consciences, and let them answer you before God, if I--not I, but
God's Spirit by me--in your greatest extremity did not urge you
ever to depend upon your God, and in His name promised you victory
and preservation from your enemies, if ye would only depend upon
His protection, and prefer His glory to your own lives and worldly
commodity.

"I have been with you in your most extreme dangers. Perth, Cupar
Moor, and the Crags of Edinburgh are yet recent in my heart. Yea,
that dark and dolorous night, wherein ye all, my Lords, with shame
and fear left this town, is yet in my mind; God forbid that I ever
forget it. Ye yourselves yet live to testify what was my exhortation
to you, and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God promised to
you by my mouth. Not one of you, against whom death and destruction
were threatened, perished in that danger. How many of your enemies
has God plagued before your eyes! Shall this be the thankfulness
that ye shall render unto your God, to betray His cause, when ye
have it in your own hands to establish it as ye please? The Queen,
say ye, will not agree with us. Ask of her that which by God's Word
ye may justly require, and if she will not agree with you in God,
ye are not bound to agree with her in the Devil. Let her plainly
understand your minds, and steal not from your former stoutness in
God, and He shall yet prosper you in your enterprises.

"But I can see nothing but a recoiling from Christ Jesus: the man
that first and most speedily fleeth from Christ's ensign holdeth
himself most happy. Yea, I hear that some say that we have nothing
of our religion established, by Law or by Parliament. Albeit the
malicious words of such can neither hurt the truth of God, nor yet
those of us that thereupon depend, the speaker, for his treason,
committed against God and against this poor commonwealth, deserves
the gallows. Our religion, being commanded and established by God,
has been accepted within this realm in public Parliament; if they
say that was no Parliament, we must and will say, and also prove,
that that Parliament was as lawful as ever any that passed before it
within this realm. Yea, if the King then living was King, and the
Queen now in this realm be lawful Queen, that Parliament cannot be
denied.

"And now, my Lords, to put an end to all, I hear of the Queen's
marriage. Dukes, brethren to emperors, and kings strive all for the
best game; but this will I say, my Lords--note the day and bear
witness afterwards--whensoever the Nobility of Scotland, professing
the Lord Jesus, consent that an infidel (and all Papists are
infidels) shall be head to your Sovereign, so far as in ye lieth,
ye do banish Christ Jesus from this realm; ye bring God's vengeance
upon the country, a plague upon yourselves, and perchance small
comfort to your Sovereign."

[Sidenote: Papists and Protestants take Offence: John Knox is
summoned by the Queen.]

These words and this manner of speaking were judged intolerable.
Papists and Protestants were both offended; yea, the most familiar
friends of Knox disdained him for that utterance. Placeboes and
flatterers posted to the Court to give information that he had
spoken against the Queen's marriage, and the Provost of Lincluden,
Douglas of Drumlanrig by surname, brought the charge that the said
John Knox should present himself before the Queen. This he did soon
after dinner. The Lord Ochiltree, and divers of the faithful, bare
him company to the Abbey; but none passed in to the Queen with him
in the cabinet but John Erskine of Dun, then Superintendent of Angus
and Mearns. The Queen, in a vehement fume, began to cry out that
never prince was handled as she was.

_Queen._ I have borne with you in all your rigorous manner of
speaking, both against myself and against my uncles; yea, I have
sought your favours by all possible means. I offered unto you
presence and audience whensoever it pleased you to admonish me; and
yet I cannot be quit of you. I avow to God, I shall be once revenged.

At these words, scarcely could Marna, her secret chamber boy, get
napkins[213] to hold her eyes dry for the tears; and howling,
besides womanly weeping, stayed her speech. The said John did
patiently abide all the first fume, and at opportunity answered.

  [213] Pocket-handkerchiefs.

_Knox._ True it is, Madam, your Grace and I have been at divers
controversies, in which I never perceived your Grace to be offended
at me. But, when it shall please God to deliver you from that
bondage of darkness and error in which ye have been nourished for
the lack of true doctrine, your Majesty will find in the liberty of
my tongue nothing offensive. Outside the preaching place, Madam, I
think few have occasion to be offended at me; and there, Madam, I
am not master of myself, but must obey Him who commands me to speak
plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth.

_Queen._ But what have ye to do with my marriage?

_Knox._ If it please your Majesty to hear me patiently, I shall
show the truth in plain words. I grant your Grace offered me more
than ever I required; but my answer was then, as it is now, that
God hath not sent me to wait upon the courts of princesses, or upon
the chambers of ladies. I am sent to preach the Evangel of Jesus
Christ to such as please to hear it. It hath two parts, repentance
and faith. And now, Madam, in preaching repentance, it is necessary
that the sins of men be so noted that they may know wherein they
offend; but the most part of your Nobility are so addicted to your
affections, that neither God, His Word, nor yet their commonwealth
are rightly regarded. Therefore it becomes me so to speak, that they
may know their duty.

_Queen._ What have ye to do with my marriage? Or what are ye within
this commonwealth?

_Knox._ A subject born within the same, Madam. And, albeit I
be neither Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, God has made me a
profitable member within the same, however abject I be in your eyes.
Yea, Madam, it appertains to me to forewarn of such things as may
hurt that commonwealth, if I foresee them, no less than it does to
any of the Nobility. Both my vocation and conscience crave plainness
of me. Therefore, Madam, to yourself I say that which I speak in
public place. Whensoever the Nobility of this realm shall consent
that ye be subject to an unfaithful husband, they do as much as in
them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish His truth from them, to
betray the freedom of this realm, and perchance they shall in the
end do small comfort to yourself.

At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been seen
in greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine of Dun,
a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside, and entreated what
he could do to mitigate her anger, giving her many pleasing words
of her beauty, of her excellence, and saying that all the princes
of Europe would be glad to seek her favours. But all this was to
cast oil in the flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any
alteration of countenance for a long season, while the Queen gave
place to her inordinate passion.

In the end he said, "Madam, I speak in God's presence. I never
delighted in the weeping of any of God's creatures; yea, I can
scarcely well abide the tears of my own boys whom my own hand
corrects, much less can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping. Seeing,
however, that I have offered you no just occasion to be offended,
but have spoken the truth as my vocation craves of me, I must
sustain your Majesty's tears, albeit unwillingly, rather than dare
hurt my conscience, or betray my commonwealth through my silence."

Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the said John
to leave the cabinet, and to abide her pleasure in the chamber.
The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of Coldingham came into
the cabinet, and there they both remained with her for nearly an
hour. The said John stood in the chamber, as one whom men had never
seen, so afraid were all, except that the Lord Ochiltree bare him
company. Therefore began he to forge talk with the ladies who were
sitting there in all their gorgeous apparel. This espied, he merrily
said, "O fair Ladies, how pleasing were this life of yours if it
should ever abide, and in the end we might pass to heaven with all
this gay gear. Fie upon that knave Death, who will come whether we
will or not! When he has laid on his arrest, the foul worms will be
busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender; and the
silly soul shall, I fear, be so feeble that it can neither carry
with it gold, garnishing, targetting, pearl, nor precious stones."
By such means procured he the company of women; and so passed the
time until the Laird of Dun desired him to depart to his house. The
Queen would have sought the censement of the Lords of Articles as to
whether such manner of speaking as that of the said John deserved
not punishment; but she was counselled to desist: and so that storm
quieted in appearance, but never in the heart.

[Sidenote: Lethington's Return: His worldly Wisdom displayed.]

Shortly after the Parliament, Lethington returned from his
negotiation in England and France. In the February before, God had
stricken that bloody tyrant the Duke of Guise, and this somewhat
broke the fard[214] of our Queen for a season. But, shortly after
the return of Lethington, pride and malice began to show themselves
again. She set at liberty the Archbishop of St. Andrews, and the
rest of the Papists, formerly put in prison for violating the laws.
Lethington showed himself not a little offended that any bruit
of the Queen's marriage with the son of the King of Spain should
have risen; for he took upon him that such a thing never entered
into her heart. How true that was, we shall afterwards hear. The
object of all his acquaintance and complaint was to discredit John
Knox, who had affirmed that such a marriage was both proponed and
accepted by the Cardinal upon the part of our Queen. In his absence,
Lethington had run into a very evil bruit among the Nobility for
too much serving the Queen's affections against the commonwealth;
and therefore, as one that lacketh no worldly wisdom, he had made
provision both in England and in Scotland. In England he had
travailed for the freedom of the Earl Bothwell, and by that means
obtained promise of his favour. He had there also made arrangements
for the home-coming of the Earl of Lennox. In Scotland, he joined
with the Earl of Atholl: him he promoted and set forward in Court,
and so the Earl of Moray began to be defaced. And yet Lethington at
all times showed a fair countenance to the said Earl.

  [214] Ardour; violence.

[Sidenote: The Queen retains Observance of the Mass.]

The Queen spent the rest of that summer in her progress throughout
the West country, where in all towns and gentlemen's places she
had her Mass. This coming to the ears of John Knox, he began that
form of prayer which ordinarily he sayeth after thanksgiving at his
table: "1. Deliver us, O Lord, from the bondage of idolatry. 2.
Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. 3. Continue us
in quietness and concord amongst ourselves, if Thy good pleasure
be, O Lord, for a season," etc. Divers of the familiars of the said
John asked him why he prayed for quietness to continue for a season,
and not rather absolutely that we should continue in quietness. His
answer was that he durst not pray but in faith; and faith in God's
Word assured him that constant quietness could not continue in that
realm where idolatry had been suppressed, and then been permitted to
be erected again.

From the West country, the Queen passed to Argyll to the hunting,
and afterwards returned to Stirling. The Earl of Moray, the Lord
Robert of Holyroodhouse, and Lord John of Coldingham, passed to the
Northland. Justice Courts were holden; thieves and murderers were
punished; two witches were burned, the elder so blinded with the
Devil that she affirmed that no judge had power over her.

[Sidenote: The Death of Lord John of Coldingham.]

At that same time, Lord John of Coldingham departed this life in
Inverness. It was affirmed that he commanded such as were beside
him to say to the Queen that, unless she left off her idolatry, God
would not fail to plague her. He asked God's mercy that he had so
far borne with her in her impiety, and had maintained her in the
same. No one thing did he more regret than that he had flattered,
fostered, and maintained her in her wickedness against God and
His servants. And in very deed he had great cause to lament his
wickedness; for, besides all his other infirmities, he, in the end,
for the Queen's pleasure, became enemy to virtue and virtuous men,
and a patron to impiety to the uttermost of his power. Yea, his
venom was so kindled against God and his Word, that in his rage he
burst forth with these words: "Before I see the Queen's Majesty so
troubled with the railing of these knaves, I shall have the best of
them sticked in the pulpit."

What further villainy came forth from the stinking throats and
mouths of both, modesty will not suffer us to write. If Lord John
had grace to repent unfeignedly thereof, it is no small document to
God's mercies. Howsoever God wrought with him, the Queen regarded
his words as wind, or else thought them to have been forged by
others, and not to have proceeded from himself. She affirmed plainly
that they were devised by the Laird of Pittarrow and Mr. John
Wood, both of whom she hated, because they did not flatter her in
her dancing and other doings. One thing in plain words she spake,
"God always took from her those persons in whom she had greatest
pleasure:" that she repented; but of further wickedness there was no
mention.

[Sidenote: Mass-mongers at Holyrood take Fright.]

While the Queen lay at Stirling, with her idolatry in her chapel,
certain dontibours and others of the French menyie were left in the
Palace of Holyroodhouse. These raised up their Mass more publicly
than they had done at any time before. Upon those same Sundays that
the Church of Edinburgh had the ministration of the Lord's Table,
the Papists, in great numbers, resorted to the Abbey, to their
abomination. This understood, divers of the brethren, being sorely
offended, consulted as to redress of that enormity. Certain of the
most zealous and most upright in the religion, were appointed to
watch the Abbey, and note the persons who resorted to the Mass.
Perceiving a great number to enter the chapel, some of the brethren
did also burst in. Thereat the priest and the French dames, being
afraid, made the shout to be sent to the town; while Madame Raulet,
mistress of the Queen's dontibours (for maids that court could not
then bear) posted on with all diligence to the Comptroller, the
Laird of Pittarrow, who was then in St. Giles's Kirk at the sermon,
and cried for his assistance, to save her life and to save the
Queen's Palace. He, with greater haste than need required, obeyed
her desire, and took with him the Provost, the Bailies, and a great
part of the faithful. But when they came to the place where the fear
was bruited to have been, they found all things quiet, except the
tumult they brought with themselves, and peaceable men looking to
the Papists, and forbidding them to transgress the laws.

[Sidenote: The Papists devise Mischief.]

True it is that a zealous brother, named Patrick Cranston, passed
into the chapel, and finding the altar covered, and the priest ready
to go to that abomination, the Mass, said, "The Queen's Majesty
is not here; how darest thou then be so malapert, as openly to do
against the law?" No further was done or said, and yet the bruit
was posted to the Queen, with such information as the Papists could
give; and this found as much credit as their hearts could have
wished for. Here was so heinous a crime in her eyes, that there was
no satisfaction for that sin, without blood. Without delay, Andrew
Armstrong and Patrick Cranston were summoned to find surety to
underlie the law, for "forethought, felony, hamesucken,[215] violent
invasion of the Queens Palace, and for spoliation of the same."

  [215] The crime of beating or assaulting a person within his own
  house.

When those summonses were divulged, the extremity was feared, and
the few brethren that were in town consulted as to the next remedy.
In the end, it was concluded that John Knox (to whom the charge had
been given to spread intelligence whenever danger should appear)
should write to the brethren in all quarters, giving information as
to how the matter stood, and requiring their assistance. This he did
in tenor as here follows--

[Sidenote: John Knox's Letter to the Brethren: 8th October 1563.]

"'Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in My name, there
am I in the midst of them.'

"It is not unknown unto you, dear brethren, what comfort and
tranquillity God gave to us, in most dangerous times, by our
Christian assemblies, and godly conferences, as oft as any danger
appeared to any member or members of our body: and that, since we
have neglected, or at least not frequented our conventions and
assemblies, the adversaries of the holy Evangel of Christ Jesus
have enterprised, and boldened themselves, publicly and secretly,
to do many things odious in God's presence, and most hurtful to
the liberty of true religion, now granted unto us by God's great
favour. The holy Sacraments are abused by profane Papists. Masses
have been, and yet are, openly said and maintained. The blood
of some of our dearest ministers has been shed, without fear of
punishment or correction being craved by us.

"And now, are two of our dear brethren, Patrick Cranston and Andrew
Armstrong, summoned to underlie the law, in the town of Edinburgh,
the 24th of this instant October, 'for forethought, felony,
pretended murder, and for invading the Queen's Majesty's Palace
of Holyroodhouse, with unlawful convocation,' etc. This terrible
summons is directed against our brethren, because they, with two or
three more, passed to the Abbey upon Sunday, the 15th of August,
to behold and note what persons repaired to the Mass. They did
so, because on the Sunday before (the Queen's Grace being absent)
there resorted to that idol a rascal multitude, the Papists having
openly the least devilish ceremony,[216] yea, even the conjuring of
their accursed water, that ever they had in the time of greatest
blindness. Because, I say, our said brethren went, in most quiet
manner, to note such abusers, these fearful summonses are directed
against them; no doubt, to make preparation upon a few, that a door
may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. If it
so come to pass, God, no doubt, has justly recompensed our former
negligence and ingratitude towards Him and His benefits received in
our own bosoms.

  [216] The papistical ceremony, down to its minutest details (?).

"God gave to us a most notable victory over His and our enemies: He
brake their strength, and confounded their counsels: He set us at
freedom, and purged this realm, for the most part, of open idolatry;
to the end that we, ever mindful of so wondrous a deliverance,
should have kept this realm clean from such vile filthiness, and
damnable idolatry. But we, alas! preferring the pleasure of flesh
and blood to the pleasure and commandment of our God, have suffered
that idol, the Mass, to be erected again; and therefore justly
does He now suffer us to fall into such danger that to look at an
idolater going to his idolatry shall be reputed a crime little
inferior to treason. God grant that we fall not further.

"God has, of His mercy, made me one amongst many to travail in
setting forward His true religion within this realm, and I, seeing
the same in danger of ruin, cannot but of conscience crave of you,
my brethren, of all Estates, that have professed the truth, your
presence, comfort, and assistance, on the said day, in the town of
Edinburgh, even as ye tender the advancement of God's glory, the
safety of your brethren, and your own assurance, together with the
preservation of the Kirk in these apparent dangers.

"It may be, perchance, that persuasion will be made to the
contrary, and that ye may be informed either that your assembly
is not necessary, or else that it will offend the upper powers.
But my good hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you
so far to decline from Christ Jesus as that, against your public
promise and solemn bond, ye will desert your brethren in so just a
cause. Albeit there were no great danger, our assembly cannot be
unprofitable; many things require consultation, and this cannot be
had, unless the wisest and godliest convene. Thus, doubting nothing
of the assistance of our God if we uniformly seek His glory, I cease
further to trouble you, committing you heartily to the protection of
the Eternal."

[Sidenote: John Knox is betrayed.]

The brethren, advertised by this bill, prepared themselves (as many
as were thought expedient for every town and province) to keep
the day appointed. But by the means of false brethren, the letter
came to the hands of the Queen, in this manner. It was read in
the town of Ayr, where was present Robert Cunningham, minister of
Failford, who then was reputed an earnest professor of the Evangel.
He, by means we know not, got the said letter, and sent it with
his token to Master Henry Sinclair, then President of the Seat and
College of Justice, and styled Bishop of Ross, a perfect hypocrite,
and a conjured enemy of Christ Jesus, whom God afterwards struck
according to his deservings. The said Mr. Henry was enemy to all
that unfeignedly professed the Lord Jesus, but chiefly to John Knox,
for the liberty of his tongue; for he had affirmed, as ever still he
doth affirm, that a bishop that receives profit, and feeds not the
flock by his own labours, is both a thief and a murderer. The said
Mr. Henry, thinking himself happy to have found so good occasion to
trouble John Knox, whose life he hated, posted the said letter, with
his counsel, to the Queen, who then lay in Stirling.

[Sidenote: John Knox is accused of High Treason.]

The letter being read, it was concluded by the Council of the
Cabinet, that is, by the most secret Council, that it imported
treason; and the Queen was not a little rejoiced, for she thought to
be revenged for once on her great enemy. It was also concluded that
the Nobility should be written for, that the condemnation should
have the greater authority. The day appointed was about the midst
of December; and this was kept by the whole Council, and by divers
others, such as the Master of Maxwell, the old Laird of Lethington,
and the said President. In the meantime, the Earl of Moray returned
from the north, and to him the Secretary Lethington opened the
matter as best pleased him.

The Master of Maxwell gave the said John as it had been a discharge
of the familiarity which before was great between them, unless he
would agree to satisfy the Queen at her own sight.[217]

  [217] That is, as she should dictate.

_Knox._ I know no offence done by me to the Queen's Majesty, and
therefore I wot not what satisfaction to make.

_Maxwell._ No offence! Have ye not written letters desiring the
brethren to convene from all parts to Andrew Armstrong and Patrick
Cranston's day?

_Knox._ That I grant, but therein I acknowledge no offence done by
me.

_Maxwell._ No offence, to convocate the Queen's lieges?

_Knox._ Not for so just a cause: greater things were reputed no
offence within these two years past.

_Maxwell._ The time is now other: then our Sovereign was absent, and
now she is present.

_Knox._ It is neither the absence nor the presence of the Queen that
rules my conscience, but God speaking plainly in His Word. What was
lawful to me last year is yet lawful, because my God is unchangeable.

_Maxwell._ Well, I have given you my counsel, do as ye list; but I
think ye shall repent it, if ye bow not to the Queen.

_Knox._ I understand not, Master, what ye mean. I never made myself
an adversary to the Queen's Majesty, except in the head of religion,
and therein I think ye will not desire me to bow.

_Maxwell._ Well, ye are wise enough; but ye will find that men will
not bear with you in times to come, as they have done in times
by-past.

_Knox._ If God stand my friend, as I am assured He of His mercy
will, so long as I depend upon His promise, and prefer His glory
to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how men behave
themselves towards me; nor yet know I wherein men have borne with me
in times past, unless it be that from my mouth they have heard the
Word of God. If, in times to come, they refuse it, my heart will be
pierced and for a season will lament; but the incommodity will be
their own.

After these words, of which the Laird of Lochinvar was witness, they
parted. To this day, the 17th of December, 1571, they have not met
in such familiarity as they had formerly.

[Sidenote: The Lord Advocate gives his Opinion.]

The bruit of the accusation of John Knox being divulged, Mr. John
Spens of Condie, Lord Advocate, a man of gentle nature, and one that
professed the doctrine of the Evangel, came, as it were in secret,
to John Knox, to inquire the cause of that great bruit. The said
John was plain to him in all things, and showed him the double[218]
of the letter. When he had heard and considered this, he said, "I
thank my God. I came to you with a fearful and sorrowful heart,
fearing that ye had done such a crime as laws might have punished.
That would have been no small trouble to the hearts of all who have
received the word of life which ye have preached. I depart greatly
rejoiced, as well because I perceive your own comfort, even in the
midst of your troubles, as that I clearly understand that ye have
committed no such crime as ye are burdened with. Ye will be accused,
but God will assist you." And so he departed.

  [218] Duplicate.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Moray and Secretary Lethington reason with
John Knox.]

The Earl of Moray and the Secretary sent for the said John Knox to
the Clerk of Register's house, and began to lament that he had so
highly offended the Queen's Majesty. That, they feared, would come
to a great inconvenience to himself, if he were not wisely foreseen.
They showed what pains and travail they had taken to mitigate her
anger, but they could find nothing but extremity, unless he himself
would confess his offence, and put himself in her Grace's will.

_Knox._ I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that I have learned
not to cry conjuration and treason at everything that the godless
multitude does condemn, or yet to fear the things that they fear.
I have the testimony of a good conscience that I have given no
occasion to the Queen's Majesty to be offended with me; for I have
done nothing but my duty. So, whatsoever shall ensue, my good hope
is that my God will give me patience to bear it. But far be it from
me to confess an offence where my conscience witnesseth there is
none.

_Lethington._ How can it be defended? Have ye not made convocation
of the Queen's lieges?

_Knox._ If I have not a just defence for my act, let me smart for it.

_Moray._ Let us hear your defences; we would be glad that ye might
be found innocent.

_Knox._ Nay, I am informed by divers, and even by you, my Lord
Secretary, that I am already condemned, and my cause prejudged.
Therefore I might be reputed a fool, if I would make you privy to my
defences.

At those words they seemed both offended; and the Secretary
departed. But the Earl of Moray remained still, and would have
entered into further discourse with the said John concerning the
state of the Court. But he answered, "My Lord, I understand more
than I would of the affairs of the Court; and therefore it is not
needful that your Lordship trouble with the recounting of it. If you
stand in good case, I am content; and if you do not, as I fear ye do
not already, or else ye shall not do before long, blame not me. Ye
have the counsellors whom ye have chosen; my weak judgment both ye
and they despised. I can do nothing but behold the end, which I pray
God may be other than my troubled heart feareth."

[Sidenote: John Knox is brought before the Queen and Privy Council.]

Within four days, the said John was called before the Queen and
Council betwixt six and seven o'clock at night. The season of the
year was the midst of December. The bruit rising in the town that
John Knox was sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the Kirk
followed in such number that the inner close was full, and all the
stairs, even to the chamber door where the Queen and Council sat.
These had been reasoning amongst themselves before, but had not
fully satisfied the Secretary's mind. And so the Queen had retired
to her cabinet, and the Lords were talking each one with other, as
occasion served. Upon the entrance of John Knox, they were commanded
to take their places, and did so, sitting as Councillors, one
opposite another.

The Duke of Chatelherault, according to his dignity, began the one
side. Upon the other side sat the Earl of Argyll, and in order
of precedence followed the Earl of Moray, the Earl of Glencairn,
the Earl Marischall, the Lord Ruthven, then the common officers,
Pittarrow, then Comptroller, the Justice Clerk, and Mr. John Spens
of Condie, Lord Advocate; divers others stood by. Removed from
the table sat old Lethington, father to the Secretary, Mr. Henry
Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and Mr. James M'Gill, Clerk Register.

[Sidenote: The Trial of John Knox for High Treason.]

Things thus put in order, the Queen came forth, and, with no
little worldly pomp, was placed in the chair, having two faithful
supporters, the Master of Maxwell upon the one tor[219] and
Secretary Lethington on the other tor of the chair. There they
waited diligently all the time of that accusation, sometimes the
one occupying her ear, sometimes the other. Her pomp lacked one
principal point, to wit, womanly gravity; for when she saw John
Knox standing at the other end of the table bare-headed, she first
smiled, and after gave a gawf of laughter. When her placeboes gave
their plaudits, affirming, with like countenance, "This is a good
beginning," she said: "But wot ye whereat I laugh? Yon man gared me
greet,[220] and grat never tear himself: I will see if I can gar him
greet." At that word the Secretary whispered her in the ear, and she
him again, and with that gave him a letter. After inspecting this,
he directed his visage and speech to John Knox.

  [219] Arm.

  [220] Weep.

_Lethington._ The Queen's Majesty is informed that ye have travailed
to raise a tumult of her subjects against her, and for certification
thereof, there is presented to her your own letter subscribed in
your name. Yet, because her Grace will do nothing without a good
advisement, she has convened you before this part of the Nobility,
that they may witness betwixt you and her.

_Queen._ Let him acknowledge his own handwriting, and then shall we
judge of the contents of the letter.

So the letter was presented from hand to hand to John Knox, who
examined it.

_Knox._ I gladly acknowledge this to be my handwriting; and also I
remember that I indited a letter to the brethren in sundry quarters,
in the month of October, giving signification of such things as
displeased me. So good opinion have I of the fidelity of the scribes
that they would not willingly adulterate my original, albeit I left
divers subscribed blanks with them, I acknowledge both handwriting
and ditement.[221]

  [221] What is written.

_Lethington._ Ye have done more than I would have done.

_Knox._ Charity is not suspicious.

_Queen._ Well, well, read your own letter, and then answer to such
things as shall be demanded of you.

_Knox._ I shall do the best I can.

With loud voice he began to read the letter already quoted. After it
was read to the end, it was presented again to Mr. John Spens; for
the Queen commanded him to accuse, as he afterwards did, but very
gently.

_Queen._ Heard ye ever, my Lords, a more despiteful and treasonable
letter?

No man gave answer, and Lethington addressed himself to John Knox.

_Lethington._ Master Knox, are ye not sorry from your heart, and do
you not repent that such a letter has passed your pen, and from you
is come to the knowledge of others.

_Knox._ My Lord Secretary, before I repent I must be taught of my
offence.

_Lethington._ Offence! If there were no more than the convocation of
the Queen's lieges, the offence could not be denied.

_Knox._ Remember yourself, my Lord. There is a difference betwixt
a lawful convocation, and an unlawful. If I have been guilty in
this, I have often offended since I came last to Scotland: for what
convocation of the brethren has ever been to this day in which my
pen served not? Before this, no man laid it to my charge as a crime.

_Lethington._ Then was then, and now is now. We have no need of such
convocations as sometimes we have had.

_Knox._ The time that has been is even now before my eyes; for I
see the poor flock in no less danger than it has been at any time
before, except that the Devil has gotten a visor upon his face.
Before, he came in with his own face, discovered by open tyranny,
seeking the destruction of all that refused idolatry: and then, I
think ye will confess, the brethren lawfully assembled themselves
for defence of their lives. Now the Devil comes under the cloak of
justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to do by strength.

_Queen._ What is this? Methinks ye trifle with him. Who gave him
authority to make convocation of my lieges? Is not that treason?

_Lord Ruthven._ No, Madam, for he makes convocation of the people
to hear prayer and sermon almost daily; and, whatever your Grace or
others think thereof, we think it no treason.

_Queen._ Hold your peace, and let him make answer for himself.

_Knox._ Madam, I began to reason with the Secretary, whom I take
to be a far better dialectician than your Grace is, that all
convocations are not unlawful. And now my Lord Ruthven has given the
instance. If your Grace will deny this, I shall address myself to
the proof.

_Queen._ I will say nothing against your religion, nor against your
convening to your sermons. But what authority have ye to convocate
my subjects when ye will, without my commandment?

_Knox._ I have no pleasure to decline from the former purpose. And
yet, Madam, to satisfy your Grace's two questions, I answer that at
my will I never convened four persons in Scotland; but, upon the
instructions of the brethren, I have given divers notifications, and
great multitudes have assembled. If your Grace complain that this
was done without your Grace's commandment, I answer--So has all that
God has blessed within this realm from the beginning of this action.
Therefore, Madam, I must be convicted by a just law that I have done
against the duty of God's messenger in writing this letter, before
either I be sorry, or yet repent for the doing of it, as my Lord
Secretary would persuade me. What I have done, I have done at the
commandment of the general Kirk of this realm; and, therefore, I
think I have done no wrong.

_Queen._ Ye shall not escape so. Is it not treason, my Lords, to
accuse a prince of cruelty? I think there be Acts of Parliament
against such whisperers.

That was granted by many.

_Knox._ But wherein can I be accused?

_Queen._ Read this part of your own bill, which began, "These
fearful summonses are directed against them, to wit the brethren
foresaid, to make, no doubt, preparation upon a few, that a door may
be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude." Lo, what say
ye to that?

Many doubted what the said John should answer.

_Knox._ Is it lawful for me, Madam, to answer for myself? Or shall I
be condemned before I be heard?

_Queen._ Say what ye can, for I think ye have enough ado.

_Knox._ I will first, then, desire this of your Grace, Madam, and
of this most honourable audience, whether your Grace knows not that
the obstinate Papists are deadly enemies to all such as profess
the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire
the extermination of them, and of the true doctrine that is taught
within this realm?

The Queen held her peace; but all the Lords, with common voice,
said, "God forbid that either the lives of the faithful, or yet
the staying of teaching and preaching, stood in the power of the
Papists: just experience has told us what cruelty lies in their
hearts."

_Knox._ I must proceed, then, seeing that I perceive that all will
grant that it was a barbarous cruelty to destroy such a multitude as
profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this realm. This, oftener
than once or twice, has been attempted by force, as things done
of late days do testify. Disappointed by God and His providence,
the Papists have invented more crafty and dangerous practices, to
wit, to make the prince party, under colour of law: what they could
not do by open force, they hope to perform by crafty deceit. For
who thinks, my Lords, that the insatiable cruelty of the Papists
within this realm shall end in the murdering of these two brethren
now unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused? I think
no man of judgment can so esteem, but rather the direct contrary;
that is, by this few number they intend to prepare a way to bloody
enterprises against the whole. Therefore, Madam, cast up when ye
list the Acts of your Parliament. I have offended nothing against
them. In my letter, I accuse neither your Grace nor your nature of
cruelty. But I affirm yet again that the pestilent Papists, who have
inflamed your Grace without cause against those poor men at this
present, are the sons of the Devil; and therefore must obey the
desires of their father, who has been a liar and a murderer from the
beginning.

_A Councillor._ Ye forget yourself, ye are not now in the pulpit.

_Knox._ I am in the place where I am demanded of conscience to
speak the truth; and therefore I speak. The truth I speak, impugn
it whoso list. And hereunto I add, Madam, that honest, gentle, and
meek natures by appearance, may, by wicked and corrupt counsellors,
be converted and altered to the direct contrary. We have example
in Nero, who, in the beginning of his empire, had some natural
shame; but, after his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety,
alleging that nothing was either unhonest nor yet unlawful for the
personage of him who was emperor above others--when he had drunken
of this cup, I say, to what enormities he fell: the histories bear
witness. And now, Madam, to speak plainly, Papists and conjured
enemies to Jesus Christ have your Grace's ear patent at all times.
I assure your Grace they are dangerous counsellors, and that your
mother found.

As this was said, Lethington smiled, and spake secretly to the Queen
in her ear; what it was, the table heard not. But immediately she
addressed her visage, and spake to John Knox.

_Queen._ Well, ye speak fair enough here before my Lords; but the
last time I spake with you secretly, ye caused me greet many salt
tears, and said to me stubbornly that ye set not by my greeting.

_Knox._ Madam, because now, the second time, your Grace has burdened
me with that crime, I must answer, lest for my silence I be holden
guilty. If your Grace be ripely remembered, the Laird of Dun, yet
living to testify the truth, was present at the time whereof your
Grace complains. Your Grace accused me of having irreverently
handled you in the pulpit; that I denied. Ye said, What ado had I
to speak of your marriage? What was I, that I should mell with such
matters? I answered that, as touching nature, I was a worm of this
earth, and yet a subject of this commonwealth; but as touching the
office wherein it had pleased God to place me, I was a watchman,
both over the realm and over the Kirk of God gathered within the
same. For that reason, I was bound in conscience to blow the
trumpet publicly, oft as ever I saw any upfall,[222] any appearing
danger, either to the one or to the other. A certain bruit affirmed
that traffic of marriage was betwixt your Grace and the Spanish
ally; and as to that I said that if your Nobility and Estates did
agree--unless both ye and your husband should be so straitly bound
that neither of you might hurt this commonwealth, nor yet the poor
Kirk of God within the same--in that case I would pronounce that
the consenters were troublers of this commonwealth, and enemies to
God, and to His promise[223] planted within it. At these words, I
grant, your Grace stormed, and burst forth into an unreasonable
weeping. What mitigation the Laird of Dun would have made, I suppose
your Grace has not forgotten. While nothing was able to stay your
weeping, I was compelled to say, "I take God to record that I never
took pleasure to see any creature weep, yea, not my children when my
own hands had beaten them, much less can I rejoice to see your Grace
make such regret. But, seeing that I have offered your Grace no such
occasion, I must rather suffer your Grace to take your own pleasure,
before I dare conceal the truth, and so betray both the Kirk of God
and my commonwealth." These were the most extreme words that I spoke
that day.

  [222] Incident; matter cast up.

  [223] Evangel.

After the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, "Mr.
Knox, ye may return to your house for this night."

"I thank God and the Queen's Majesty," said the other. "And, Madam,
I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, and to preserve you
from the counsel of flatterers; for, however pleasant they appear to
your ear and corrupt affections for the time, experience has told us
into what perplexity they have brought famous princes."

Lethington and the Master of Maxwell were that night the two
stoops[224] of her chair.

  [224] Supports.

[Sidenote: The Verdict of the Privy Council.]

John Knox being departed, it was demanded of the Lords and others
that were present, every man by his vote, whether John Knox had
not offended the Queen's Majesty. The Lords voted uniformly that
they could find no offence. The Queen had retired to her cabinet.
The flatterers of the Court, and Lethington principally, raged.
The Queen was brought again, and placed in her chair, and they
were commanded to vote over again. This highly offended the whole
Nobility, who began to speak in open audience. "What! shall the
Laird of Lethington have power to control us: or shall the presence
of a woman cause us to offend God, and to condemn an innocent
against our conscience, for pleasure of any creature?" And so
the whole Nobility absolved John Knox again, and praised God for
his modesty, and for his plain and sensible answers. Yea, before
the end, it is to be noted that, among so many placeboes, we mean
the flatterers of the Court, there was not one that plainly durst
condemn the poor man that was accused, this same God ruling their
tongue, as once He ruled the tongue of Balaam, when he would gladly
have cursed God's people.

[Sidenote: The Displeasure of the Queen.]

When this was perceived, the Queen began to upbraid Mr. Henry
Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and said, hearing his vote to agree
with the rest, "Trouble not the bairn: I pray you trouble him not;
for he is newly wakened out of his sleep. Why should not the old
fool follow the footsteps of them that have passed before him." The
bishop answered coldly, "Your Grace may consider that it is neither
affection to the man, nor yet love to his profession, that moves me
to absolve him; but the simple truth, which plainly appears in his
defence, draws me after it, albeit others would have condemned him."
This said, the Lords and whole assisters arose and departed. That
night was neither dancing nor fiddling in the Court; for Madam was
disappointed of her purpose, which was to have had John Knox at her
disposal by vote of her Nobility.

John Knox, absolved by the votes of the greatest part of the
Nobility from the crime intended against him, even in the presence
of the Queen, she raged, and the placeboes of the Court stormed.
And so began new assaults to be made upon the said John, to confess
an offence, and to put himself in the Queen's will, they promising
that his greatest punishment should be to go within the Castle of
Edinburgh, and immediately return to his own home. He answered, "God
forbid that my confession should condemn those noble men who for
their conscience' sake, and with the displeasure of the Queen, have
absolved me. And, further, I am assured that ye will not in earnest
desire me to confess an offence, unless ye would desire me to cease
from preaching: for how can I exhort others to peace and Christian
quietness, if I confess myself an author and mover of sedition?"

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: December 1563.]

At the General Assembly of the Kirk, the just petitions of the
ministers and commissioners of kirks were despised at the first,
with these words, "As ministers will not follow our counsels, so
will we suffer ministers to labour for themselves, and see what
speed they come." And when the whole Assembly said, "If the Queen
will not provide for our ministers, we must; for both Third and
Two-part are rigorously taken from us, and from our tenants." "If
others," said one, "will follow my counsel, the gaird[225] and the
Papists shall complain as long as our ministers have done." At
these words the former sharpness was coloured,[226] and the speaker
alleged that he did not refer to all ministers, but to some to whom
the Queen was no debtor; for what Third received she of burghs?
Christopher Goodman answered, "My Lord Secretary, if ye can show me
what just title either the Queen has to the Third, or the Papists to
the Two-part, then I think I should solve whether she were debtor to
ministers within burghs or not." But thereto he received this check
for answer, "_Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica_;" that
is, "Let not a stranger be curious in a strange commonwealth." The
man of God answered, "Albeit I be a stranger in your polity, I am
not so in the Kirk of God; and its care does no less appertain to me
in Scotland than if I were in the midst of England."

  [225] Guard; civil establishment.

  [226] Modified; dissembled.

[Sidenote: John Knox demands the Judgment of his Brethren.]

Many wondered at the silence of John Knox; for in all those quick
reasonings he opened not his mouth. The cause thereof he himself
expressed in those words: "I have travailed, right honourable and
beloved Brethren, since my last arrival within this realm, in an
upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more, as He is my
witness, than the advancement of His glory, and the stability of His
Kirk within this realm; and yet of late days I have been accused as
a seditious man, and as one that usurps to myself power that becomes
me not. True it is that I have given notification to the Brethren in
divers quarters concerning the extremity intended against certain
faithful men for looking at a priest going to Mass, and for
observing those that transgressed just laws; but that therein I have
usurped further power than is given to me, until I be condemned by
you, I utterly deny.

"I say that by you, that is, by the charge of the General Assembly,
I have as just power to advertise the Brethren from time to time
of dangers appearing, as I have authority to preach the Word of
God in the pulpit of Edinburgh; for by you I was appointed to the
one and to the other; and, therefore, in the name of God, I crave
your judgments. The danger that appeared to me in my accusation
was not so fearful as were the words that came to my ears dolorous
to my heart; for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some
Protestants, 'What can the Pope do more than send forth his letters,
and require them to be obeyed.' Let me have your judgments whether
I have usurped any power to myself, or if I have but obeyed your
commandment."

The flatterers of the Court, amongst whom Sir John Bellenden,
Justice Clerk, was then not the least, began to storm, and said,
"Shall we be compelled to justify the rash doings of men?" "My
Lord," said John Knox, "ye shall speak your pleasure for the
present: of you I crave nothing; but if the Kirk that is here
present do not either absolve me, or else condemn me, never shall
I in public or in private, as a public minister, open my mouth in
doctrine or in reasoning."

[Sidenote: Acquittal of John Knox by the General Assembly.]

The said John being removed, the whole Kirk found, after long
contention, that a charge was given to him to warn the brethren in
all quarters as oft as ever danger appeared; and therefore avowed
that act not to be his only, but to be the act of all. Thereat
were the Queen's clawbacks[227] more enraged than ever they were
before; for some of them had promised to the Queen to get the said
John convicted, both by the Council and by the Kirk; and, being
frustrated of both, she and they thought themselves not a little
disappointed....

  [227] Sycophants.

[Sidenote: Signs of God's Displeasure.]

God from heaven, and upon the face of the earth, gave declaration
that He was offended at the iniquity that was committed even within
this realm; for upon the 20th day of January there fell wet in
great abundance, which in falling froze so vehemently, that the
earth was but one sheet of ice. The fowls,[228] both great and
small, froze, and might not fly: many died, and some were taken and
laid beside the fire, that their feathers might resolve. In that
same month the sea stood still, as was clearly observed, and neither
ebbed nor flowed for the space of twenty-four hours. In the month
of February, the 15th and 18th days thereof, there were seen in the
firmament battles arrayed, spears and other weapons, and as it had
been the joining of two armies. These things were not only observed,
but also spoken of and constantly affirmed by men of judgment and
credit.

  [228] Birds.

[Sidenote: Lavish Entertainments at Court.]

But the Queen and our Court made merry. There was banqueting upon
banqueting. The Queen banqueted all the Lords; and that was done
upon policy, to remove the suspicion of her displeasure against
them, because they would not, at her devotion, condemn John Knox.
To remove, we say, that jealousy, she made the banquet to the
whole Lords, and thereat she would have the Duke of Chatelherault
amongst the rest. It behoved them to banquet her again; and so did
banqueting continue till Fastern's-e'en[229] and after. But the poor
ministers were mocked, and reputed as monsters; the guard, and the
affairs of the kitchen were so griping,[230] that the ministers'
stipends could not be paid.

  [229] Shrove Tuesday; the day before Lent.

  [230] Extortionate.

[Sidenote: The Queen's broken Promises.]

And yet at the Assembly preceding, solemn promise of redress had
been made in the Queen's name, by the mouth of Secretary Lethington,
in audience of many of the nobility and of the whole Assembly. He
had affirmed that he had commandment of her Highness to promise
them full contentation[231] of things bygone to all the ministers
within the realm; and that, such order would be kept in all times to
come, the whole body of the Protestants would have occasion to stand
content. The Earl of Moray affirmed the same, and many other fair
promises had been given in writing by Lethington himself, as may be
seen from the register of the Acts done in the General Assembly.
But the world can witness how far that, or any other promise by her,
or in her name, to the Kirk of God, was observed.

  [231] Satisfaction.

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington defies the Servants of God.]

The ministers perceiving all things tend to ruin, discharged their
conscience in public and private; but they received for their
labours hatred and indignation. Amongst others, that worthy servant
of God, Mr. John Craig, speaking against the manifest corruption
that then declared itself without shame or fear, said, "At one time,
hypocrites were known by their disguised habits, and we had men as
monks, and women as nuns; but now, all things are so changed that
we cannot discern the earl from the abbot, or the nun from such as
would be held noblewomen; so that we have got a new order of monks
and nuns. But, seeing that ye are not ashamed of that unjust profit,
would God that therewith ye had the cowl of the nun, the veil, yea,
and the tail joined with all, that so ye might appear in your own
colours." Their liberty did so provoke the choler of Lethington,
that, in open audience, he gave himself to the Devil, if ever after
that day he should regard what became of ministers. He should do
what he could that his companions should have a skair[232] with him;
"and let them bark and blow," said he, "as loud as they list." That
was the second time that he had given his defiance to the servants
of God.

  [232] Share (?).

[Sidenote: The Courtiers and the Kirk.]

Hereupon rose whispering and complaints by the flatterers of the
Court. Men were not charitably handled, said they: "Might not sins
be reproved in general, albeit men were not so specially taxed,
that all the world might know of whom the preacher spake?" To
this the answer was made, "Let men be ashamed to offend publicly,
and the ministers shall abstain from specialities; but so long as
Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to act against the Evangel
of Jesus Christ, so long cannot the ministers of God cease to cry
that God will be revenged upon such abusers of His holy Word." Thus
had the servants of God a double battle; fighting upon the one side
against the idolatry and the rest of the abominations maintained
by the Queen; and upon the other part, against the unthankfulness
of such as sometime would have been esteemed the chief pillars of
the Kirk within the realm. The threatenings of the preachers were
fearful; but the Court thought itself in such security that it could
not miscarry.

The Queen, after the banqueting, kept a diet by direction of
Monsieur la Usurie, Frenchman, who had been acquainted with her
malady before, being her physician. And thereafter, for the second
time, she made her progresses to the North, and commanded the Earl
of Caithness to ward in the castle of Edinburgh, for a murder
committed by his servants upon the Earl Marischall's men. He obeyed,
but he was speedily relieved; for bloodthirsty men and Papists, such
as he is, are best subjects to the Queen. "Thy kingdom come, O Lord;
for in this realm there is nothing (amongst such as should punish
vice and maintain virtue) but abomination abounding without bridle."

[Sidenote: The Courtiers rouse John Knox: he preaches concerning
Idolatry.]

The flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor
preachers: happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts
and disdainful mockings of the ministers. At length they began to
jest at the term of idolatry, affirming, "That men wist not what
they spake when they called the Mass idolatry." Yea, some proceeded
further, and feared not at open tables to affirm, that they would
sustain the argument that the Mass was no idolatry. These things
coming to the ears of the preachers, were proclaimed in the public
pulpit of Edinburgh, with this complaint directed by the speaker
to his God. "O Lord, how long shall the wicked prevail against the
just! How long shalt Thou suffer Thyself and Thy blessed Evangel to
be despised of men; of men, we say, that make themselves defenders
of the truth. Of Thy manifest and known enemies we complain not,
but of such as unto whom Thou hast revealed Thy light: for now it
comes to our ears that men, not Papists, but chief Protestants,
will defend the Mass to be no idolatry. If this were so, O Lord,
miserably have I been deceived, and miserably, alas, O Lord, have
I deceived Thy people; and that Thou knowest, O Lord, I have ever
abhorred more than a thousand deaths."

Turning his face towards the room where sat such men as had so
affirmed, "If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the most
abominable idolatry that ever was used since the beginning of the
world, I offer myself to suffer the punishment appointed by God to
a false teacher; and it appears to me that the affirmers should
be subject to the same law; for it is the truth of God that ye
persecute and blaspheme; and it is the invention of the Devil that,
obstinately against His Word, ye maintain. Albeit ye now flyrt
and flyre,[233] as though all that were spoken were but wind, yet
am I as assured, as I am that my God liveth, that some that hear
your defection and railing against the truth and the servants of
God, shall see a part of God's judgments poured forth upon this
realm, and principally upon you that fastest cleave to the favour
of the Court, for the abominations that are maintained by you."
Such vehemence provoked the tears of some, yet those men that knew
themselves guilty said, in a mocking manner, "We must recant, and
burn our bill, for the preachers are angry."

  [233] Mock and deride.

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: June 1564.]

The General Assembly, held in June 1564, approaching, to this the
great part of those of the Nobility that are called Protestants,
convened; some for assistance of the ministers, and some to accuse
them.... On the first day of the General Assembly, the Courtiers and
the Lords that depended upon the Court, did not present themselves
in session with their brethren. Many wondering thereat, an ancient
and honourable man, the Laird of Lundie, said, "Nay, I wonder not of
their present absence; but I wonder that, at our last Assembly, they
drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but drew from us some
of our ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as were
never proponed in the public Assembly. That appears to me to be very
prejudicial to the liberty of the Kirk. My judgment is, therefore,
that they be informed of this offence, which the whole brethren have
conceived of their former fault; with humble request that, if they
be brethren, they will assist their brethren with their presence
and counsel, for we never had greater need. If they be minded to
fall back from us, it were better we knew it now than afterwards."
The whole Assembly agreed to this, and gave commission to certain
brethren to signify the minds of the Assembly to the Lords: that was
done on the same afternoon.

[Sidenote: The Protestant Courtiers maintain an independent
Position.]

At first, the Courtiers seemed not a little offended that they
should be suspected of defection: yet, upon the morrow, they joined
with the Assembly, and came into it. But they drew themselves apart,
as they had done before, and entered the Inner Council House. There
were the Duke's Grace, the Earls Argyll, Moray, Morton, Glencairn,
Marischall, and Rothes; the Master of Maxwell, Secretary Lethington,
the Justice Clerk, the Clerk Register, and the Comptroller, the
Laird of Pittarrow.

After a little consultation, they directed a messenger, Mr.
George Hay, then called the Minister of the Court, requiring the
Superintendents, and some of the learned ministers, to confer with
them.

The Assembly answered that they had convened to deliberate upon the
common affairs of the Kirk; and therefore, that they could not lack
their superintendents and chief ministers, whose judgments were so
necessary that, without them, the rest should sit as it were idle.
They therefore, as before, willed them that, if they acknowledged
themselves members of the Kirk, they would join with the brethren,
and propone in public such things as they pleased; and so they
should have the assistance of the whole in all things that might
conform to God's commandment. Hurt and slander might arise, rather
than any profit or comfort to the Kirk, were they to send from
themselves a portion of their company. For they feared that all men
should not stand content with the conclusion, where the conference
and reasons were only heard by a few.

This answer was not given without cause; for no small travail was
made to have drawn some ministers to the faction of the courtiers,
and to have sustained their arguments and opinions. But when it
was perceived by the most politic amongst them that they could not
prevail by that means, they proponed the matter in other terms.
Purging themselves first that they never meant to divide themselves
from the society of their brethren, they said that they had certain
heads to confer with certain ministers; and that, to prevent
confusion, they thought it more expedient to have the conference
before a few, rather than in the public audience. The Assembly did
still reply, that they would not admit secret conference upon those
heads that must be concluded by a general vote.

The Lords promised that no conclusion should be taken, or yet vote
required, until their propositions and the reasons should both be
heard and considered by the whole Assembly. Upon that condition,
there were directed to them, with express charge to conclude nothing
without the knowledge and advice of the Assembly, the Laird of Dun,
Superintendent of Angus, the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife,
Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, William Christison, and Mr. David
Lindsay, ministers, with the Rector of St. Andrews, and Mr. George
Hay. The Superintendent of Glasgow, Mr. John Willock, was moderator,
and John Knox waited upon the scribe. And so they were appointed to
sit with the brethren. Because the principal complaint touched John
Knox, he was also called for.

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington defines the Attitude of the Lords of
the Court.]

Secretary Lethington began the harangue, which contained these
heads: First, how much we were indebted unto God, by whose
providence we had liberty of religion under the Queen's Majesty,
albeit she was not persuaded in it herself: Secondly, how necessary
a thing it was that the Queen's Majesty, by all good offices, so
spake he, of the Kirk, and of the ministers principally, should be
retained in the constant opinion that they unfeignedly favoured
her advancement, and procured her subjects to have a good opinion
of her: And, lastly, how dangerous a thing it was that ministers
should be noted to disagree one from another, in form of prayer for
Her Majesty, or in doctrine concerning obedience to Her Majesty's
authority. "And in these two last heads," said he, "we desire you
all to be circumspect; but especially we must crave of you, our
brother, John Knox, to moderate yourself, as well in form of
praying for the Queens Majesty, as in doctrine that ye propone
touching her estate and obedience. Neither shall ye take this," said
he, "as spoken to your reproach, _quia nevus interdum in corpore
pulchro_, but because others by your example may imitate the like
liberty, albeit not with the same modesty and foresight; and wise
men do foresee the opinion that may engender in the people's heads."

[Sidenote: The Disputation between John Knox and the Secretary.]

_John Knox._ If such as fear God have occasion to praise Him because
idolatry is maintained, the servants of God are despised, wicked
men are placed again in honour and authority, and, finally, because
vice and impiety overflow this whole realm without punishment, then
have we occasion to rejoice and to praise God. But if those and the
like actions are wont to provoke God's vengeance against realms
and nations, then, in my judgment, the godly within Scotland ought
to lament and mourn; and so to prevent[234] God's judgments, lest
He, finding all in a like security, strike in His hot indignation,
perchance beginning at such as think they offend not.

  [234] Anticipate.

_Lethington._ That is a head wherein ye and I never agreed; for how
are ye able to prove that ever God struck or plagued a nation or
people for the iniquity of their prince, if they themselves lived
godly?

_Knox._ I looked, my Lord, to have audience, until I had absolved
the other two parts; but seeing that it pleases your Lordship to cut
me off before the midst, I will answer your question. The Scripture
of God teaches me that Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sin
of Manasseh; and if ye will allege that they were punished because
they were wicked, and offended with their king, and not because
their king was wicked, I answer that, albeit the Spirit of God makes
for me, saying in express words, "For the sin of Manasseh," yet
will I not be so obstinate as to lay the whole sin, and the plagues
that followed, upon the king, and utterly absolve the people. I
will grant you that the whole people offended with the king: but
how, and in what fashion, I fear that ye and I shall not agree. I
doubt not but that the great multitude accompanied him in all the
abominations which he did; for idolatry and a false religion have
ever been, are, and will be pleasing to the most part of men. To
affirm that all Judah committed really the acts of his impiety, is
but to affirm that which neither has certainty, nor yet appearance
of truth. Who can think it possible that all those of Jerusalem
should so shortly turn to external idolatry, considering the notable
reformation in the days of Hezekiah, a short time before? But yet,
the text says, "Manasseh made Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem
to err." True it is; for the one part willingly followed him in his
idolatry, and the other, by reason of his authority, suffered him
to defile Jerusalem, and the temple of God, with all abominations.
So were they all criminal for his sin; the one by act and deed, the
other by suffering and permission. Even so, all Scotland is guilty
this day of the Queen's idolatry, and ye, my Lords, especially,
above all others.

_Lethington._ Well, that is the chief head wherein we never agreed;
but of that we shall speak hereafter. What will ye say as touching
the moving of the people to have a good opinion of the Queen's
Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to her authority,
as also of the form of the prayer which commonly ye use, and so on?

_Knox._ My Lord, a good conscience will not suffer me to move the
people more earnestly, or to pray otherwise than heretofore I have
done. He who knows the secrets of hearts knows that, privately and
publicly, I have called to God for the Queen's conversion, and have
willed the people to do the same, showing them the dangerous estate
wherein not only she herself stands, but also the whole realm, by
the reason of her indurate blindness.

_Lethington._ That is exactly wherein we find greatest fault. Your
extremity against the Queen's Mass, in particular, passes measure.
Ye call her a slave to Satan; ye affirm that God's vengeance hangs
over the realm by reason of her impiety; and what is this else but
to rouse up the heart of the people against Her Majesty, and against
them that serve her?

There was heard an exclamation from the rest of the flatterers that
such extremity could not profit. The Master of Maxwell said in plain
words, "If I were in the Queen's Majesty's place, I would not suffer
such things as I hear."

_Knox._ If the words of preachers shall always be wrested to the
worst construction, then will it be hard to speak of anything so
circumspectly (provided that the truth be spoken) that it shall not
escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement, and, as ye
put it, excessive manner of prayer that I use in public is this, "O
Lord, if it be Thy pleasure, purge the heart of the Queen's Majesty
from the venom of idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and
thraldom of Satan in which she has been brought up, and yet remains,
for the lack of true doctrine; and let her see, by the illumination
of Thy Holy Spirit, that there is no means to please Thee but by
Jesus Christ, Thy only Son, and that Jesus Christ cannot be found
but in Thy holy Word, nor yet received but as it prescribes; which
is, to renounce our own wisdom and preconceived opinion, and worship
Thee as Thou commandest; that in so doing she may avoid that eternal
damnation which abides all who are obstinate and impenitent unto
the end; and that this poor realm may also escape that plague and
vengeance which inevitably follow idolatry, maintained against Thy
manifest Word and the open light thereof." This, said he, is the
form of my common prayer, as yourselves can witness. Now, I would
hear what is worthy of reprehension in it.

_Lethington._ There are three things that I never liked. The first
is that ye pray for the Queen's Majesty with a condition, saying,
"Illuminate her heart, if it be Thy good pleasure." It may appear
from these words that ye doubt of her conversion. Where have ye the
example of such prayer?

_Knox._ Wheresoever the examples are, I am assured of the rule,
which is this, If we shall ask anything according to His will, He
shall hear us; and our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded us to pray
unto our Father, "Thy will be done."

_Lethington._ But where do ye ever find one of the Prophets so to
have prayed?

_Knox._ It sufficeth me, my Lord, that the Master and Teacher of
both Prophets and Apostles has taught me so to pray.

_Lethington._ But, in so doing, ye put a doubt in the people's head
concerning her conversion.

_Knox._ Not I, my Lord. Her own obstinate rebellion causes more than
me to doubt of her conversion.

_Lethington._ Wherein rebels she against God?

_Knox._ In all the actions of her life, but in these two heads
especially; firstly, she will not hear the preaching of the blessed
Evangel of Jesus Christ; and, secondly, she maintains that idol, the
Mass.

_Lethington._ She does not think that rebellion, but good religion.

_Knox._ So thought they that at one time offered their children to
Moloch; and yet the Spirit of God affirms that they offered them
unto devils, and not unto God. This day the Turks think they have
a better religion than that of the Papists. I think ye will excuse
neither of them from committing rebellion against God: nor can ye
justly excuse the Queen, unless ye make God to be partial.

_Lethington._ But yet, why pray ye not for her, without moving any
doubt?

_Knox._ Because I have learned to pray in faith. Now faith, ye know,
depends upon the words of God, and the Word teaches me that prayers
profit the sons and daughters of God's election. Whether she be one
of these or not, I have just cause to doubt; and, therefore, I pray
God "illuminate her heart," if it be His good pleasure.

_Lethington._ But yet ye can produce the example of none that so has
prayed before you.

_Knox._ I have already answered that; but yet, for further
declaration, I will demand a question. Do ye think that the Apostles
prayed themselves as they commanded others to pray?

"Who doubts of that?" said the whole company that were present.

_Knox._ Well then, I am assured that Peter said these words to Simon
Magus, "Repent therefore of this thy wickedness, and pray to God,
that, if it be possible, the thought of your heart may be forgiven
thee." Here we may plainly see that Peter joins a condition with his
commandment that Simon should repent and pray, to wit, if it were
possible that his sin might be forgiven; for he was not ignorant
that some sins were unto the death, and so without all hope of
repentance or remission. Think ye not, my Lord Secretary, there may
touch my heart, concerning the Queen's conversion, the same doubt
that then touched the heart of the Apostle?

_Lethington._ I would never hear you or any other call that in doubt.

_Knox._ But your will is no assurance to my conscience. And, to
speak freely, my Lord, I wonder if ye yourself doubt not of the
Queen's conversion; for more evident signs of induration[235]
have appeared, and still do appear in her, than outwardly Peter
could have espied in Simon Magus. Albeit at one time he had been a
sorcerer, he joined with the Apostles, believed, and was baptized;
and albeit the venom of avarice remained in his heart, and he
would have bought the Holy Ghost, yet, when he heard the fearful
threatenings of God pronounced against him, he trembled, desired the
assistance of the prayers of the Apostles, and humbled himself like
a true penitent, so far as the judgment of man could pierce, and
yet we see that Peter doubted of his conversion. Why then may not
all the godly justly doubt of the conversion of the Queen, who has
practised idolatry (which is no less odious in the sight of God than
is the other) and still continues in the same, yea, who despises all
threatenings, and refuses all godly admonitions?

  [235] Hardening.

_Lethington._ Why say ye that she refuses admonition? She will
gladly hear any man.

_Knox._ But what obedience, to God or to His Word, ensues of all
that is spoken to her? Or when shall she be seen to give her
presence to the public preaching?

_Lethington._ I think never, so long as she is thus treated.

_Knox._ And so long ye and all others must be content that I pray,
so that I may be assured of being heard by my God, that His good
will may be done, either in making her comfortable to His Kirk, or,
if He has appointed her to be a scourge to it, that we may have
patience, and she may be bridled.

_Lethington._ Well let us come to the second head. Where find ye
that the Scripture calls any the bond slaves to Satan? or that the
Prophets of God speak so irreverently of kings and princes?

_Knox._ The Scripture says, that "by nature we are all the sons of
wrath." Our Master, Christ Jesus, affirms, that "such as do sin are
servants to sin," and that it is the only Son of God that sets men
at freedom. Now, what difference there is betwixt the sons of wrath,
and the servants of sin, and the slaves to the Devil, I understand
not, except I be taught. If the sharpness of the term offend you,
I have not invented that phrase of speech, but have learned it
out of God's Scripture; for those words I find spoken unto Paul,
"Behold, I send thee to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that they
may turn from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto
God." Mark these words, my Lord, and sturr not at the speaking of
the Holy Ghost. The same Apostle, writing to his scholar Timothy,
says, "Instruct with meekness those that are contrary minded, if
God at any time will give them repentance, that they may know the
truth, and that they may come to amendment, out of the snare of the
Devil, which are taken of him at his will." If your Lordship rightly
considers these sentences, ye shall not only find my words to be the
words of the Holy Ghost, but also that the condition which I use to
add, has the assurance of God's Scriptures.

_Lethington._ But they spake nothing against kings in especial, and
yet your continual crying is, "The Queen's idolatry, the Queen's
Mass, will provoke God's vengeance!"

_Knox._ In the former sentences I hear not kings and queens
excepted, but all unfaithful are pronounced to stand in one rank,
and to be in bondage to one tyrant, the Devil. But belike, my Lord,
ye little regard the estate wherein they stand, when ye would have
them so flattered, that the danger thereof should neither be known
nor declared to the poor people.

_Lethington._ Where will ye find that any of the Prophets did so
entreat kings and queens, rulers or magistrates?

_Knox._ In more places than one. Ahab was a king, and Jezebel was a
queen, and yet of what the Prophet Elijah said to the one and to the
other, I suppose ye are not ignorant?

_Lethington._ That was not cried out before the people to make them
odious to their subjects.

_Knox._ That Elijah said, "Dogs shall lick the blood of Ahab, and
eat the flesh of Jezebel," the Scriptures assure me; but I read
not that it was whispered in their own ear, or in a corner. The
plain contrary appears to me. That is, both the people and the
Court understood well enough what the Prophet had promised; for so
witnessed Jehu, after God's vengeance had stricken Jezebel.

_Lethington._ They were singular motions of the Spirit of God, and
appertain nothing to this our age.

_Knox._ Then the Scripture has far deceived me, for St. Paul
teaches me that, "Whatsoever is written within the Holy Scriptures,
is written for our instruction." And my Master said that "Every
learned and wise scribe brings forth his treasure, both things
old and things new." And the Prophet Jeremiah affirms that "Every
realm and every city that likewise offends, as then did Jerusalem,
should likewise be punished." Why then, I neither see nor yet can
understand that the acts of the ancient Prophets, and the fearful
judgments of God executed before us upon the disobedient, appertain
not unto this our age. But now, to put an end to this head, my Lord,
the Prophets of God have not spared to rebuke wicked kings, as well
to their face as before the people and subjects. Elisha feared not
to say to King Jehoram, "What have I to do with thee? Get thee to
the prophets of thy father, and to the prophets of thy mother; for
as the Lord of Hosts lives, in whose sight I stand, if it were not
that I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat, the King of Judah, I
would not have looked toward thee nor seen thee." It is plain that
the Prophet was a subject in the kingdom of Israel, and yet how
little reverence he gives to the King. Jeremiah the Prophet was
commanded to cry to the King and to the Queen, and to say, "Behave
yourselves lawfully; execute justice and judgment; or else your
carcases shall be cast to the heat of the day, and unto the frost
of the night." Unto Coniah, Shallum, and Zedekiah, he speaks in
special, and shows to them, in his public sermons, their miserable
ends; and therefore ye ought not to think it strange, my Lord, that
the servants of God mark the vice of kings and queens, as well as of
other offenders, and that because their sins are more noisome to the
commonwealth than are the sins of inferior persons.

For the most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned
upon the Master of Maxwell's breast, who said, "I am almost weary: I
would that some other would reason in the chief head, which is not
touched."

The Earl of Morton, Chancellor, commanded Mr. George Hay to reason
against John Knox, in the head of obedience due unto magistrates;
and he began so to do.

_Knox._ Brother, I am well content that ye reason with me, because
I know you to be both a man of learning and of modesty: but that
ye shall oppose yourself to a truth of which, I suppose, your own
conscience is no less persuaded than is mine, I cannot well approve.
I would be sorry that you and I should be reputed to reason as two
scholars of Pythagoras, to show the quickness of our imagination. I
protest here, before God, that, whatsoever I sustain, I do the same
of conscience; yea, I dare no more sustain a proposition known unto
myself untrue, than dare I teach false doctrine in the public place.
Therefore, Brother, if conscience move you to oppose yourself to
that doctrine which ye have heard from my mouth in that matter, do
it boldly: it shall never offend me. But it pleases me not that ye
be found to oppose yourself to me, if ye are persuaded in the same
truth. In that there may be greater inconvenience than either ye or
I do consider for the present.

_Hay._ Far be it from me to prove myself willing to impugn or
confute that head of doctrine, which not only ye, but many
others, yea, and I myself have affirmed; for so should I be found
contrarious to myself. My Lord Secretary knows my judgment in that
head.

_Lethington._ Marry; ye are well the worse of the two. I remember
well your reasoning when the Queen was in Carrick.

_Knox._ Well, seeing, Brother, that God has made you occupy the
chair of truth, in which, I am sure, we will agree in all principal
heads of doctrine, let it never be said that we disagree in
disputation.

John Knox was moved thus to speak, because he understood more of the
craft than the other did.

_Lethington._ Well, I am persuaded in this last head somewhat
better than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox, yesterday we heard
your judgment upon the 13th to the Romans; we heard the mind of the
Apostle well opened; we heard the causes why God has established
powers upon the earth; we heard the necessity that mankind has
of the same; and we heard the duty of magistrates sufficiently
declared; but in two things I was offended, and so I think were
some more of my Lords that were then present. The one was that ye
made difference betwixt the ordinance of God and the persons that
were placed in authority; and ye affirmed that men might refuse the
persons, and yet not offend against God's ordinance. This is the
one; the other ye had no time to explain; but methought ye meant
this,--that subjects were not bound to obey their princes if they
commanded unlawful things; but that they might resist their princes,
and were never bound to suffer.

_Knox._ In very deed ye have rightly both marked my words, and
understood my mind; for I have long been of that same judgment, and
so I yet remain.

_Lethington._ How will ye prove your division and difference, and
that the person placed in authority may be resisted, and God's
ordinance not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle says, "He that
resists the powers, resisteth the ordinance of God."

_Knox._ My Lord, the plain words of the Apostle make the difference,
and the acts of many approved by God prove my affirmative. First,
the Apostle affirms that the powers are ordained of God for the
preservation of quiet and peaceable men, and for the punishment of
malefactors. From this it is plain that the ordinance of God and
the power given unto men is one thing, and the person clad with
the power or with the authority is another. God's ordinance is the
conservation of mankind, the punishment of vice, and the maintaining
of virtue, which is in itself holy, just, constant, stable, and
perpetual. But men clad with the authority are commonly profane
and unjust; yea, they are mutable and transitory, and subject to
corruption. God threateneth them by His Prophet David, saying, "I
have said ye are gods, and every one of you the sons of the Most
Highest; but ye shall die as men, and the princes shall fall like
others." Here I am assured that persons, the soul and body of
wicked princes, are threatened with death: I think that ye will not
affirm that so also are the authority, the ordinance and the power,
wherewith God has endued such persons; for, as I have said, as it
is holy, so is it the permanent will of God. Now, my Lord, it is
evident that the prince may be resisted, and yet the ordinance of
God not violated. The people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by the
living God that Jonathan should die. The people, I say, swore to the
contrary, and delivered Jonathan, so that not a hair of his head
fell. Now, Saul was the anointed king, and they were his subjects,
and yet they so resisted him that they made him no better than
mansworn.[236]

  [236] Perjured.

_Lethington._ I doubt if in so doing the people did well.

_Knox._ The Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime, but rather
praises them, and condemns the king, as well for his foolish vow
and law made without God, as for his cruel mind, that would have
punished an innocent man so severely. I shall not stand entirely
upon this: what follows shall confirm it. This same Saul commanded
Abimelech and the priests of the Lord to be slain, because they had
committed treason, as he alleged, for intercommuning with David. His
guard and principal servants would not obey his unjust commandment;
but Doeg, the flatterer, put the king's cruelty to execution. I
will not ask your judgment whether the servants of the king, in not
obeying his commandment, resisted God or not; or whether Doeg, in
murdering the priests, gave obedience to a just authority. I have
the Spirit of God, speaking by the mouth of David, to assure me of
the one as well as of the other; for he, in his fifty-second Psalm,
condemns that act as a most cruel murder; and affirms that God will
punish not only the commander but the merciless executor. I conclude
that they who gainstood his commandment resisted not the ordinance
of God.

And now, my Lord, to answer to the statement of the Apostle, where
he affirms that such as resist the power resist the ordinance of
God, I say that the power in that place is not to be understood to
be the unjust commandment of men, but the just power wherewith God
has armed His magistrates and lieutenants to punish sin and maintain
virtue. If any man enterprise to take from the hands of a lawful
judge a murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that by
God's law deserves death, this same man resists God's ordinance,
and procures to himself vengeance and condemnation, because he has
stayed God's sword from striking. But this is not the case if men,
in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury and blind rage of
princes; in doing so, they do not resist God, but the Devil, who
abuses the sword and authority of God.

_Lethington._ I sufficiently understand what ye mean; and to the
one part I will not oppose myself. But I doubt of the other. If the
Queen commanded me to slay John Knox, because she is offended at
him, I would not obey her. But, were she to command others to do it,
or by a colour of justice to take his life from him, I cannot tell
if I should be found to defend him against the Queen and against her
officers.

_Knox._ Under protestation that the audience think not that I seek
favours for myself, my Lord, I say that, if ye be persuaded of my
innocency, and if God has given you such power and credit as might
deliver me, and yet you suffered me to perish, in so doing you
should be criminal, and guilty of my blood.

_Lethington._ Prove that, and win the play.

_Knox._ Well, my Lord, remember your promise, and I shall be short
in my probation. The Prophet Jeremiah was apprehended by the priests
and prophets, who were a part of the authority within Jerusalem, and
by the multitude of the people, and this sentence was pronounced
against him, "Thou shalt die the death; for thou hast said, this
house shall be like Shiloh, and this city shall be desolate without
inhabitant." The princes, hearing the uproar, came from the king's
house, and sat down in judgment in the entry of the new gate of
the Lord's House, and there the priests and the prophets, before
the princes, and before all the people, stated their accusation
in these words, "This man is worthy to die, for he has prophesied
against this city, as your ears have heard." Jeremiah answered that
whatsoever he had spoken proceeded from God; and therefore said he,
"As for me, I am in your hands: do with me as ye think good and
right. But know ye for certain that, if ye put me to death, ye shall
surely bring innocent blood upon your souls, and upon this city, and
upon the habitations thereof; for of truth the Lord has sent me to
you, to speak all these words." Now, my Lord, if the prophets and
the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophet's blood, how
shall ye or others be judged innocent before God, if ye suffer the
blood of such as have not deserved death to be shed when ye may save
it?

_Lethington._ The cases are nothing like.

_Knox._ I would like to learn wherein the dissimilitude stands.

_Lethington._ First, the king had not condemned him to death. And
next, the false prophets and the priests and the people accused him
without a cause, and therefore they could not but be guilty of his
blood.

_Knox._ Neither of these fights against my argument; for, albeit
the king was neither present, nor yet had condemned him, the
princes and chief councillors were there sitting in judgment. They
represented the king's person and authority, hearing the accusation
laid to the charge of the Prophet. Therefore he forewarns them of
the danger, as I have already said, that, if he should be condemned
and put to death, the king, the council, and the whole city of
Jerusalem should be guilty of his blood, because he had committed
no crime worthy of death. If ye think that they should all have
been criminal, only because they all accused him, the plain text
witnesses the contrary. The princes defended him, and so no doubt
did a great part of the people; and yet he boldly affirms that they
should be all guilty of his blood if he should be put to death. The
Prophet Ezekiel gives the reason why all are guilty of a common
corruption. He says, "I sought a man amongst them that should make
up the hedge, and stand in the gap before me for the land, that I
should not destroy it, but I found none; therefore have I poured my
indignation upon them." From this, my Lord, it is plain that God
craves not only that a man do no iniquity in his own person, but
also that he oppose himself to all iniquity, so far as in him lies.

_Lethington._ Then ye will make subjects control their princes and
rulers.

_Knox._ And what harm should the commonwealth receive, if the
corrupt affections of ignorant rulers were moderated, and so bridled
by the wisdom and discretion of godly subjects that they should do
wrong nor violence to no man?

_Lethington._ All this reasoning is not to the purpose; for we
reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our religion,
that she should persecute it, and put innocent men to death. This,
I am assured, she never intended, and never will do. If I should
see her again of that purpose, yea, if I should suspect any such
thing in her, I should be as far forward in that argument as ye or
any other within this realm. But there is not such a thing. Our
question is, whether we may and ought to suppress the Queen's Mass?
Or whether her idolatry shall be laid to our charge?

_Knox._ What ye may do by force, I dispute not; but what ye may and
ought to do by God's express commandment, that I can tell. Idolatry
ought not only to be suppressed, but the idolater ought to die the
death, unless we will accuse God.

_Lethington._ I know that the idolater is commanded to die the
death; but by whom?

_Knox._ By the people of God. The commandment was given to Israel,
as ye may read, "Hear, Israel, says the Lord, the statutes and the
ordinances of the Lord thy God," etc. Yea, a commandment was given,
that, if it be heard that idolatry is committed in any one city,
inquisition shall be taken; and, if it be found true, the whole body
of the people shall then arise and destroy that city, sparing in it
neither man, woman, nor child.

_Lethington._ But there is no commandment given to the people to
punish their king if he be an idolater.

_Knox._ I find no privilege to offend God's Majesty granted to
kings, by God, more than to the people.

_Lethington._ I grant that; but yet the people may not be judges to
their king to punish him, albeit he be an idolater.

_Knox._ God is the Universal Judge, as well of the king as of the
people. What His Word commands to be punished in the one, is not to
be absolved in the other.

_Lethington._ We agree in that; but the people may not execute God's
judgment. They must leave it to Himself. He will either punish it by
death, by war, by imprisonment, or by some other plagues.

_Knox._ I know the last part of your reason to be true; but for
the first, that the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not
execute God's judgments against their king, he being an offender, I
am assured ye have no other warrant except your own imagination, and
the opinion of such as have more fear to offend princes than God.

_Lethington._ Why say ye so? I have the judgments of the most famous
men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself will confess both
godly and learned.

And with that he called for his papers. When these were produced
by Mr. Robert Maitland, he began to read with great gravity the
judgments of Luther, and Melanchthon, and the minds of Bucer,
Musculus, and Calvin, as to how Christians should behave themselves
in time of persecution: yea, the Book of Baruch was not omitted.

_Lethington._ The gathering of these things has cost more travail
than I have taken these seven years in the reading of commentaries.

_Knox._ The more pity; and yet, let others judge what ye have
profited your own cause. As for my argument, I am assured ye
have weakened it in nothing; for your first two witnesses speak
against the Anabaptists, who deny that Christians should be subject
to magistrates, or that it is lawful for a Christian to be a
magistrate. That opinion I no less abhor than ye do, or than does
any other that lives. The others speak of Christians subject to
tyrants and infidels, so dispersed that they have no other force
but only to sob to God for deliverance. That such, indeed, should
hazard any further than these godly men direct them, I cannot
hastily counsel. But my argument has another ground; for I speak of
the people assembled together in one body of one commonwealth, to
whom God has given sufficient force, not only to resist, but also
to suppress all kind of open idolatry. Such a people, I affirm yet
again, are bound to keep their land clean and unpolluted.

That this my division shall not appear strange to you, ye should
understand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his seed,
when he and they were strangers and pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan;
and another thing when they were delivered from the bondage of
Egypt, and the possession of the land of Canaan was granted to them.
At the first, and during all the time of their bondage, God craved
no more than that Abraham should not defile himself with idolatry.
Neither was he nor his posterity commanded to destroy the idols that
were in Canaan or in Egypt. But when God gave them the possession
of the land, He gave them this strait commandment, "Beware lest ye
make league or confederacy with the inhabitants of this land: give
not thy sons unto their daughters, nor yet give thy daughters unto
their sons. But this shall ye do unto them, cut down their groves,
destroy their images, break down their altars, and leave thou no
kind of remembrance of those abominations, which the inhabitants of
the land used before: for thou art a people holy unto the Lord thy
God. Defile not thyself, therewith, with their gods."

Ye, my Lords, and all such as have professed the Lord Jesus within
this realm, are bound to this same commandment. God has wrought no
less miracle upon you, both spiritual and corporal, than He did upon
the carnal seed of Abraham. For you yourselves cannot be ignorant in
what estate your bodies and this poor realm were, not seven years
ago. You and it were both in bondage to a strange nation; and what
tyrants reigned over your conscience, God perchance may let you
feel, because ye do not rightly acknowledge the benefit received.
When our poor brethren before us gave their bodies to the flames
of fire for the testimony of the truth, and when scarcely ten that
rightly knew God could be found in a country-side, it would have
been foolishness to have craved the suppressing of idolatry, either
by the Nobility, or by the humble subjects. That would have done
nothing but expose the simple sheep as a prey to the wolves. But
since God has multiplied knowledge, and has given the victory to
His truth, even in the hands of His servants, if ye suffer the land
again to be defiled, ye and your Princess shall both drink the cup
of God's indignation--she for her obstinate abiding in manifest
idolatry in the great light of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and ye
for your permitting and maintaining her in it.

_Lethington._ In that point we will never agree; and where find
ye, I pray you, that any of the Prophets or of the Apostles ever
taught such a doctrine as that the people should be plagued for the
idolatry of the prince; or that the subjects might suppress the
idolatry of their rulers, or punish them for the same?

_Knox._ My Lord, we know what was the commission given to the
Apostles. It was to preach and plant the Evangel of Jesus Christ
where darkness had dominion before; and therefore it behoved them,
first, to let them see the light before they should urge them to
put to their hands to suppress idolatry. I will not affirm what
precepts the Apostles gave to the faithful in particular, other
than that they commanded all to flee from idolatry. But I find two
things which the faithful did; the one was, they assisted their
preachers, even against the rulers and magistrates; the other was,
they suppressed idolatry wherever God gave them force, asking no
leave of the Emperor, or of his deputies. Read the Ecclesiastical
History, and ye shall find sufficient example. As to the doctrine
of the Prophets, we know they were interpreters of the law of God;
and we know they spake to the kings as well as to the people. I read
that neither would hear them; and therefore came the plague of God
upon both. But I cannot be persuaded that they flattered kings more
than the people.

As I have said, God's laws pronounce sentence of death upon
idolatry, without exception of any person. Idolatry is never alone;
ever does it corrupt religion, and bring with it a filthy and
corrupt life. How the Prophets could rightly interpret the law,
and show the causes of God's judgments, which they ever threatened
should follow idolatry, and the rest of abominations that accompany
it--how they could reprove the vices, and not show the people their
duty, I understand not. Therefore, I constantly believe that the
doctrine of the Prophets was so sensible that the kings understood
their own abominations, and the people understood what they ought
to have done in punishing and repressing them. But because the most
part of the people were no less rebellious to God than were their
princes, the one and the other convened against God and against
His servants. And yet, my Lord, the acts of some Prophets are so
evident, that we may collect from them what doctrine they taught;
for it were no small absurdity to affirm that their acts should
repugn to their doctrine.

_Lethington._ I think ye refer to the history of Jehu. What will ye
prove thereby?

_Knox._ The chief head that ye deny and I affirm--that the Prophets
never taught that it appertained to the people to punish the
idolatry of their kings. For the probation, I am ready to produce
the act of a Prophet. Ye know, my Lord, that Elisha sent one of the
children of the Prophets to anoint Jehu, who gave him commandment
to destroy the house of his master Ahab for the idolatry committed
by him, and for the innocent blood that Jezebel his wicked wife had
shed. He obeyed, and put this into full execution; and for this God
promised him the stability of the kingdom, to the fourth generation.
Here is the act of one Prophet that proves that subjects were
commanded to execute judgments upon their king and prince.

_Lethington._ There is enough to be answered thereto. Jehu was a
king before he put anything in execution; and besides, the act is
extraordinary, and not to be imitated.

_Knox._ My Lord, he was a mere subject and no king, when the
Prophet's servant came to him; yea, and albeit his fellow-captains,
hearing of the message, blew the trumpet, and said, "Jehu is king;"
I doubt not that Jezebel both thought and said he was a traitor. So
did many others that were in Israel and in Samaria. And as touching
what ye allege--that the act was extraordinary, and is not to be
imitated--I say that it had ground upon God's ordinary judgment,
which commands the idolater to die the death. Therefore, I yet again
affirm that it is to be imitated by all those that prefer the true
honour, the true worship, and the glory of God to the affections of
flesh, and of wicked princes.

_Lethington._ We are not bound to imitate extraordinary examples,
unless we have the like commandment and assurance.

_Knox._ I grant that, if the example repugn to the law, and if
an avaricious and deceitful man desired to borrow gold, silver,
raiment, or any other necessaries from his neighbour, and withhold
the same, he might allege that he might do so and not offend God,
because the Israelites did so to the Egyptians, at their departure
from Egypt. The example would serve no purpose unless the like
cause, and the like commandment to that which the Israelites had,
could be produced; because, their act repugned to this commandment
of God, "Thou shalt not steal." But where the example agrees with
the law, and is, as it were, the execution of God's judgments
expressed in it, I say that the example approved by God stands to
us in place of a commandment. God of His nature is constant, and
immutable; He cannot condemn in the subsequent ages that which He
has approved in His servants before us. In His servants before us,
by His own commandment, He has approved when subjects have not only
destroyed their kings for idolatry, but also rooted out their whole
posterity, so that none of that race were afterwards left to empire
over the people of God.

_Lethington._ Whatsoever they did was done at God's commandment.

_Knox._ That fortifies my argument. You admit that subjects punish
their princes by God's commandment for idolatry and wickedness
committed by them.

_Lethington._ We have not the like commandment.

_Knox._ That I deny. The commandment, "The idolater shall die the
death," is perpetual, as ye yourself have granted. You doubted only
who should be executors against the king; and I said the people of
God. I have sufficiently proven, I think, that God has raised up the
people, and by His Prophet has anointed a king to take vengeance
upon the king and upon his posterity. Since that time, God has
never retreated[237] that act; and, therefore, to me it remains
for a constant and clean commandment to all people professing God,
and having the power to punish vice, as to what they ought to do
in the like case. If the people had enterprised anything without
God's commandment, we might have doubted whether they had done well
or evil. But, seeing that God did bring the execution of His law
again into practice, after it had fallen into oblivion and contempt,
what reasonable man can now doubt of God's will, unless we are to
doubt of all things which God does not renew to us by miracles, as
it were, from age to age. I am assured that the answer of Abraham
to the rich man who, being in hell, desired that Lazarus or some of
the dead should be sent to his brethren and friends, to inform them
of his incredible pain and torments, and to warn them so to behave
themselves that they should not come to that place of torment--that
answer shall confound such as crave further approbation of God's
will than is already expressed within His holy Scriptures. Abraham
said, "They have Moses and the Prophets; if they will not believe
them, neither will they believe albeit one of the dead should
rise." Even so, my Lord, I say that such as will not be taught what
they ought to do, by commandment of God once given and once put in
practice, will not believe or obey, albeit God should send angels
from heaven to instruct that doctrine.

  [237] Repudiated; withdrawn.

_Lethington._ Ye have but produced one example.

_Knox._ One sufficeth. But, God be praised, we do not lack others.
The whole people conspired against Amaziah, king of Judah, after
he had turned away from the Lord, followed him to Lachish and slew
him, and took Uzziah and anointed him king instead of his father.
The people had not altogether forgotten the league and covenant
made betwixt their king and them, at the inauguration of Joash, his
father, that the king and the people should be the people of the
Lord, and then should they be his faithful subjects. When first the
father, and afterwards the son, declined from that covenant, they
were both punished to the death, Joash by his own servants, and
Amaziah by the whole people.

_Lethington._ I doubt whether they did well or not.

_Knox._ It shall be free for you to doubt as ye please; but where
I find execution according to God's laws, and God Himself does not
accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of the cause.
Further, it appears to me that God gave sufficient approbation and
allowance to their act; for He blessed them with victory, peace, and
prosperity, for the space of fifty-two years thereafter.

_Lethington._ But prosperity does not always prove that God approves
the acts of men.

_Knox._ Yes; when the acts of men agree with the law of God, and are
rewarded according to God's own promise, expressed in His law, I say
that the prosperity succeeding the act is most infallible assurance
that God has approved that act. God has promised in His law that,
when His people shall exterminate and destroy such as decline from
Him, He will bless them, and multiply them, as He has promised
to their fathers. Amaziah turned from God; for so the text doth
witness; and it is plain that the people slew their king; and it is
as plain that God blessed them. Therefore, yet again I conclude that
God approved their act, and it, in so far as it was done according
to His commandment, was blessed according to His promise.

_Lethington._ Well, I think the ground is not so sure that I durst
build my conscience thereupon.

_Knox._ I pray God that your conscience have no worse ground than
this, whenever ye shall begin work like that which God, before your
own eyes, has already blessed. And now, my Lord, I have but one
example to produce, and then I will put an end to my reasoning,
because I weary of standing. (Commandment was given that he should
sit down; but he refused it, and said, "Melancholious reasons would
have some mirth intermixed.") My last example, my Lord, is this,
Uzziah the king, not content of his royal estate, malapertly took
upon him to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burn incense
upon the altar of incense; and Azariah the priest went in after
him, and with him fourscore priests of the Lord, valiant men. These
withstood Uzziah the king, and said to him, "It pertaineth thee not,
Uzziah, to burn incense unto the Lord, but to the priests, the sons
of Aaron, that are consecrated to offer incense. Go forth of the
sanctuary, for thou hast transgressed, and you shall have no honour
of the Lord God." From this, my Lord, I conclude that subjects not
only may, but ought to withstand and resist their princes, whenever
they do anything that expressly repugns to God's law or holy
ordinance.

_Lethington._ They that withstood the king were not simple subjects.
They were the priests of the Lord, and figures of Christ. We have
none such priests this day, to withstand kings if they do wrong.

_Knox._ I grant that the High Priest was the figure of Christ, but
I deny that he was not a subject. I am assured that he, in his
priesthood, had no prerogative above those that had gone before
him. Now, Aaron was subject unto Moses, and called him his lord.
Samuel, being both prophet and priest, subjected himself to Saul,
after he was inaugurated by the people. Zadok bowed before David;
and Abiathar was deposed from the priesthood by Solomon. These all
confessed themselves subjects to the kings, albeit therewith they
ceased not to be figures of Christ. Ye say that we have no such
priests this day, but I might answer that neither have we such kings
this day as then were anointed at God's commandment, and sat upon
the seat of David, and were no less the figure of Christ Jesus in
their just administration, than were the priests in their appointed
office. Such kings, I am assured, we have not now, more than have
we such priests. Christ Jesus, being anointed in our nature by God,
His Father, as King, Priest, and Prophet, has put an end to all
external unction. And yet, I think, ye will not say that God has now
diminished His graces for those whom He appoints ambassadors betwixt
Him and His people, more than He does from kings and princes.
Therefore, I see not why the servants of Jesus Christ may not also
justly withstand kings and princes that this day no less offend
God's Majesty than Uzziah did, unless ye will say that we, in the
brightness of the Evangel, are not straitly bound to regard God's
glory or His commandments, as were the fathers that lived under the
dark shadows of the law.

_Lethington._ Well, I will dip no further into that head. But how
resisted the priests the king? They only spake to him, without
further violence intended.

_Knox._ That they withstood him, the text assures me; but that they
did nothing but speak, I cannot understand. The plain text affirms
the contrary. They caused him hastily to depart from the sanctuary,
yea, he was compelled to depart. This manner of speaking, I am
assured, imports in the Hebrew tongue another thing than exhorting,
or commanding by word.

_Lethington._ They did that after he was espied to be leprous.

_Knox._ They withstood him before; but their last act confirms
my proposition so evidently, that such as will oppose themselves
to it must needs oppose themselves to God. My assertion is, that
kings have no privilege to offend God's Majesty more than had the
people; and that, if they do so, they are no more exempted from the
punishment of the law than is any subject; yea, and that subjects
may not only lawfully oppose themselves to their kings, whenever
they do anything that expressly repugns to God's commandment, but
also that they may execute judgment upon them according to God's
law. If the king be a murderer, adulterer, or idolater, he should
suffer according to God's law, not as a king, but as an offender,
and this history clearly proves that the people may put God's laws
into execution. As soon as the leprosy appeared in his forehead,
he was not only compelled to depart out of the sanctuary, but he
was also removed from all public society and administration of the
kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in a house apart, even as the
law commanded. He got no greater privilege in that case than any
other of the people should have done; and this was executed by the
people; for there is no doubt that more than the priests alone were
witnesses of his leprosy. We do not find that any oppose themselves
to the sentence of God pronounced in His law against the leprous;
and therefore, yet again say I that the people ought to execute
God's law even against their princes, when their open crimes deserve
death by God's law, but especially when they are such as may infect
the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lords, I will reason no
longer, for I have spoken more than I intended.

_Lethington._ And yet I cannot tell what can be concluded.

_Knox._ Albeit ye cannot, I am assured of what I have proven, to
wit:--1. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands
of their king, and therein offended not God. 2. That subjects have
refused to strike innocents when a king commanded, and in doing so
denied no just obedience. 3. That such as struck at the commandment
of the king before God were reputed murderers. 4. That God has not
only of one subject made a king, but also has armed subjects against
their natural kings, and commanded them to take vengeance upon them
according to His law. 5. That God's people have executed God's law
against their king, having no further regard to him in that behalf,
than if he had been the most simple subject within this realm.
Therefore, albeit ye will not understand what should be concluded,
I am assured not only that God's people may, but also that they are
bound to do the same where the like crimes are committed, and when
He gives unto them the like power.

_Lethington._ Well, I think ye shall not have many learned men of
your opinion.

_Knox._ My Lord, the truth ceases not to be the truth, howsoever men
either misknow it, or yet gainstand it. And yet, I praise my God
that I lack not the consent of God's servants in that head.

With that, John Knox presented to the Secretary the Apology of
Magdeburg; and willed him to read the names of the ministers who had
subscribed the defence of the town to be a most just one; adding,
that to resist a tyrant is not to resist God, or yet His ordinance.

When the Secretary had read this, he scripped and said, "_Homines
obscuri_."[238] The other answered, "_Dei tamen servi_."[239]

  [238] "Men of no note."

  [239] "Servants of God, however."

So Lethington arose and said, "My Lords, ye have heard the reasons
upon both sides: it becomes you now to decide, and to give an order
unto preachers, that they may be uniform in doctrine. May we, think
ye, take the Queen's Mass from her?"

While some began to give their votes, for some were appointed, as
it were, leaders to the rest, John Knox said, "My Lords, I suppose
that ye will not do contrary to your Lordships' promise, made
to the whole Assembly. This was that nothing should be voted in
secret, until all matters should first be debated in public, and
that then the votes of the whole Assembly should put an end to the
controversy. Now have I only sustained the argument, and shown my
conscience in most simple manner, rather than insisted upon the
force and vehemence of any one argument. Therefore I, for my part,
utterly dissent from all voting, until the whole Assembly have heard
the propositions and the reasons of both parties. For I unfeignedly
acknowledge that many in this company are more able to sustain the
argument than I am.

"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethington, "that such a multitude as
are now convened should reason and vote in these heads and matters
that concern the Queen's Majesty's own person and affairs."

"I think," said the other, "that, whosoever should bind, the
multitude should hear, unless they have resigned their power
to their commissioners. This they have not done, so far as I
understand; for my Lord Justice Clerk heard them say, with one
voice, that in nowise would they consent that anything should either
be voted or concluded here."

"I cannot tell," said Lethington, "if my Lords that be here present,
and that bear the burden of such matters, should be bound to their
will. What say ye, my Lords? Will ye vote in this matter, or will ye
not vote?"

After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose said, "Why
may not the Lords vote, and then show unto the Kirk whatsoever is
done?"

"That appears to me," said John Knox, "not only a backward order,
but also a tyranny usurped upon the Kirk. For me, do as ye list, as
I reason, so I vote; yet I protest, as before, that I dissent from
all voting, until the whole Assembly understand the questions as
well as the reasonings."

"Well," said Lethington, "that cannot be done now, for the time is
spent; and therefore, my Lord Chancellor, said he, ask ye the votes,
and take by course every one of the ministers, and one of us."

[Sidenote: The Lords and Ministers discuss Lethington's Proposition
and Knox's Answer.]

The Rector of St. Andrews, first commanded to speak his conscience,
said, "I refer to the Superintendent of Fife, for I think we are
both of one judgment; and yet, if ye will that I speak first, my
conscience is this. If the Queen oppose herself to our religion,
which is the only true religion, the Nobility and Estates of
this realm, professors of the true doctrine, may justly oppose
themselves to her. But, as concerning her own Mass, albeit I know
it is idolatry, I am not yet resolved, whether or not we may take
it from her by violence." The Superintendent of Fife said, "That is
my conscience." So also affirmed some of the Nobility. But others
voted frankly, and said that, as the Mass was an abomination, it was
just and right that it should be suppressed; and that, in so doing,
men did no more wrong to the Queen's Majesty than would they that
should, by force, take from her a poisoned cup when she was going to
drink it.

[Sidenote: Mr John Craig's Judgment.]

At last, Mr. John Craig, fellow-minister with John Knox in the Kirk
of Edinburgh, was required to give his judgment and vote. "I will
gladly show to your Honours what I understand," he said; "but I
greatly doubt whether my knowledge and conscience shall satisfy you,
seeing that ye have heard so many reasons, and are so little moved
by them. But yet I shall not conceal from you my judgment, adhering
first to the protestation of my brother that our voting prejudge
not the liberty of the General Assembly. I was in the University
of Bologna in the year of God 1554, and there, in the place of
the Black Friars of the same town, I saw in the time of their
General Assembly this conclusion set forth. This I heard reasoned,
determined, and concluded:--'All rulers, be they supreme or be they
inferior, may be and ought to be reformed or deposed by them by whom
they are chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office, as oft as
they break that promise made by the oath to their subjects. Princes
are no less bound by oath to the subjects, than are the subjects to
their princes, and therefore ought to be kept and reformed equally,
according to the law and condition of the oath that is made by
either party.'

"This conclusion, my Lords, I heard sustained and concluded, as I
have said, in a most notable auditory. The sustainer was a learned
man, Monsieur Thomas de Finola, the Rector of the University,
a man famous in that country. Magister Vincentius de Placentia
affirmed the conclusion to be most true and certain, agreeable
both with the law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation
and conclusion was a certain disorder and tyranny attempted by the
Pope's governors. These began to make innovations in the country
against the laws formerly established, alleging themselves not to be
subject to such laws, by reason that they were not institute[240]
by the people, but by the Pope, who was king of that country. They
claimed that they, having full commission and authority from the
Pope, might alter and change statutes and ordinances of the country,
without any consent of the people. Against this usurped tyranny, the
learned and the people opposed themselves openly. When all reasons
which the Pope's governors could allege were heard and confuted,
the Pope himself was fain to take up the matter, and to promise,
not only to keep the liberty of the people, but also that he should
neither abrogate any law or statute, nor make any new law without
their own consent. Therefore, my Lord, my vote and conscience is,
that the princes are not only bound to keep laws and promises to
their subjects, but also that, in case they fail, they may be
justly deposed; for the bond betwixt the prince and the people is
reciprocal."

  [240] Placed in authority.

Then started up a clawback of that corrupt Court, and said, "Ye wot
not what ye say; for ye tell us what was done in Bologna; we are a
kingdom, and they are but a commonwealth."

"My Lord," said he, "my judgment is, that every kingdom is or, at
least, should be a commonwealth, albeit every commonwealth be not
a kingdom; and, therefore, I think that, in a kingdom no less than
in a commonwealth, diligence ought to be taken that laws be not
violated. The tyranny of princes who continually reign in a kingdom
is more hurtful to the subjects, than is the misgovernment of those
that from year to year are changed in free commonwealths. But yet,
my Lords, to assure you and all others further, that head was
disputed to the uttermost; and then, in the end, it was concluded,
that they spoke not of such things as were done in divers kingdoms
and nations by tyranny and negligence of people. 'But we conclude,'
said they, 'what ought to be done in all kingdoms and commonwealths,
according to the law of God, and the just laws of man. And if, by
the negligence of the people, or by the tyranny of princes, contrary
laws have been made, yet may that same people, or their posterity,
justly crave all things to be reformed, according to the original
institution of kings and commonwealths; and such as will not do so,
deserve to eat the fruit of their own foolishness.'"

Master James Macgill, then Clerk of Register, perceiving the votes
to be different, and hearing the bold plainness of the foresaid
servant of God, said, "I remember that this same question was long
debated once before this in my house, and there, by reason that we
were not all of one mind, it was concluded that Mr. Knox should,
in all our names, write to Mr. Calvin for his judgment in the
controversy."

"Nay," said Mr. Knox, "my Lord Secretary would not consent that I
should write, alleging that the greatest weight of the answer stood
in the narrative, and therefore promised that he would write, and I
should see it. But when, at divers times, I required him to remember
his promise, I found nothing but delay."

Thereto the Secretary did answer, "True it is, I promised to write,
and true it is, that divers times Mr. Knox required me so to do.
But, when I had more deeply considered the weight of the matter, I
began to find more doubts than I did before, and this one amongst
others, how durst I, being a subject, and the Queen's Majesty's
Secretary, take upon me, without her own knowledge and consent, to
seek resolution of controversies depending betwixt her Highness and
her subjects." Then was there an acclamation of the clawbacks of
the Court, as if Apollo had given his response. It was wisely and
faithfully done.

"Well," said John Knox, "let worldly men praise worldly wisdom as
highly as they please, I am assured that by such shifts idolatry
is maintained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed. God one
day will be revenged." At this and the like sharpness many were
offended, the voting ceased, and every faction began plainly to
speak as affection moved them. In the end John Knox was commanded
yet to write to Mr. Calvin, and to the learned in other Kirks, to
ascertain their judgments on that question. This he refused, stating
his reason. "I myself am not only fully resolved in conscience, but
also I have heard the judgments of the most godly and most learned
that be known in Europe, in this and all other things that I have
affirmed within this realm. I came not to this realm without their
resolution; and for my assurance I have the handwritings of many.
Therefore, if I should now move the same question again, what should
I do but either show my own ignorance and forgetfulness, or else
inconstancy? So may it please you to pardon me, albeit I write not.
But I will teach you the surer way, which is this, write ye and
complain upon me, that I teach publicly and affirm constantly such
doctrine as offends you, and so shall ye know their plain minds, and
whether I and they agree in judgment or not."

Divers said the offer was good; but no man was found that would
be the secretary. And so did the Assembly break up after long
reasoning. After that time, the ministers were holden of all the
courtiers as monsters.

In all that time the Earl of Moray was so fremmed[241] to John Knox,
that neither by word nor writing was there any communication betwixt
them.

  [241] Strange; unfriendly.

THE END.

APPENDIX.

I. KNOX'S CONFESSION.

II. THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.

KNOX'S CONFESSION.[242]

  [242] The Confession of Faith professed and believed by the
  Protestants within the Realm of Scotland, published by them in
  Parliament, and by the Estates thereof ratified and approved, as
  wholesome and sound Doctrine, grounded upon the infallible Truth of
  God's Word. (_Original Title._)

The Preface.

     The Estates of Scotland with the inhabitants of the same
     professing the Holy Evangel of Christ Jesus, to their natural
     countrymen, and to all other realms and nations, professing the
     same Lord Jesus with them, wish grace, peace, and mercy from
     God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Spirit of
     righteous judgment, for salutation.

Long have we thirsted, dear brethren, to have notified unto the
world the sum of that doctrine which we profess, and for the which
we have sustained infamy and danger. But such has been the rage of
Satan against us, and against the eternal verity of Christ Jesus
lately born amongst us, that to this day no time has been granted
unto us to clear our consciences, as most gladly we would have
done; for how we have been tossed for a whole year past, the most
part of Europe, as we suppose, does understand. But seeing that,
of the infinite goodness, above expectation, of our God, who never
suffers His afflicted to be utterly confounded, we have obtained
some rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this brief and
plain confession of such doctrine as is proponed unto us, and as
we believe and profess. We do so, partly for satisfaction of our
brethren, whose hearts we doubt not have been and yet are wounded
by the despiteful railing of such as yet have not learned to speak
well, and partly for stopping of the mouths of impudent blasphemers,
who boldly condemn that which they have neither heard nor yet
understand. Not that we judge that the cankered malice of such is
able to be cured by this simple Confession. No, we know that the
sweet savour of the Evangel is, and shall be, death to the sons
of perdition. But we have chief respect to our weak and infirm
brethren, to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts,
lest that they be troubled or carried away by the diversity of
rumours which Satan spreads abroad against us, to the defecting of
this our most godly enterprise. If any man will note in this our
Confession any article or sentence repugnant to God's holy Word, and
it please him of his gentleness and for Christian charity's sake to
admonish us of the same in writing, we of our honour and fidelity
do promise unto him satisfaction from the mouth of God, that is,
from His holy Scriptures, or else reformation of that which he
shall prove to be amiss. We take God to record in our consciences,
that from our hearts we abhor all sects of heresy, and all teachers
of erroneous doctrine; and that with all humility we embrace the
purity of Christ's Evangel, which is the only food of our souls;
and therefore so precious unto us, that we are determined to suffer
the extremity of worldly danger, rather than that we will suffer
ourselves to be defrauded of the same. For we are most certainly
persuaded that whosoever denies Christ Jesus, or is ashamed of Him,
in presence of men, shall be denied before the Father, and before
His holy angels. And therefore, by the assistance of the mighty
Spirit of our Lord Jesus, we firmly promise to abide to the end in
the Confession of this our Faith.

Of God.--Cap. I.

We confess and acknowledge one only God, to whom only we must
cleave, [whom only we must serve],[243] whom only we must worship,
and in whom only we must put our trust; who is eternal, infinite,
unmeasurable, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invisible: one in
substance, and yet distinct in three persons, the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost: By whom we confess and believe all things in
heaven and in earth, as well visible as invisible, to have been
created, to be retained in their being, and to be ruled and guided
by His inscrutable Providence, to such end as His eternal wisdom,
goodness, and justice has appointed them, to the manifestation of
His own glory.

  [243] Words in square brackets are not in MSS. but are found in old
  printed copies of the Confession.--ED.

Of the Creation of Man.--Cap. II.

We confess and acknowledge this our God to have created man, to
wit, our first father Adam, of whom also God formed the woman to
His own image and similitude; to whom He gave wisdom, lordship,
justice, free-will, and clear knowledge of Himself; so that in the
whole nature of man there could be noted no imperfection. From which
honour and perfection man and woman did both fall; the woman being
deceived by the serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the woman,
both conspiring against the Sovereign Majesty of God, who before, in
expressed words, had threatened death, if they presumed to eat of
the forbidden tree.

Of Original Sin.--Cap. III.

By which transgression, commonly called Original Sin, was the
image of God utterly defaced in man; and he and his posterity of
nature became enemies to God, slaves to Satan, and servants to sin;