Tidings came immediately to Galba in
the Palatium, whilst the priest was still present and the
sacrifices at hand, so that persons who were most entirely
incredulous about such things, and most positive in their
neglect of them, were astonished, and began to marvel at the
divine event.  A multitude of all sorts of people now began to
run together out of the forum; Vinius and Laco and some of
Galba's freedmen drew their swords and placed themselves beside
him; Piso went forth and addressed himself to the guards on duty
in the court; and Marius Celsus, a brave man, was dispatched to
the Illyrian legion, stationed in what is called the Vipsanian
chamber, to secure them.

Galba now consulting whether he should go out, Vinius dissuaded
him, but Celsus and Laco encouraged him by all means to do so,
and sharply reprimanded Vinius.  But on a sudden a rumor came
hot that Otho was slain in the camp; and presently appeared one
Julius Atticus, a man of some distinction in the guards, running
up with his drawn sword, crying out that he had slain Caesar's
enemy; and pressing through the crowd that stood in his way, he
presented himself before Galba with his bloody weapon, who,
looking on him, demanded, "Who gave you your orders?"  And on
his answering that it had been his duty and the obligation of
the oath he had taken, the people applauded, giving loud
acclamations, and Galba got into his chair and was carried out
to sacrifice to Jupiter, and so to show himself publicly.  But
coming into the forum, there met him there, like a turn of wind,
the opposite story, that Otho had made himself master of the
camp.  And as usual in a crowd of such a size, some called to
him to return back, others to move forward; some encouraged him
to be bold and fear nothing, others bade him be cautious and
distrust.  And thus whilst his chair was tossed to and fro, as
it were on the waves, often tottering, there appeared first
horse, and straightaway heavy-armed foot, coming through
Paulus's court, and all with one accord crying out, "Down with
this private man."  Upon this, the crowd of people set off
running, not to fly and disperse, but to possess themselves of
the colonnades and elevated places of the forum, as it might be
to get places to see a spectacle.  And as soon as Atillius
Vergilio knocked down one of Galba's statues, this was taken as
the declaration of war, and they sent a discharge of darts upon
Galba's litter, and, missing their aim, came up and attacked him
nearer hand with their naked swords.  No man resisted or offered
to stand up in his defense, save one only, a centurion,
Sempronius Densus, the single man among so many thousands that
the sun beheld that day act worthily of the Roman empire, who,
though he had never received any favor from Galba, yet out of
bravery and allegiance endeavored to defend the litter.  First,
lifting up his switch of vine, with which the centurions correct
the soldiers when disorderly, he called aloud to the aggressors,
charging them not to touch their emperor.  And when they came
upon him hand to hand, he drew his sword, and made a defense for
a long time, until at last he was cut under the knees and
brought to the ground.

Galba's chair was upset at the spot called the Lacus Curtius,
where they ran up and struck at him as he lay in his corslet.
He, however, offered his throat, bidding them "Strike, if it be
for the Romans' good."  He received several wounds on his legs
and arms, and at last was struck in the throat, as most say, by
one Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth legion.  Some name
Terentius, others Lecanius; and there are others that say it was
Fabius Falulus, who, it is reported, cut off the head and
carried it away in the skirt of his coat, the baldness making it
a difficult thing to take hold of.  But those that were with him
would not allow him to keep it covered up, but bade him let
everyone see the brave deed he had done; so that after a while
he stuck upon the lance the head of the aged man that had been
their grave and temperate ruler, their supreme priest and
consul, and, tossing it up in the air, ran like a bacchanal,
twirling and flourishing with it, while the blood ran down the
spear.  But when they brought the head to Otho,
"Fellow-soldiers," he cried out, "this is nothing, unless you
show me Piso's too," which was presented him not long after.
The young man, retreating upon a wound received, was pursued by
one Murcus, and slain at the temple of Vesta.  Titus Vinius was
also dispatched, avowing himself to have been privy to the
conspiracy against Galba by calling out that they were killing
him contrary to Otho's pleasure.  However, they cut off his
head, and Laco's too, and brought them to Otho, requesting a
boon.

And as Archilochus says --

When six or seven lie breathless on the ground,
'Twas I, 'twas I, say thousands, gave the wound.

Thus many that had no share in the murder wetted their hands and
swords in blood, and came and showed them to Otho, presenting
memorials suing for a gratuity.  Not less than one hundred and
twenty were identified afterwards from their written petitions;
all of whom Vitellius sought out and put to death.  There came
also into the camp Marius Celsus, and was accused by many voices
of encouraging the soldiers to assist Galba, and was demanded to
death by the multitude.  Otho had no desire for this, yet,
fearing an absolute denial, he professed that he did not wish to
take him off so soon, having many matters yet to learn from him;
and so committed him safe to the custody of those he most
confided in.

Forthwith a senate was convened, and as if they were not the
same men, or had other gods to swear by, they took that oath in
Otho's name which he himself had taken in Galba's and had
broken; and withal conferred on him the titles of Caesar and
Augustus; whilst the dead carcasses of the slain lay yet in
their consular robes in the marketplace.  As for their heads,
when they could make no other use of them, Vinius's they sold to
his daughter for two thousand five hundred drachmas; Piso's was
begged by his wife Verania; Galba's they gave to Patrobius's
servants; who when they had it, after all sorts of abuse and
indignities, tumbled it into the place where those that suffer
death by the emperor's orders are usually cast, called
Sessorium.  Galba's body was conveyed away by Priscus Helvidius
by Otho's permission, and buried in the night by Argius, his
freedman.

Thus you have the history of Galba, a person inferior to few
Romans, either for birth or riches, rather exceeding all of his
time in both, having lived in great honor and reputation in the
reigns of five emperors, insomuch that he overthrew Nero rather
by his fame and repute in the world than by actual force and
power.  Of all the others that joined in Nero's deposition, some
were by general consent regarded as unworthy, others had only
themselves to vote them deserving of the empire.  To him the
title was offered, and by him it was accepted; and simply
lending his name to Vindex's attempt, he gave to what had been
called rebellion before, the name of a civil war, by the
presence of one that was accounted fit to govern.  And,
therefore, as he considered that he had not so much sought the
position as the position had sought him, he proposed to command
those whom Nymphidius and Tigellinus had wheedled into
obedience, no otherwise than Scipio formerly and Fabricius and
Camillus had commanded the Romans of their times.  But being now
overcome with age, he was indeed among the troops and legions an
upright ruler upon the antique model; but for the rest, giving
himself up to Vinius, Laco, and his freedmen, who made their
gain of all things, no otherwise than Nero had done to his
insatiate favorites, he left none behind him to wish him still
in power, though many to compassionate his death.

OTHO

The new emperor went early in the morning to the capitol, and
sacrificed; and, having commanded Marius Celsus to be brought,
he saluted him, and with obliging language desired him rather to
forget his accusation than remember his acquittal; to which
Celsus answered neither meanly nor ungratefully, that his very
crime ought to recommend his integrity, since his guilt had been
his fidelity to Galba, from whom he had never received any
personal obligations.  Upon which they were both of them admired
by those that were present, and applauded by the soldiers.

In the senate, Otho said much in a gentle and popular strain.
He was to have been consul for part of that year himself, but he
gave the office to Virginius Rufus, and displaced none that had
been named for the consulship by either Nero or Galba.  Those
that were remarkable for their age and dignity he promoted to
the priest-hoods; and restored the remains of their fortunes,
that had not yet been sold, to all those senators that were
banished by Nero and recalled by Galba.  So that the nobility
and chief of the people, who were at first apprehensive that no
human creature, but some supernatural penal, or vindictive power
had seized the empire, began now to flatter themselves with
hopes of a government that smiled upon them thus early.

Besides, nothing gratified or gained the whole Roman people more
than his justice in relation to Tigellinus.  It was not seen how
he was in fact already suffering punishment, not only by the
very terror of retribution which he saw the whole city requiring
as a just debt, but with several incurable diseases also; not to
mention those unhallowed frightful excesses among impure and
prostituted women, to which, at the very close of life, his lewd
nature clung, and in them gasped out, as it were, its last;
these, in the opinion of all reasonable men, being themselves
the extremest punishment, and equal to many deaths.  But it was
felt like a grievance by people in general that he continued yet
to see the light of day, who had been the occasion of the loss
of it to so many persons, and such persons, as had died by his
means.  Wherefore Otho ordered him to be sent for, just as he
was contriving his escape by means of some vessels that lay
ready for him on the coast near where he lived, in the
neighborhood of Sinuessa.  At first he endeavored to corrupt the
messenger, by a large sum of money, to favor his design; but
when he found this was to no purpose, he made him as
considerable a present, as if he had really connived at it, only
entreating him to stay till he had shaved; and so took that
opportunity, and with his razor dispatched himself.

And while giving the people this most righteous satisfaction of
their desires, for himself he seemed to have no sort of regard
for any private injuries of his own.  And at first, to please
the populace, he did not refuse to be called Nero in the
theater, and did not interfere when some persons displayed
Nero's statues to public view.  And Cluvius Rufus says,
imperial letters, such as are sent with couriers, went into
Spain with the name of Nero affixed adoptively to that of Otho;
but as soon as he perceived this gave offense to the chief and
most distinguished citizens, it was omitted.

After he had begun to model the government in this manner, the
paid soldiers began to murmur, and endeavored to make him
suspect and chastise the nobility, either really out of a
concern for his safety, or wishing, upon this pretense, to stir
up trouble and warfare.  Thus, whilst Crispinus, whom he had
ordered to bring him the seventeenth cohort from Ostia, began to
collect what he wanted after it was dark, and was putting the
arms upon the wagons, some of the most turbulent cried out that
Crispinus was disaffected, that the senate was practicing
something against the emperor, and that those arms were to be
employed against Caesar, and not for him.  When this report was
once set afoot, it got the belief and excited the passions of
many; they broke out into violence; some seized the wagons, and
others slew Crispinus and two centurions that opposed them; and
the whole number of them, arraying themselves in their arms, and
encouraging one another to stand by Caesar, marched to Rome.
And hearing there that eighty of the senators were at supper
with Otho, they flew to the palace, and declared it was a fair
opportunity to take off Caesar's enemies at one stroke.  A
general alarm ensued of an immediate coming sack of the city.
All were in confusion about the palace, and Otho himself in no
small consternation, being not only concerned for the senators
(some of whom had brought their wives to supper thither), but
also feeling himself to be an object of alarm and suspicion to
them, whose eyes he saw fixed on him in silence and terror.
Therefore he gave orders to the prefects to address the soldiers
and do their best to pacify them, while he bade the guests rise,
and leave by another door.  They had only just made their way
out, when the soldiers rushed into the room, and called out,
"Where are Caesar's enemies?"  Then Otho, standing up on his
couch, made use both of arguments and entreaties, and by actual
tears at last, with great difficulty, persuaded them to desist.
The next day he went to the camp, and distributed a bounty of
twelve hundred and fifty drachmas a man amongst them; then
commended them for the regard and zeal they had for his safety,
but told them, that there were some who were intriguing among
them, who not only accused his own clemency, but had also
misrepresented their loyalty; and, therefore, he desired their
assistance in doing justice upon them.  To which when they all
consented, he was satisfied with the execution of two only,
whose deaths he knew would be regretted by no one man in the
whole army.

Such conduct, so little expected from him, was rewarded by some
with gratitude and confidence; others looked upon his behavior
as a course to which necessity drove him, to gain the people to
the support of the war.  For now there were certain tidings that
Vitellius had assumed the sovereign title and authority, and
frequent expresses brought accounts of new accessions to him;
others, however, came, announcing that the Pannonian, Dalmatian,
and Moesian legions, with their officers, adhered to Otho.
Erelong also came favorable letters from Mucianus and Vespasian,
generals of two formidable armies, the one in Syria, the other
in Judaea, to assure him of their firmness to his interest: in
confidence whereof he was so exalted, that he wrote to Vitellius
not to attempt anything beyond his post; and offered him large
sums of money and a city, where he might live his time out in
pleasure and ease.  These overtures at first were responded to
by Vitellius with equivocating civilities; which soon, however,
turned into an interchange of angry words; and letters passed
between the two, conveying bitter and shameful terms of
reproach, which were not false indeed, for that matter, only it
was senseless and ridiculous for each to assail the other with
accusations to which both alike must plead guilty.  For it were
hard to determine which of the two had been most profuse, most
effeminate, which was most a novice in military affairs, and
most involved in debt through previous want of means.

As to the prodigies and apparitions that happened about this
time, there were many reported which none could answer for, or
which were told in different ways, but one which everybody
actually saw with their eyes was the statue in the capitol, of
Victory carried in a chariot, with the reins dropped out of her
hands, as if she were grown too weak to hold them any longer;
and a second, that Caius Caesar's  statue in the island of
Tiber, without any earthquake or wind to account for it, turned
round from west to east; and this they say, happened about the
time when Vespasian and his party first openly began to put
themselves forward.  Another incident, which the people in
general thought an evil sign, was the inundation of the Tiber;
for though it happened at a time when rivers are usually at
their fullest, yet such height of water and so tremendous a
flood had never been known before, nor such a destruction of
property, great part of the city being under water, and
especially the corn market, so that it occasioned a great dearth
for several days.

But when news was now brought that Caecina and Valens,
commanding for Vitellius, had possessed themselves of the Alps,
Otho sent Dolabella (a patrician, who was suspected by the
soldiery of some ill design), for whatever reason, whether it
were fear of him or of anyone else, to the town of Aquinum, to
give encouragement there; and proceeding then to choose which of
the magistrates should go with him to the war, he named amongst
the rest Lucius, Vitellius's brother, without distinguishing him
by any new marks either of his favor or displeasure.  He also
took the greatest precautions for Vitellius's wife and mother,
that they might be safe, and free from all apprehension for
themselves.  He made Flavius Sabinus, Vespasian's brother,
governor of Rome, either in honor to the memory of Nero, who had
advanced him formerly to that command, which Galba had taken
away, or else to show his confidence in Vespasian by his favor
to his brother.

After he came to Brixillum, a town of Italy near the Po, he
stayed behind himself, and ordered the army to march under the
conduct of Marius Celsus, Suetonius Paulinus, Gallus, and
Spurina, all men of experience and reputation, but unable to
carry their own plans and purposes into effect, by reason of the
ungovernable temper of the army, which would take orders from
none but the emperor whom they themselves had made their master.
Nor was the enemy under much better discipline, the soldiers
there also being haughty and disobedient upon the same account,
but they were more experienced and used to hard work; whereas
Otho's men were soft from their long easy living and lack of
service, having spent most of their time in theaters and at
state-shows and on the stage; while moreover they tried to cover
their deficiencies by arrogance and vain display, pretending to
decline their duty not because they were unable to do the thing
commanded but because they thought themselves above it.  So that
Spurina had like to have been cut in pieces for attempting to
force them to their work; they assailed him with insolent
language, accusing him of a design to betray and ruin Caesar's
interest; nay, some of them that were in drink forced his tent
in the night, and demanded money for the expenses of their
journey, which they must at once take, they said, to the
emperor, to complain of him.

However, the contemptuous treatment they met with at Placentia
did for the present good service to Spurina, and to the cause of
Otho.  For Vitellius's men marched up to the walls, and
upbraided Otho's upon the ramparts, calling them players,
dancers, idle spectators of Pythian and Olympic games, but
novices in the art of war, who never so much as looked on at a
battle; mean souls, that triumphed in the beheading of Galba, an
old man unarmed, but had no desire to look real enemies in the
face.  Which reproaches so inflamed them, that they kneeled at
Spurina's feet, entreated him to give his orders, and assured
him no danger or toil should be too great or too difficult for
them.  Whereupon when Vitellius's forces made a vigorous attack
on the town, and brought up numerous engines against the walls,
the besieged bravely repulsed them, and, repelling the enemy
with great slaughter, secured the safety of a noble city, one of
the most flourishing places in Italy.

Besides, it was observed that Otho's officers were much more
inoffensive, both towards the public and to private men, than
those of Vitellius; among whom was Caecina, who used neither the
language nor the apparel of a citizen; an overbearing,
foreign-seeming man, of gigantic stature and always dressed in
trews and sleeves, after the manner of the Gauls, whilst he
conversed with Roman officials and magistrates.  His wife, too,
traveled along with him, riding in splendid attire on horseback,
with a chosen body of cavalry to escort her.  And Fabius Valens,
the other general, was so rapacious, that neither what he
plundered from enemies nor what he stole or got as gifts and
bribes from his friends and allies could satisfy his wishes.
And it was said that it was in order to have time to raise money
that he had marched so slowly that he was not present at the
former attack.  But some lay the blame on Caecina, saying, that
out of a desire to gain the victory by himself before Fabius
joined him, he committed sundry other errors of lesser
consequence, and by engaging unseasonably and when he could not
do so thoroughly, he very nearly brought all to ruin.

When he found himself beat off at Placentia, he set off to
attack Cremona, another large and rich city.  In the meantime,
Annius Gallus marched to join Spurina at Placentia; but having
intelligence that the siege was raised, and that Cremona was in
danger, he turned to its relief, and encamped just by the enemy,
where he was daily reinforced by other officers.  Caecina placed
a strong ambush of heavy infantry in some rough and woody
country, and gave orders to his horse to advance, and if the
enemy should charge them, then to make a slow retreat, and draw
them into the snare.  But his stratagem was discovered by some
deserters to Celsus, who attacked with a good body of horse, but
followed the pursuit cautiously, and succeeded in surrounding
and routing the troops in the ambuscade; and if the infantry
which he ordered up from the camp had come soon enough to
sustain the horse, Caecina's whole army, in all appearance, had
been totally routed.  But Paulinus, moving too slowly, was
accused of acting with a degree of needless caution not to have
been expected from one of his reputation.  So that the soldiers
incensed Otho against him, accused him of treachery, and boasted
loudly that the victory had been in their power, and that if it
was not complete, it was owing to the mismanagement of their
generals; all which Otho did not so much believe as he was
willing to appear not to disbelieve.  He therefore sent his
brother Titianus, with Proculus, the prefect of the guards, to
the army, where the latter was general in reality, and the
former in appearance.  Celsus and Paulinus had the title of
friends and counselors, but not the least authority or power.
At the same time, there was nothing but quarrel and disturbance
amongst the enemy, especially where Valens commanded; for the
soldiers here, being informed of what had happened at the
ambuscade, were enraged because they had not been permitted to
be present to strike a blow in defense of the lives of so many
men that had died in that action.  Valens, with much difficulty,
quieted their fury, after they had now begun to throw missiles
at him, and quitting his camp, joined Caecina.

About this time, Otho came to Bedriacum, a little town near
Cremona, to the camp, and called a council of war; where
Proculus and Titianus declared for giving battle, while the
soldiers were flushed with their late success, saying they ought
not to lose their time and opportunity and present height of
strength, and wait for Vitellius to arrive out of Gaul.  But
Paulinus told them that the enemy's whole force was present, and
that there was no body of reserve behind; but that Otho, if he
would not be too precipitate, and choose the enemy's time,
instead of his own, for the battle, might expect reinforcements
out of Moesia and Pannonia, not inferior in numbers to the
troops that were already present.  He thought it probable, too,
that the soldiers, who were then in heart before they were
joined, would not be less so when the forces were all come up.
Besides, the deferring battle could not be inconvenient to them
that were sufficiently provided with all necessaries; but the
others, being in an enemy's country, must needs be exceedingly
straitened in a little time.  Marius Celsus was of Paulinus's
opinion; Annius Gallus, being absent and under the surgeon's
hands through a fall from his horse, was consulted by letter,
and advised Otho to stay for those legions that were marching
from Moesia.  But after all he did not follow the advice; and
the opinion of those that declared for a battle prevailed.

There are several reasons given for this determination, but the
most apparent is this; that the praetorian soldiers, as they are
called, who serve as guards, not relishing the military
discipline which they now had begun a little more to experience,
and longing for their amusements and unwarlike life among the
shows of Rome, would not be commanded, but were eager for a
battle, imagining that upon the first onset they should carry
all before them.  Otho also himself seems not to have shown the
proper fortitude in bearing up against the uncertainty, and, out
of effeminacy and want of use, had not patience for the
calculations of danger, and was so uneasy at the apprehension of
it, that he shut his eyes, and like one going to leap from a
precipice, left everything to fortune.  This is the account
Secundus the rhetorician, who was his secretary, gave of the
matter.  But others would tell you that there were many
movements in both armies for acting in concert; and if it were
possible for them to agree, then they should proceed to choose
one of their most experienced officers that were present; if
not, they should convene the senate, and invest it with the
power of election.  And it is not improbable that, neither of
the emperors then bearing the title having really any
reputation, such purposes were really entertained among the
genuine, serviceable, and sober-minded part of the soldiers.
For what could be more odious and unreasonable than that the
evils which the Roman citizens had formerly thought it so
lamentable to inflict upon each other for the sake of a Sylla or
a Marius, a Caesar or a Pompey, should now be undergone anew,
for the object of letting the empire pay the expenses of the
gluttony and intemperance of Vitellius, or the looseness and
effeminacy of Otho?  It is thought that Celsus, upon such
reflections, protracted the time in order to a possible
accommodation; and that Otho pushed on things to an extremity to
prevent it.

He himself returned to Brixillum, which was another false step,
both because he withdrew from the combatants all the motives of
respect and desire to gain his favor, which his presence would
have supplied, and because he weakened the army by detaching
some of his best and most faithful troops for his horse and foot
guards.

About the same time also happened a skirmish on the Po.  As
Caecina was laying a bridge over it, Otho's men attacked him,
and tried to prevent it.  And when they did not succeed, on
their putting into their boats torchwood with a quantity of
sulphur and pitch, the wind on the river suddenly caught their
material that they had prepared against the enemy, and blew it
into a light.  First came smoke, and then a clear flame, and the
men, getting into great confusion and jumping overboard, upset
the boats, and put themselves ludicrously at the mercy of their
enemies.  Also the Germans attacked Otho's gladiators upon a
small island in the river, routed them, and killed a good many.

All which made the soldiers at Bedriacum full of anger, and
eagerness to be led to battle.  So Proculus led them out of
Bedriacum to a place fifty furlongs off, where he pitched his
camp so ignorantly and with such a ridiculous want of foresight,
that the soldiers suffered extremely for want of water, though
it was the spring time, and the plains all around were full of
running streams and rivers that never dried up.  The next day he
proposed to attack the enemy, first making a march of not less
than a hundred furlongs; but to this Paulinus objected, saying
they ought to wait, and not immediately after a journey engage
men who would have been standing in their arms and arranging
themselves for battle at their leisure, whilst they were making
a long march with all their beasts of burden and their camp
followers to encumber them.  As the generals were arguing about
this matter, a Numidian courier came from Otho with orders to
lose no time, but give battle.  Accordingly they consented, and
moved.  As soon as Caecina had notice, he was much surprised,
and quitted his post on the river to hasten to the camp.  In the
meantime, the men had armed themselves mostly, and were
receiving the word from Valens; so while the legions took up
their position, they sent out the best of their horse in
advance.

Otho's foremost troops, upon some groundless rumor, took up the
notion that the commanders on the other side would come over;
and accordingly, upon their first approach, they saluted them
with the friendly title of fellow-soldiers.  But the others
returned the compliment with anger and disdainful words; which
not only disheartened those that had given the salutation, but
excited suspicions of their fidelity amongst the others on their
side, who had not.  This caused a confusion at the very first
onset.  And nothing else that followed was done upon any plan;
the baggage-carriers, mingling up with the fighting men, created
great disorder and division, as well as the nature of the
ground; the ditches and pits in which were so many, that they
were forced to break their ranks to avoid and go round them, and
so to fight without order and in small parties.  There were but
two legions, one of Vitellius's, called The Ravenous, and
another of Otho's, called The Assistant, that got out into the
open outspread level and engaged in proper form, fighting, one
main body against the other, for some length of time.  Otho's
men were strong and bold, but had never been in battle before;
Vitellius's had seen many wars, but were old and past their
strength.  So Otho's legion charged boldly, drove back their
opponents, and took the eagle, killing pretty nearly every man
in the first rank, till the others, full of rage and shame,
returned the charge, slew Orfidius, the commander of the legion,
and took several standards.  Varus Alfenus, with his Batavians,
who are the natives of an island of the Rhine, and are esteemed
the best of the German horse, fell upon the gladiators, who had
a reputation both for valor and skill in fighting.  Some few of
these did their duty, but the greatest part of them made towards
the river, and, falling in with some cohorts stationed there,
were cut off.  But none behaved so ill as the praetorians, who,
without ever so much as meeting the enemy, ran away, broke
through their own body that stood, and put them into disorder.
Notwithstanding this, many of Otho's men routed those that were
opposed to them, broke right into them, and forced their way to
the camp through the very middle of their conquerors.

As for their commanders, neither Proculus nor Paulinus ventured
to reenter with the troops; they turned aside, and avoided the