diez Papas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 61. ‘Estuuo
     en oracion, y ayuno ocho dias.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
     97. ‘Si ritirò al palazzo _tlillancalmecatl_, destinato
     pel tempo di duolo.’ _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 69.

     [402] _Mendieta_, _Hist. Ecles._, 182; _Remesal_, _Hist.
     Chyapa_, 304. According to Arias de Villalobos, the idol
     was already stricken mute by the shadow of the approaching
     cross; the angel released the captive, one of 500 destined
     for slaughter, and he set forth to join the Spaniards.
     _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 126.

     [403] From the lord of Tepeaca came 30 female slaves and
     some gold, and from Huexotzinco a wooden box, bordered with
     gold and silver, containing jewels worth 400 pesos de oro.
     _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.

     [404] ‘Ten thousand pesos de oro,’ says Torquemada, i. 442.

     [405] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 75-6; _Torquemada_, i. 442.
     Gomara is confused about these messages between Cholula
     and Mexico, while Bernal Diaz ignores this attempt to keep
     back the Spaniards.

     [406] ‘Quitarnos la comida, é agua, ò alçar qualquiera de las
     puentes, nos mataria, y que en vn dia, si nos daua guerra,
     no quedaria ninguno de nosotros á vida.’ This oracle came
     from Huitzilopochtli. The bodies should be eaten. _Bernal
     Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 61; _Oviedo_, iii. 499; _Gomara_,
     _Hist. Mex._, 97.

     [407] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 77. Bernal Diaz relates that
     six chiefs brought this message, together with a number of
     gold jewels, worth upward of 2000 pesos, and some loads of
     robes. _Hist. Verdad._, 62. Most authors are, like Gomara,
     somewhat confused about these messages.

     [408] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 96. ‘Algunos querian decir
     que era boca del infierno.’ _Motolinia_, _Hist. Ind._, 180;
     _Torquemada_, i. 436-7.

     [409] ‘Vinieron muchos Indios a besarles la ropa, y a verlos,
     como por milagro, ó como a dioses.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
     96. According to Cortés they failed to reach the summit,
     although coming very near to it. But this statement is open
     to doubt, for Cortés is not liberal in according credit to
     others where it might tend to call attention from himself,
     particularly to a man like Ordaz, who had, until quite
     lately, been his most bitter opponent. Gomara had evidently
     good authority for his statement, since he in this case
     failed to follow his patron’s version; and Bernal Diaz, who
     is always ready to contradict him, and who was no friend
     of Ordaz, does also admit that he reached the summit. He
     gives him only two companions, however, and starts them
     from Tlascala. _Hist. Verdad._, 55. Leading modern authors
     are inclined to doubt their success. Prescott, Brasseur de
     Bourbourg, and others, from a misinterpretation of Cortés’
     text, allow the ascent to be made while the army was camped
     on the summit of the range, en route for Mexico.

     Ordaz no doubt claimed to have reached the summit, since
     the emperor granted him a coat of arms, wherein the
     achievement is commemorated by a blazing mountain. Had he not
     merited it, his many jealous companions would surely have
     raised a clamor. He became also a knight of Santiago, in
     acknowledgment of his services during the conquest. Having
     beside acquired great wealth, he might have rested on his
     laurels; but eager to emulate his late chief, he in 1530
     petitioned for and obtained the governorship of the tract
     between Rio Marañon and Cabo de la Vela, in South America,
     with a right to extend the conquest. After suffering great
     hardship there he set out for Spain, two years later, to
     recruit his health and seek redress against rival conquerors.
     He died on the way. _Oviedo_, ii. 211-24; _Herrera_, dec.
     iv. lib. x. cap. ix.; dec. v. lib. i. cap. xi. Simon has
     him arraigned at Española for cruelty to his men, etc.
     Ordaz insists on going to Spain for justice, and fearing
     the result, since he stood in high favor there, his enemies
     poisoned him during the voyage. _Conq. Tierra Firme_, 104-35.
     His portrait is given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
     ii. 192, and _Prescott’s Mex._ (Gondra ed. of Mex.), iii.
     221. ‘Su familia establecida en Puebla, en donde creo que
     todavía quedan descendientes suyos.’ _Alaman_, _Disert._,
     i. 101. Montaño, among other conquerors, made the ascent of
     the volcano not long after this, and he is even said to have
     descended into the crater. Padre Sahagun also reached the
     summit. _Hist. Gen._, iii. 317; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vi.
     cap. xviii.; _Torquemada_, i. 436-7; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v.
     cap. ii. The next successful ascent was not made till 1827,
     by Messrs Glennie. Sonneschmidt had explored Popocatepetl
     partially only in 1772, but had reached the summit of the
     consort peak. Berkbeck explored in the same year as the
     Glennies. Gérolt and Gros attempted the ascent in 1833 and
     1834, and succeeded in reaching the summit on the second
     occasion. The record is given in _Revista Mex._, i. 461-82.
     In 1857 the Mexican government sent up a successful exploring
     expedition under Sonntag and Laverrière, whose report,
     with drawings, is given in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Boletin_,
     vi. 218-45. Meanwhile the observations of Gérolt and Gros
     had led to the examination of the crater for sulphur, an
     industry carried on pretty regularly since 1836. The volcano
     was in frequent eruption about the conquest period, as if
     in sympathy with the political turmoils around it. One of
     the heaviest discharges recorded took place in 1539-40,
     which covered the neighboring towns, as far as Tlascala,
     with ashes. Since then it has been comparatively silent,
     the last two outbreaks being in 1663-4 and 1697. ubi sup.,
     204-5; _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 55; _Herrera_, dec.
     ii. lib. vi. cap. xviii. The eruption of 1663-4 created great
     terror in Puebla, as Vetancurt relates. _Teatro Mex._, pt.
     i. 26. Bustamante extends this activity to 1665. _Sahagun_,
     _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 75.

     Rude cuts of the volcanic eruption of 1519 are to be seen in
     the old and curious cosmographies of Sebastian Munster. This
     learned man, famous as a Hebrew scholar, as mathematician and
     cartographer, was the author of some forty printed works,
     and would probably have issued as many more had not the
     plague cut him off at Basle, in 1552, at the age of 63. His
     editions of Ptolemy’s Geography began in 1540, and in the
     following year, according to _Labanoff’s Catalogue_, appeared
     the first edition of his _Cosmographia Beschreibung_; but
     this date, accepted by several bibliographers, as well
     as that of 1543 for a Latin edition, are evidently wrong,
     since Munster in his dedication of 1550, to King Gustavus
     I. of Sweden, remarks that ‘Inn dise dritt edition’ he had
     hoped to include a description of Stockholm and other towns
     under the king, but had not received a reply to his demands
     therefor. A few lines above this he writes equally to the
     point: ‘Als ich aber vor sechs jaren noch mit diser arbeit
     vmbgieng, ist zũ mir kommen E. K. M. diener, der hochgelert
     herr, herr Georgius Normannus, dem ich vorhin auss etlichen
     büchern vnder meinem namen aussgangen, bekãt wz, vnd als
     er besichtiget dise für genom̂en arbeit, schetzet er
     sie wol wirdig, das sie vnd dem künigliche schirm E. M.
     an tag käme.’ Nothing could more conclusively show that
     the work had not appeared in print before 1544. The second
     edition appeared in 1545. The title of the first reads:
     _Cosmographia. Beschreibũg aller Lender Durch Sebastianum
     Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri. Anno
     MDxliiij._ The Gothic text is accompanied by marginals in
     Italics, and illustrated with numerous small wood-cuts, some
     being of the character which permits their reproduction
     in different chapters and for different countries. In
     the African division we find beings of the Anubis and
     Polyphemus type, and animal monsters of different form. In
     the dedication to Gustavus, Munster speaks of having spent
     eighteen years in collecting and arranging his material, on
     the plan of ‘dẽ hochgelerten man̂ Strabõi,’which is not
     very flattering to that geographer, if the method before us
     be accepted as a specimen. He divides the volume into six
     books—the first devoted to mathematical geography, the next
     three to a general rambling description of Europe, chiefly
     with reference to the natural resources and settlements of
     the different countries. In the third book, covering two
     thirds of the text, and relating to Germany, each little
     province receives a historic notice, and every town and
     castle of any note its description, with rude wood-cuts
     attached. The next division given at some length is Asia,
     to which is appended half a dozen pages on America, while
     Africa closes with the sixth book and about three times
     that amount of text. The one chapter relating to our
     continent is headed, _Von den neuwen inseln_, and gives a
     vague account of the discovery, the physical features and
     natural products of the land, the inhabitants and their
     customs, illustrated with several cuts, among them a volcano
     in eruption and two cannibal scenes. The regular maps are
     grouped at the beginning of the volume, each on the verso
     and recto of two leaves, bearing on the first recto the
     title, inclosed in a border more or less ornamented with
     portraits, symbols, and arabesque. The mappemonde shows
     _Terra Florida_ and _Francisia_ on each side of a bay.
     Above this runs a wide strait marked _Per hoc fretû iter
     patit ad Molucas_, which issues between _Cathay regio_ and
     _Temistitan_. Below this land are placed Hispaniola and
     Cuba, at the mouth of another wide strait, bounded on the
     south by the large island of _America seu insula Brasilij_.
     Further down is _Fretû Magaliani_, with a large island to the
     south. The map for America bears the inscription: ‘_Die newe
     weldt der grossen und vilen Inselen_.’ The second edition
     of 1545 is considerably enlarged, the chapter on America
     covering nine pages. In the third edition, of 1550, the
     wood-cuts are increased by a number of large plans, views
     of towns, and other scenes by Deutsch, making this the most
     attractive volume for collectors. A portrait of the author
     in his sixtieth year is also given. The various editions in
     different languages, issued even in the following century,
     vary considerably in arrangement and extent, and that of
     1614, although improved and enlarged to 1575 pages, devotes
     only ten to America, while previous editions contain more
     material thereon. The binding is provided with bosses,
     clasps, and vellum cover, impressed with tracery, portraits,
     and emblems.

     [410] Cap. iii. note 1.

     [411] ‘Quauhpopocatzin, señor de Coyohuacan, uno de los
     grandes del imperio, que asistia en Nauhtlan, y estaba
     á su cargo el gobierno de las costas del mar del norte.’
     _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 296.

     [412] Bernal Diaz writes, 40 soldiers, 2 cannon, 2 firelocks,
     3 cross-bows and 2000 natives; Cortés, 50 Spaniards and 8000
     to 10,000 Indians, ‘y doce tiros de pólvora.’ _Cartas_, 88.

     [413] ‘Á la primera refriega ... huyeron, y dexaron al Juan
     de Escalante peleando,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._,
     74.

     [414] ‘And Montezuma believed this to be the great lady
     whom we claimed for patroness.’ ‘Todos los soldados que
     passamos con Cortés, tenemos muy creido.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
     _Hist. Verdad._, 74.

     [415] ‘Seis soldados juntamente con él.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
     _Hist. Verdad._, 73. ‘Nueue Españoles,’ says Gomara, who
     assumes that two were previously assassinated by Quauhpopoca.
     _Hist. Mex._, 122, 129.

     [416] According to Bernal Diaz, whose version is chiefly
     adhered to, the death of so many soldiers caused the
     Spaniards to fall somewhat in the estimation of the Indians,
     who had looked upon them as invulnerable beings. ‘Y que
     todos los pueblos de la sierra, y Cempoal, y su sujeto,
     están alterados, y no les quieren dar comida, ni servir.’
     _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 73-4. But this is probably
     an exaggeration, for Cortés would not have ventured to
     send down a new comandante almost without escort, or to
     have remained quietly at Mexico for months, had his rear
     been so threatened. Cortés, who should be regarded as the
     best authority, gives a curious motive for the campaign.
     Qualpopoca, as he calls him, sent a message to Escalante,
     offering to become a vassal of the Spanish king. He had not
     submitted before, fearing to pass through the intervening
     hostile country; but if four soldiers were sent to escort
     him, he would come with them. Believing this protestation,
     Escalante sent the four men, two of whom wounded returned
     shortly after with the story that Quauhpopoca had sought to
     kill them, and had succeeded in despatching their comrades.
     This led to the expedition of Escalante. _Cartas_, 87-8.
     It appears most unlikely that this officer should have so
     far forgotten the prudence ever enjoined on his captains by
     Cortés, and trusted only four men in an unknown country,
     in response to so suspicious a request. There was beside
     no need for Quauhpopoca to go to Villa Rica, since his
     submission through envoys would be just as binding. If he
     desired to see the Spanish fort, he could have gone safely
     by water, for large canoes were used on the coast. It is
     not improbable that the story was made up to justify the
     expedition sent against Nautla, since a campaign by a small
     force, merely on behalf of a wretched tribe of natives,
     might have been regarded as unwarranted. This story was also
     useful afterward, when Cortés first thought proper to reveal
     it, for rousing his men to action. Gomara follows Cortés,
     with the difference that Pedro de Ircio, as he wrongly
     calls the captain at Villa Rica, having orders from Cortés
     to anticipate Garay by incorporating Almería, sent an order
     to Quauhpopoca to tender his submission. This he agreed to
     do, provided the four Spaniards were sent to escort him.
     Gomara appears to favor the view that Quauhpopoca acted on
     his own responsibility, for he says that this chief sent to
     warn Montezuma of Cortés’ intention to usurp the empire, and
     to urge upon him to seize the white captain. _Hist. Mex._,
     122, 129. Bernal Diaz stamps this account as false. Peter
     Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii., assumes that the two Spaniards
     were slain by robbers, so that Quauhpopoca was innocent of
     any misdeed. Tapia’s version is incomplete, but appears to
     favor Bernal Diaz. In Duran’s native record, Coatlpopoca
     appears as the guide of the Spaniards. He treacherously
     leads them along a precipice, over which two horsemen fall
     with their steeds, and are killed. For this he is tried
     and executed. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 411-13.

     [417] He reveals it only after his arrival at Mexico, and
     thus leads Bernal Diaz to assume that the news reached him
     there. In this he is followed by Herrera, dec. ii. lib.
     viii. cap. i., and consequently by Torquemada, i. 455.

     [418] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 62; _Gomara_, _Hist.
     Mex._, 97; _Torquemada_, i. 442.

     [419] The estimate varies from fourteen days, _Herrera_,
     to over twenty days, _Gomara_. By assuming that nineteen
     days were spent at Cholula, the army has a week in which
     to reach Mexico, and this is about the time consumed.

     [420] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 97. ‘Saliẽdo acompañarle los
     señores de Chulula, y con gran marauilla de los Embaxadores
     Mexicanos.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.
     ‘Andauamos la barba sobre el ombro,’ says Bernal Diaz, in
     allusion to the precautions observed. _Hist. Verdad._, 63.

     [421] Bernal Diaz relates in a confused manner that at
     Izcalpan the Spaniards were told of two wide roads beginning
     beyond the first pass. One, easy and open, led to Chalco;
     the other, to Tlalmanalco, had been obstructed with trees
     to impede the horses, and so induce the army to take the
     Chalco route, upon which the Aztecs lay in ambush, ready to
     fall upon them. _Hist. Verdad._, 63. This finds some support
     in Sahagun, whose mythic account relates that Montezuma,
     in his fear of the advancing forces, had blocked the direct
     road to Mexico and planted maguey upon it, so as to direct
     them to Tezcuco. _Hist. Conq._, 21. Cortés indicates clearly
     enough that the Mexican envoys had at Cholula recommended
     a route leading from that city south of Huexotzinco to the
     usual mountain pass, and used by their people in order to
     avoid this inimical territory. Upon it every accommodation
     had been prepared for the Spaniards. This road was not
     only circuitous, but had been declared by Tlascaltecs and
     others as hard and perilous, with deep ravines, spanned by
     narrow and insecure bridges, and with Aztec armies lying
     in ambush. _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 76-8; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in
     _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 574. Peter Martyr, dec. v.
     cap. ii., calls this route shorter and easier, though more
     dangerous. Certain remarks by Bernal Diaz indicate that
     the ambush had been arranged in connection with the plot
     at Cholula, and abandoned upon its failure, loc. cit. There
     could hardly have been more than one route across the range,
     through the pass wherein the Aztecs had erected their station
     for travellers, and this the Spaniards did follow. Here also
     accommodation was prepared for them, and here the embassy
     from Montezuma appeared. Hence the obstructions spoken of
     must have been at the junction of the Huexotzinca road with
     the main road from Cholula to the pass, and intended as
     an intimation to the Huexotzincas or to the Mexicans not
     to trespass. They could have been of no avail against the
     Spaniards, who were beside invited to enter on the main
     road then at hand. These are facts overlooked by Prescott,
     Clavigero, and writers generally who have lost themselves
     in the vague and confused utterances of the chroniclers,
     and in seeking to elaborate a most simple affair. Modern
     travellers follow the easier and less picturesque route
     north of Iztaccihuatl, which skirts Mount Telapon. This
     was the road recommended by Ixtlilxochitl, leading through
     Calpulalpan, where he promised to join him with his army;
     but Cortés preferred to trust to his own arms and to his
     Tlascaltec followers. _Torquemada_, i. 442.

     [422] ‘Dezian algunos Castellanos, que aquella era la tierra
     para su buena dicha prometida, y que mientras mas Moros,
     mas ganancia.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.

     [423] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 97; _Oviedo_, iii. 500.

     [424] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 295. Torquemada,
     followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg and others, calls it
     Ithualco, which appears rather to have been a general term
     for these stations, since ithualli, according to Molina,
     signifies a court. Peter Martyr and Gomara refer to it as
     a summer palace.

     [425] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 79. ‘Aun que para los Tamemes
     hizieron los de Motecçuma choças de paja ... y aun les
     tenian mugeres.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 97. ‘Los Indios
     hizieron de presto muchas barracas,’ says Herrera, who
     places this ‘casa de plazer’ in the plain below. dec. ii.
     lib. vii. cap. iii. Tapia calls the buildings ‘casas de
     paja.’ _Relacion_, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 578.

     [426] Martin Lopez was the watchful sentinel. _Torquemada_,
     i. 443.

     [427] _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
     577; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 80. Herrera intimates that an
     attack on the summit, where the Spaniards were benumbed
     with cold, might have succeeded in creating confusion. dec.
     ii. lib. vii. cap. iii. Unless the naked Indians had been
     equally benumbed!

     [428] He appealed to the Tlascaltecs by his side, and
     they declared that they knew him to be Tzihuacpopoca.
     _Torquemada_, i. 446.

     [429] A load being at least 50 pounds, the bribe swells to
     over $5,000,000.

     [430] Cortés and Martyr call the envoy a brother of
     Montezuma. _Cartas_, 79; dec. v. cap. ii.; Gomara and
     Herrera, a relative. _Hist. Mex._, 98; dec. ii. lib. vii.
     cap. iii. According to Bernal Diaz, the bribe is offered by
     four nobles at Tlalmanalco. _Hist. Verdad._, 64. Sahagun, who
     is the original authority for the story of ‘Tzioacpupuca’s’
     attempt to pass himself off for Montezuma, says that Cortés
     was highly indignant at the deception, ‘y luego con afrenta
     enviaron á aquel principal y á todos los que con él habian
     venido.’ _Hist. Conq._, 19; _Torquemada_, i. 445-6.

     [431] _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 20-1; _Acosta_, _Hist.
     Ind._, 519-20; _Torquemada_, i. 447. Solis, the ‘penetrating
     historian,’ repeats and improves upon this as an account
     taken from ‘autores fidedignos.’ _Hist. Mex._, i. 353. And
     with a similar belief it has been given a prominent place
     in _West-vnd Ost-Indischer Lustgart_, 131. Gaspar Ens L.,
     the author, was one of the editors of the famous set of De
     Bry, from which he like so many others borrowed text, if
     not engravings. The narrator of several individual European
     travels, he also issued the _Indiæ Occidentalis Historia_,
     Coloniæ, 1612. The German version, published at Cöllen in
     1618 in a small quarto form, under the above title, has
     for its guiding principle the appropriate maxim of Horace,
     _Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci_. The first
     part, relating to America in general, is divided into three
     sections, for physical and natural geography and Indian
     customs, followed by discovery, voyages, and conquests,
     and concluding with a review of political history, and an
     appendix on missionary progress. This arrangement, however,
     is nominal rather than real, and the confusion, extending
     into chapters as well as sections, is increased by the
     incomplete and undigested form of the material, enlivened,
     however, by an admixture of the quaint and wonderful.

     [432] ‘Ya estamos para perdernos ... mexicanos somos,
     ponernos hemos á lo que viniese por la honra de la
     generacion.... Nacidos somos, venga lo que viniere.’
     _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 21.

     [433] ‘Este parecer de Cuitlahuac, abraçaron muchos de los
     Presentes.’ _Torquemada_, i. 444-5.

     [434] With seven towns and over 25,000 families, says
     Chimalpain, _Hist. Conq._, 115. Herrera states that at the
     foot of the descent from the range felled trees obstructed
     the road, and appearances indicated that an ambush had been
     intended. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. iii.

     [435] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 80-1. Bernal Diaz places this
     occurrence at Tlalmanalco, where the chiefs jointly offer
     eight female slaves, two packs of robes, and 150 pesos’ worth
     of gold. They urge Cortés to remain with them rather than
     trust himself within Mexico. This being declined, twenty
     chiefs go with him to receive justice from the emperor at
     his intercession. _Hist. Verdad._, 63. ‘Se dieron por sus
     confederados.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 74.

     [436] For map of route see, beside those contained in this
     volume, _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 201, 538,
     and _Alaman_, in _Prescott’s Hist. Conq._ (ed. Mex. 1844),
     i. 337, 384. The last maps in these books illustrate the
     later siege operations round Mexico, and so does Orozco y
     Berra’s, in _Ciudad México_, _Noticias_, 233. Prescott’s
     route map, in _Mex._, i. p. xxxiii., claims to be based on
     Humboldt’s, with corrections from the chroniclers.

     [437] ‘Mataron dellos hasta veynte.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
     98. The chiefs complained in secret of Montezuma. _Tapia_,
     _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 578.

     [438] By touching the ground with the hand and then bearing
     it to the lips.

     [439] Cortés ‘le dió tres piedras, que se llaman margaritas,
     que tienen dentro de si muchas pinturas de diuersas colores.’
     _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 64. A certain vagueness
     in the phrase has led some to translate it as a present of
     three fine pearls for Cortés.

     [440] ‘No les quedaba sino decir que me defenderian el
     camino.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 81. ‘Dieron a entender que
     les ofenderiã alla, y aun defenderiã el passo y entrada.’
     _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 98.

     [441] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 64. Ixtlilxochitl
     contradicts himself about the place of meeting, and makes
     Cacama invite Cortés to Tezcuco. _Hist. Chich._, 295; _Id._,
     _Relacion_, 411. Torquemada does the same. i. 449.

     [442] _Native Races_, ii. 345-6, 575. Cortés mentions
     another smaller town in the lake, without land communication.
     _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 82.

     [443] ‘Pariente del rey de México.’ _Chimalpain_, _Hist.
     Conq._, 116. ‘Prince du quartier de Ticic.’ _Brasseur de
     Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 203.

     [444] ‘Cortés, ca yua con determinacion de parar alli, y
     hazer barcas o fustas ... con miedo no le rompiessen las
     calçadas (to Mexico).’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 99.

     [445] _Torquemada_, i. 451; _Oviedo_, iii. 500.

     [446] For an account of the dispute between Cacama and
     Ixtlilxochitl, see _Native Races_, v. 474-7.

     [447] Tezcuco was entirely out of Cortés’ route, and the
     narratives of the march show that no such detour could have
     been made. Torquemada, who contradicts himself about the
     visit, describes with some detail the reception at this
     capital, where the population kneel to adore the Spaniards
     as children of the sun. They are entertained at the palace,
     and discover in one of the courtiers, named Tecocoltzin,
     a man of as fair a hue as themselves, who became a great
     favorite. i. 444. Herrera takes the army from Ayotzinco to
     Tezcuco and back to Cuitlahuac. dec. ii. lib. vii. cap.
     iv. Impressed perhaps by the peculiarity of this detour,
     Vetancurt, after repeating the story, expresses a doubt
     whether the visit was really made. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii.
     127-8. But Clavigero brings arguments, based partly upon
     vague points in Cortés’ later letters, to prove that it took
     place. _Storia Mess._, iii. 74. Solis, ‘the discriminating,’
     lets Cacama himself guide Cortés from Ayotzinco to Tezcuco.
     _Hist. Mex._, i. 360-1.

     [448] ‘Yxtapalapa, que quiere decir Pueblos donde se coge
     Sal, ó Yxtatl; y aun hoy tienen este mismo oficio los de
     Yxtapalapa.’ _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 56.

     [449] Including Matlatzincatzin, lord of Coyuhuacan and
     brother of Montezuma; Tochihuitzin of Mexicaltzinco, and
     Huitzillatl of Huitzilopochco. _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._,
     iii. 75; _Chimalpain_, _Hist. Conq._, 116; _Brasseur de
     Bourbourg_, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 205.

     [450] _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. ii.; _Gomara_, _Hist.
     Mex._, 99; _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 82. What with the retreating
     waters and the removal of native lords in whose interest
     it lay to preserve the gardens and palaces, her glories
     are now departed. The evaporation of the lake waters had
     been observed before the conquest. After this it increased
     rapidly, owing to the thoughtless destruction of forests
     in the valley, as Humboldt remarks. In Bernal Diaz’ time
     already Iztapalapan lay high and dry, with fields of maize
     growing where he had seen the busy traffic of canoes. _Hist.
     Verdad._, 65. The fate of the lake region was sealed by
     the construction of the Huehuetoca canal, which drained the
     big lake to a mere shadow of its former self, leaving far
     inland the flourishing towns which once lined its shore, and
     shielding the waters, as it were, from further persecution
     by an unsightly barrier of desert salt marshes—and all to
     save the capital from the inundations to which blundering
     locators had exposed her. Humboldt has in his map of the
     valley traced the outline of the lake as it appeared to the
     conquerors, and although open to criticism it is interesting.
     _Essai Pol._, i. 167, 173-5.

     [451] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 82. Bernal Diaz reduces it to 2000
     pesos. According to Sahagun, Cortés summons the lords of the
     district and tells them of his mission. The common people
     keep out of the way, fearing a massacre. _Hist. Conq._,
     21-2. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 205-6,
     assumes from this that many of the chiefs promised to support
     Cortés against the government, which is hardly likely to
     have been done in a city ruled by Montezuma’s brother, who
     was at heart hostile to the Spaniards. Here again, says
     Herrera, dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. v., Montezuma sought to
     dissuade Cortés from entering the capital; _Torquemada_,
     i. 449. His envoy being Cacama, adds Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist.
     Chich._, 295.

     [452] _Hist. Verdad._, 64-5.

CHAPTER XVI.

MEETING WITH MONTEZUMA.

NOVEMBER, 1519.

     SOMETHING OF THE CITY—THE SPANIARDS START FROM
     IZTAPALAPAN—REACH THE GREAT CAUSEWAY—THEY ARE MET BY MANY
     NOBLES—AND PRESENTLY BY MONTEZUMA—ENTRY INTO MEXICO—THEY ARE
     QUARTERED IN THE AXAYACATL PALACE—INTERCHANGE OF VISITS.

From Iztapalapan the imperial city of the great plateau could clearly
be seen, rising in unveiled whiteness from the lake. Almost celestial
was its beauty in the eyes of the spoilers; a dream some called it,
or, if tangible, only Venice was like it, with its imposing edifices
sparkling amid the sparkling waters. Many other places had been so
called, but there was no other New World Venice like this.

Sweeping round in sheltering embrace were the green swards and
wood-clad knolls on the shore, studded with tributary towns and
palatial structures, crowned with foliage, or peeping forth from
groves, some venturing nearer to the city, and into the very lake.
“We gazed with admiration,” exclaims Bernal Diaz, as he compares with
the enchanted structures described in the Amadis their grand towers,
cues, and edifices, rising in the lake, and all of masonry.

Let us glance at the people and their dwellings; for though we have
spoken of them at length elsewhere, we cannot in this connection
wholly pass them by.

Two centuries back, the Aztecs, then a small and despised people,
surrounded and oppressed by enemies, had taken refuge on some islets
in the western part of the saline lake of Mexico, and there by divine
command they had founded the city which, under the title of Mexico
Tenochtitlan, was to become the capital of Anáhuac. The first building
was a temple of rushes, round which the settlement grew up, spreading
rapidly over the islets, and on piles and filled ground. The city
was enlarged and beautified by successive rulers, and when first
beheld by the Spaniards it had attained its greatest extent—one it
never again approached—and was reputed to be about twelve miles in
circumference. This area embraced a large suburb of several villages
and towns with independent names, containing in all sixty thousand
houses, equivalent to a population of three hundred thousand.[453]

Four great avenues, paved with hard cement, ran crosswise from the
cardinal points, and divided the city into as many quarters, which
were again subdivided into wards.[454]

Three of the avenues were connected in a straight line, or nearly
so, with the main land by means of smooth causeways, constructed of
piles filled up with rubble and débris. The shortest of these was the
western, leading to Tlacopan, half a league distant, and bordered all
the way with houses. They were wide enough for ten horsemen to ride
abreast, and were provided at intervals with bridges for the free
flow of water[455] and of traffic. Near their junction with the city
were drawbridges, and breastworks for defence. A fourth causeway,
from the Chapultepec summer palace, served to support the aqueduct
which carried water from the mountain spring in that vicinity.

Round the southern part of the city stretched a semicircular levee,
three leagues in length and thirty feet in breadth, which had been
constructed in the middle of the preceding century to protect the
place from the torrents which after heavy rains came rushing from the
fresh-water lakes of Xochimilco and Chalco. This levee was the chief
resort of the people—during the day for bustling merchants and boat
crews, during the evening for promenaders, who came to breathe the
fresh air soft-blown from the lake, and to watch the setting sun as
it gilded the summits of Popocatepetl and his consort.

Traffic, as may be supposed, was conducted chiefly by canals guarded
by custom-houses, lined with quays, and provided in some places with
docks. Upon these abutted narrow yet well lighted cross streets,
connected by bridges, and leading to a number of open squares, the
largest of which were the market-places in Tlatelulco and Mexico
proper, wherein as many as one hundred thousand people are said to
have found room.

Viewed architecturally and singly, the buildings did not present a
very imposing appearance, the greater portion being but one story in
height. This monotony, however, was relieved to a great extent by the
number of temples sacred to superior and local deities which were to
be seen in every ward, raised high above the dwellings of mortals,
on mounds of varying elevations, and surmounted by towering chapels.
Their fires, burning in perpetual adoration of the gods, presented a
most impressive spectacle at night. The grandest and most conspicuous
of them all was the temple of Huitzilopochtli, which stood in the
centre of the city, at the junction of the four avenues, so as to be
ever before the eyes of the faithful. It formed a solid stone-faced
pyramid about 375 feet long and 300 feet broad at the base, 325 by
250 feet at the summit, and rose in five superimposed, perpendicular
terraces to the height of 86 feet. Each terrace receded six feet from
the edge of the one beneath, and the stages were so placed that a
circuit had to be made of each ledge to gain the succeeding flight,
an arrangement equally suited for showy processions and for defence.
Surrounding the pyramid was a battlemented stone wall 4800 feet in
circumference, and through this led four gates, surmounted by arsenal
buildings, facing the four avenues.[456]

The pyramid was quite modern, and owed its erection to Ahuitzotl, who
for two years employed upon it an immense force of men, bringing the
material from a distance of three or four leagues. It was completed in
1486, and consecrated with thousands of victims. The rich and devout
brought, while it was building, a mass of treasures, which were buried
in the mound as an offering to the gods, and served subsequently as a
powerful incentive for the removal of every vestige of the structure.
The present cathedral occupies a portion of the site.[457]

The appearance of the city was likewise improved by terraces of various
heights serving as foundation for the dwellings of rich traders, and
of the nobles who were either commanded to reside at the capital or
attracted by the presence of the court. Their houses were to be seen
along the main thoroughfares, differing from the adobe, mud, or rush
huts of the poor, in being constructed of porous tetzontli stone,
finely polished and whitewashed. Every house stood by itself, separated
by narrow lanes or by gardens, and inclosing one or more courts.
Broad steps led up the terrace to two gates, one opening on the main
street, the other on the back lane or canal. The terrace platform was
particularly spacious in front, where occasionally a small oratorio
faced the entrance. The façade was adorned with elegant cornices and
stucco designs of flowers and animals, often painted in brilliant
colors. Balconies were occasionally to be seen, supported on monolith
columns without base or capital, though with incised ornamentation;
but they were not common, owing to the prevalence of flat roofs
surrounded by battlemented and even turreted parapets. Behind them
rose flowering plants, arranged in pots or growing in garden plots,
and aiding to render the spot attractive for the family gathering in
the evening. Flower-gardens might be seen also in the courts, with
a sparkling fountain in the centre. Around ran the shady porticos,
lined with suites of apartments, the larger reception rooms in front,
the stores and kitchen in the rear, and other rooms and chambers,
with the never failing temazcalli, or bath, arranged between them,
and provided with wicker screens or curtains in lieu of doors.

Courts as well as rooms were covered with flags of stones, tessellated
marble or cement, polished with ochre or gypsum; and the walls were
decorated not infrequently with porphyry, jasper, and alabaster, and
hung with cotton tapestry adorned with feather and other ornaments.
The furniture on the other hand was scanty, consisting chiefly of
mats of palm leaves, cushions, low tables, and stools.[458]

It was in the morning of the 8th of November that the Spaniards
mustered for the entry into Mexico. Not far from Iztapalapan they
came upon the longest causeway, two leagues in extent, which with
the exception of a short angle near the shore led in a straight line
northward to the heart of the city.[459] They passed several towns,
some on the shore, others touching the causeway,[460] and supported
to a great extent by the manufacture of salt from the lake water.
The causeway had been reserved for the passage of the troops, out of
deference to the desire manifested to keep the natives at a respectful
distance,[461] but both sides were lined with canoes bearing an eager
crowd of sight-seers. About half a league from the city the causeway
formed a junction with the road from Xochimilco and Coyohuacan, at a
spot called Acachinanco,[462] where a stout battlemented wall, fully
ten feet in height, and surmounted by two towers, guarded the two
gates for entry and exit.

Entering here the Spaniards were met by a procession of over one
thousand representative people from the capital,[463] richly arrayed
in embroidered robes, and with jewelry of pendent stones and gold.
These passed before the visitors in a file, touching the ground with
their hand and carrying it to the lip in token of reverence. This
ceremony occupied an hour, after which the march was resumed. At
the junction of the causeway with the main avenue of the city was a
wooden bridge ten paces wide, easily removable, inside of which Cortés
halted to await the emperor, then approaching.[464] On either side of
the street, closely along by the houses, came processions of nobles,
headed by lords and court dignitaries, all of whom marched with bare
feet and bowed heads. This humility was owing to the presence of the
emperor, who in almost solitary grandeur kept the centre of the road,
borne in a richly adorned litter on the shoulders of his favorite
courtiers, and followed by a few princes and leading officials.[465]
Three dignitaries preceded him, one of whom bore aloft three wands,
signifying the approach of the imperial head of the tripartite
alliance, so that all persons in sight might lower their heads in
humble reverence till he had passed.

On nearing the Spaniards Montezuma stepped from the litter, supported
on either side by King Cacama and Cuitlahuatzin, his nephew and
brother, and followed by the king of Tlacopan and other princes. Four
prominent caciques held over his head a canopy profusely covered with
green feathers set with gold and silver, and precious stones, both
fixed and pendent, and before them attendants swept the road and
spread carpets, so that the imperial feet might not be soiled. The
monarch and his supporters were similarly dressed, in blue _tilmatlis_
which, bordered with gold and richly embroidered and bejewelled, hung
in loose folds from the neck, where they were secured by a knot. On
their heads were mitred crowns of gold with _quetzal_ plumes, and
sandals with golden soles adorned their feet, fastenings embossed
with gold and precious stones.[466]

Montezuma was about forty years of age, of good stature, with a thin
though well-proportioned body, somewhat fairer than the average hue
of his dusky race. The rather long face, with its fine eyes, bore
an expression of majestic gravity, tinged with a certain benignity
which at times deepened into tenderness. Round it fell the hair in
a straight fringe covering the ears, and met by a slight growth of
black beard.[467]

With a step full of dignity he advanced toward Cortés, who had
dismounted to meet him. As they saluted,[468] Montezuma tendered a
bouquet which he had brought in token of welcome, while the Spaniard
took from his own person and placed round the neck of the emperor a
showy necklace of glass, in form of pearls, diamonds, and iridescent
balls, strung upon gold cords and scented with musk.[469] With
these baubles, which were as false as the assurances of friendship
accompanying them, the great monarch deigned to be pleased, for if
every piece of glass had been a diamond they would have possessed no
greater value in his eyes. As a further expression of his good-will,
Cortés offered to embrace the monarch, but was restrained by the two
princes, who regarded this as too great a familiarity with so sacred a
person.[470] The highest representative of western power and grandeur,
whose fame had rung in the ears of the Spaniards since they landed
at Vera Cruz, thus met the daring adventurer who with his military
skill and artful speech had arrogated to himself the position of a
demi-god.

After an interchange of friendly assurances the emperor returned to the
city, leaving Cuitlahuatzin to escort the general.[471] The procession
of nobles now filed by to tender their respects, whereupon the march
was resumed to the sound of drums and wind instruments. At the head
were scouts on horseback, followed by the cavalry, under Cortés, who
had by his side two large greyhounds; then came the infantry, with
the artillery and baggage in the centre; and last, the allies.[472]
The streets, which had been deserted by the people out of deference
to the emperor and to the requirements of his procession, were now
alive with lookers-on, particularly in the entrances to the alleys,
in the windows, and on the roofs.[473]

At the plaza, wherein rose the great pyramidal temple surrounded on
all sides by palatial edifices, the procession turned to the right, and
Cortés was led up the steps of an extensive range of buildings, known
as the Axayacatl palace, which faced the eastern side of the temple
inclosure.[474] Here Montezuma appeared, and through a court-yard
shaded by colored awnings and cooled by a playing fountain he conducted
him by the hand into a large hall. An attendant came forward with a
basket of flowers, wherein lay “two necklaces made of the shell of
a species of red crawfish,” so they said, and “much esteemed by the
natives, from each of which hung eight crawfish of gold, wrought with
great perfection, and nearly as large as the span of a hand.”[475]
These the emperor placed round the neck of the general, and presented
at the same time wreaths to his officers. Seating him upon a gilt
and bejewelled dais,[476] he announced that everything there was at
his disposal; every want would be attended to. Then with delicate
courtesy he retired, so that the Spaniards might refresh themselves
and arrange their quarters.

The building contained several courts, surrounded by apartments,
matted and furnished with low tables and _icpalli_ stools. Everything
about the place was neat and of a dazzling whiteness, relieved by
green branches and festoons. The finer rooms were provided with
cotton tapestry, and adorned with figures in stucco and color, and
with feather and other ornaments set with gold and silver fastenings.
Here and there were vases with smouldering incense diffusing sweet
perfume. So large was the place that even the allies found room.
The halls for the soldiers, accommodating one hundred and fifty men
each, were provided with superior beds of mats, with cotton cushions
and coverlets, and even with canopies. Cortés was glad to find the
building protected by strong walls and turrets, and after arranging the
men according to their corps, he ordered the guns to be planted and
the sentinels posted, issuing also instructions for the considerate
treatment of the natives, and for intercourse generally. Meanwhile
the servants had spread a dinner, which Bernal Diaz describes as
sumptuous.[477]

In the afternoon Montezuma reappeared with a large suite. Seating
himself beside Cortés,[478] he expressed his delight at meeting such
valiant men, whose fame and deeds had already aroused his interest
during their visits in the two preceding years at Potonchan and
Chalchiuhcuecan. If he had sought to prevent their entry into the
capital, it was solely because his subjects feared them, with their
animals and thunder; for rumors had described them as voracious beings,
who devoured at one meal what sufficed for ten times the number of
natives, who thirsted for treasures and who came only to tyrannize.
He now saw that they were mortals, although braver and mightier than
his own race, that the animals were large deer, and that the caged
lightning was an exaggeration. He related the Quetzalcoatl myth,[479]
and expressed his belief that they were the predicted race, and
their king the rightful ruler of the land. “Hence be assured,” said
he, “that we shall obey you, and hold you as lord lieutenant of the
great king, and this without fail or deceit. You may command in all
my empire as you please, and shall be obeyed. All that we possess is
at your disposal.”[480]

Cortés expressed himself as overwhelmed with these kind offers and
with the many favors already received, and hastened to assure the
emperor that they were not misplaced. He and his men came indeed from
the direction of the rising sun, and their king, the mightiest in the
world, and the ruler of many great princes, was the one he supposed.
Hearing of the grandeur of the Mexican monarch, their master had
sent the former captains, brethren of theirs, to examine the route,
and to prepare the way for the present commission. He had come to
offer him the friendship of their great king, who wished in no wise
to interfere with his authority, but rather that his envoys should
serve him and teach the true faith.

The reference to Montezuma’s grandeur led the emperor evidently
to suppose that the rumors concerning him current in the outlying
provinces might have reached the ears of the Spanish king, for he now
alluded to the tales which raised him to a divine being inhabiting
palaces of gold, silver, and precious stones. “You see,” he added
with a sad smile, wherein seemed to linger regrets arising from his
departing glory, “that my houses are merely of stone and earth; and
behold my body,” he said, turning aside his vestment, “it is but of
flesh and bone, like yours and others. You see how they have deceived
you. True, I possess some gold trinkets left me by my forefathers;
but all that I have is yours whenever you may desire it.”[481]

Cortés’ eyes sparkled with satisfaction as he expressed his thanks. He
had heard of Montezuma’s wealth and power, and had not been deceived
in the expectation, for a more magnificent prince he had not met
with during his entire journey. Such fine words must be rewarded. At
a sign the attendants came forward with a rich collection of gold,
silver, and feather ornaments, and five thousand to six thousand
pieces of cloth, most fine in texture and embroidery.[482] Being asked
what relationship the men bore to one another, Cortés said that all
were brothers, friends, and companions, with the exception of a few
servants.[483]

Montezuma afterward elicited from the interpreters who the officers and
gentlemen were, and in conferring favors he sent them more valuable
presents through the mayordomo, while the rest obtained inferior
gifts by the hand of servants.[484] At his departure from the Spanish
quarter the soldiers with redoubled alacrity fell into line to salute
a prince who had impressed them both with his gentle breeding and
his generosity, and the artillery thundered forth a salvo, partly to
demonstrate that the caged lightning was a fearful reality.[485]

The following forenoon Cortés sent to announce that he would make a
return visit, and several officers came to escort him. Arrayed in his
finest attire, with Alvarado, Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Sandoval, and
five soldiers, he proceeded to the residence of Montezuma, in the new
palace as it has been called, situated in the south-east corner of
the great temple plaza.[486] If they had admired the palace forming
their own quarter, how much more charmed were they with this, “which
has not its equal in Spain,” exclaims Cortés.

The exterior presented an irregular pile of low buildings of
_tetzontli_, raised upon high foundations, and communicating with the
square by twenty doors, over which were sculptured the coat of arms
of the kings of Mexico. The buildings were so arranged as to inclose
three public squares, and contained an immense number of rooms and
halls, one of them large enough to hold three thousand men, it is
said. Several suites were reserved for royal visitors, envoys, and
courtiers, while others were assigned for the emperor’s private use,
for his harem and his attendants. Large monoliths adorned the halls
or supported marble balconies and porticos, and polished slabs of
different kinds of stone filled the intervening spaces or formed the
floors. Everywhere, on projections and supports, in niches and corners,
were evidences of the artist’s skill in carvings and sculptures,
incised and in relief.

After being conducted through a number of courts, passages, and
rooms, partly for effect, the Spaniards were ushered into the
audience-chamber, and removed their hats as Montezuma advanced to
receive them. Leading Cortés to the throne, he seated him at his
right hand, the rest being offered seats by the attendants. Around
stood with downcast eyes a number of courtiers, who in accordance with
etiquette had covered their rich attire with a coarse mantle and left
their sandals outside the room.[487] The conversation fell chiefly
on religious topics, the favorite theme with Cortés, who aside from
his bigotry was not averse to use the faith as a means to obtain a
secure hold on the people. In any case it afforded a shield for other
objects. He explained at length the mysteries of Christianity, and
contrasted its gentle and benevolent purposes with those of the idols,
which were but demons intent on the destruction of their votaries,
and trembling at the approach of the cross. Aware of the inefficiency
of himself and his interpreters as preachers, indicated indeed by the
passive face of the proposed convert, Cortés concluded by intimating
that his king would soon send holy men, superior to themselves, to
explain the truths which he had sought to point out. Meanwhile he
begged the emperor to consider them, and to abandon idols, sacrifices,
and other evils. “We have given him the first lesson, at any rate,”
said Cortés, turning to his companions.[488]

The ruler of a superstitious people, himself a high-priest and leader
of their bloody fancies, was not to be touched by this appeal of
Cortés. The prejudices of a lifetime could not be so easily disturbed.
He had well considered the words, he replied, transmitted already
from the sea-shore by his envoys, and had found many of the points
identical with those held by his people; but he preferred not to dwell
on the subject at present. The god depicted was doubtless good; so
were their own, for to them they and their forefathers owed health
and prosperity. Suffice it that he believed his guests to be the
men predicted to come. “As for your great king,” he added, “I hold
myself as his lieutenant, and will give him of what I possess.” As a
tangible proof thereof, he again before dismissing them distributed
presents, consisting of twenty packs of fine robes and some gold-ware
worth fully one thousand pesos.[489]

FOOTNOTES

     [453] The ruins of the old city, clearly traced by Humboldt,
     showed that it must have been of far greater extent than
     the capital raised upon its site by the Spaniards. This is
     also indicated by the size of the markets and temple courts.
     The reason is to be found partly in the former prevalence
     of one-story houses with courts inclosed.

     [454] For ancient and modern names of quarters see _Native
     Races_, ii. 563.

     [455] Cortés believed that the waters ebbed and flowed,
     _Cartas_, 102-3, and Peter Martyr enlarged on this phenomenon
     with credulous wonder. dec. v. cap. iii.

     [456] For a description of the interior see _Native Races_,
     ii. 582-8.

     [457] Ramirez and Carbajal Espinosa define the limits
     pretty closely with respect to the modern outline of the
     city, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 226-9, and notes in _Prescott’s
     Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103; but Alaman, in his
     _Disert._, ii. 202, 246, etc., enters at greater length
     into the changes which the site has undergone since the
     conquest, supporting his conclusions with quotations from
     the _Libro de Cabildo_ and other valuable documents.

     [458] For further description of streets, buildings, and
     people, see _Native Races_, passim. Also _Ramirez_, _Noticias
     de Mex._, etc., in _Monumentos Domin. Esp._, MS. no. 6,
     309-50; _Dávila_, _Continuacion de la Crónica_, etc., MS.,
     296; _Viagero Univ._, xxvi. 203-6; _Libro de Cabildo_, MS.,
     1, 5, 11, 62, 105, 201-2; _Sammlung aller Reisebesch._,
     xiii. 459-60, 464-67; _Las Casas_, _Hist. Apolog._, MS.,
     17-27; _L’America Settentrionale_, 88-207; _Mex._, _Not.
     Ciudad_, 1-8. Venecia la Rica is the name applied to the
     city by some of the Spaniards. _Carta_, in _Pacheco_ and
     _Cárdenas_, _Col. Doc._, xiii. 339.

     A curious view of Mexico is given in the edition of Cortés’
     letters issued at Nuremberg in 1524, which exhibits six
     causeway connections with the mainland. Both in situation,
     with respect to the surrounding towns, and in the general
     plan, it accords very fairly with the descriptions of the
     conquerors. The temple of Huitzilopochtli occupies an immense
     square in the centre of Temixtitan, as the city is called.
     Round the south-east corner extend the palace and gardens
     of the emperor, other palaces being scattered on the lake,
     and connected with the suburbs by short causeways. Less
     correct in its relative position is the view presented in
     the old and curious _Libro di Benedetto Bordone_, which
     has been reproduced in _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 81,
     so famous for its cuts, and, of course, with considerable
     elaborations which by no means promote the correctness,
     however much the beauty of aspect is improved.

        [Illustration: ANCIENT MEXICO. TAKEN FROM AN EDITION OF
         THE LETTERS OF CORTÉS PUBLISHED AT LUXEMBURG A.D.
         M.D.XX.VIII.]

     Very similar to this is the view given in some of Solis’
     editions, that of Antwerp, 1704, for instance, wherein is
     also found a view of Mexico with its surrounding towns, as
     Cuitlahuac, Iztapalapan, and others, all grouped closely
     together within the main lake! A native plan of the capital,
     said to have been given by Montezuma to Cortés, accords
     little with Spanish descriptions, and is difficult to
     understand from its peculiar outline, illustrated with Aztec
     hieroglyphics. Alaman doubts its origin and correctness.
     See _Prescott’s Mex._ (Mex. ed. 1844), ii. 157. A good copy
     of it is given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 221.

     The view in _Libro di Benedetto Bordone_, _Nel qual si
     ragiona de tutte l’Isole del mondo_, Vinegia, 1528, 73
     leaves, is accompanied by an interesting description of _La
     gran citta di Temistitan_, remarkable from being perhaps the
     first sketch of any value given in a cosmographic work. It
     occupies the greater part of folios vi. to x., devoted to
     the _terra da Ferdinando Cortese_. Five more folios describe
     the West Indies and Venezuela region, the only portions of
     America known to Bordone when he wrote his book. It was
     completed in 1521, according to its pontifical license,
     although not issued till 1528. The versatile author, who
     figured both as artist and professor, died in 1531, and the
     later issues of the _Libro_, henceforth called _Isolario_,
     are by editors whose endeavor to keep apace with the demands
     of the times is instanced by the edition of 1537, wherein
     appears a letter on the conquest of Peru. In the mappemonde
     of the first edition before me, the smaller northern part
     of the new continent is called _terra del laboratore_,
     while the southern part bears the inscription _ponẽti môdo
     nouo_. The two are separated at the Isthmus, in about the
     latitude of the Mediterranean, by a long strait, at the
     eastern mouth of which, on the sectional map of folio vi.,
     is written, _stretto pte del mõdo nouo_. Farther east lie
     the islands _Astores_, _Asmaide_, and _Brasil_. The numerous
     sectional wood-cut maps and plans bear the conventional
     outline of a series of concave segments, and of the ten
     referring to different parts of the new world, seven apply
     to the Antilles.

     The clearest account of Mexico given by any of the conquerors
     is to be found in _Relatione d’alcvne cose della Nuoua
     Spagna, & della gran città di Temistitan Messico, fatta
     per vn gentil’huomo del Signor Fernando Cortese_, wherein
     the description of the natives, their manners and customs,
     their towns, the resources of the country, and above all,
     the capital city, is to be found in concise form, arranged
     in paragraphs with appropriate headings, and illustrated by
     a cut of the great temple, which appears far more correct
     than those given by most subsequent writers. A view of the
     capital is also appended, showing the surrounding country,
     and according very nearly with those of the Nuremberg type,
     except in the faulty relative position to the neighborhood.
     Nothing is known of the author, who is generally referred
     to as the Anonymous Conqueror, but the opinion has been
     hazarded that he was Francisco de Terrazas, mayordomo of
     Cortés. His account was evidently written in Spanish, but
     did not see the light till Ramusio issued it in Italian
     under the above title. It forms one of the most valuable
     documents for the history of Mexico to be found in this
     prized collection of voyages and travels, the first large
     work of its class. No branch of literature obtained a
     greater stimulus from the discovery of Columbus. He it
     was who broke the barrier which had confined the ardor of
     voyagers, and who led the revival of maritime enterprise,
     creating a curiosity among the stayers-at-home that could
     be satiated only with repeated editions of narratives
     relating to expeditions and conquests. The number of these
     narratives became, within a few years, so large as to
     require their grouping into special collections for the
     sake of cheapness and convenience. The earliest is probably
     the _Paesi Nouamente retrouati, Et Nouo Mondo da Alberico
     Vesputio_; By Fracanzo or Fracanzano da Montalboddo, Vicenza,
     1507, mentioned by _Tiraboschi_, _Storia della literatura
     italiana_. This was reproduced in 1508 by Madrignani, at
     Milan. According to Panzer, Ruchamer issued the same year a
     somewhat fuller collection at Nuremberg, under the title of
     _Newe Unbekanthe landte Und eine Newe weldte_, with eight
     pieces, among them the voyages of Columbus, Ojeda, Pinzon,
     and Vespucci. A similar work was issued by the Italian
     Angiolelo, in 1519.

     The best known of these early collections, and by many
     regarded as the first issued in German, is the _Novus Orbis
     Regionvm ac Insolarvm Veteribvs Incognitarvm; Basileæ apvd
     Io Hervagivm, Mense Martio, anno_ M.D.XXXII., 4to, 584
     pages, beside unnumbered leaves. ‘La plus ancienne de ces
     (Latin) collections,’ says Boucher, _Bibl. Univ._, i. 55.
     Although prepared by John Huttich, the canon of Strasbourg,
     it is better known under the name of Simon Grynæus, who
     wrote the introductory and revised it at the request of
     Hervagius, the publisher, a well known bookman, greatly
     esteemed by Erasmus. Meusel, _Bibl. Hist._, iii. pt. i. 221,
     gives it with punctilious fairness the title of _Collectio
     Huttichio-Grynæo-Hervagiana_, while others apply only the
     middle name or the last two. The attribution to Grynæus
     is greatly due to his fame as a reformer, as the personal
     friend of Luther and Calvin, as the discoverer of Livy’s
     lost books, and as the first of a long line of scholars
     celebrated under that name. It is an excellently printed
     volume, with quaint head-pieces, and containing as it does
     so many papers of which the original editions are now lost,
     the collection must be esteemed of great value. The nineteen
     pieces of original contributions, journals, and borrowed
     accounts, include the voyages of Columbus, Alonso, and
     Pinzon from _Madrignani_; _Alberici Vesputij nauigationum
     epitome_, and _nauigationes IIII._; and _Petri Martyris de
     insulis_. The other narratives relate to Asia, to the Levant,
     and to Russia. With some copies is found a mappemonde, but
     the only genuine one, according to Harrisse, 294, bears
     the inscription _Terra de Cuba_, in the northern part of
     the new world, and in the south, _Parias, Canibali America
     Terra Nova, Prisilia_, with the word _Asia_ in large type.
     Among the several editions the German of 1534, by Herr, is
     rarer than the above original, while the Dutch of 1563, by
     Ablijn, is the most complete.

     After Huttich the voyage collections increased rapidly
     in number and size, till they reached the fine specimen
     of Ramusio, forming not only the first large work of this
     class, but, for a long time, the most extensive which bears
     on America. Harrisse, 457, very justly observes that ‘the
     publication of Ramusio’s _Raccolta_ may be said to open
     an era in the literary history of Voyages and Navigation.
     Instead of accounts carelessly copied and translated from
     previous collections, perpetuating errors and anachronisms,
     we find in this work original narrations judiciously
     selected, carefully printed, and enriched with notices which
     betray the hand of a scholar of great critical acumen.’ The
     first issue appeared as _Primo Volvme Delle Navigationi
     et Viaggi. In Venetia appresso gli heredi di Lvcantonio
     Givnti, 1550_, folio, 405 leaves. ‘Les Juntes (le) publièrent
     ... sous la direction de Jean-Baptiste Ramusio.’ _Camus_,
     _Mém. Coll. Voy._, 7. Neither in this, nor in the third
     volume, issued in 1553, nor in the second edition of the
     first volume, 1554, does the name of Giambatista Ramusio,
     Rannusio, or Rhamusio, appear as author, and it is only
     in the second volume that the publisher, Tommaso Giunti,
     resolves to set aside the modesty of his friend, and to
     place his name upon the title-page. The publication of this
     volume had been delayed till 1559, owing to the death of
     the author and to the burning of the printing establishment.

     In the preface Giunti refers to the close friendship
     between them, and extols Ramusio as a learned man, who
     had served in foreign countries, acquiring in this way a
     perfect knowledge of French and Spanish. He had long been
     a devoted student of history and geography, inspired to
     some extent by the travels of his uncle, the celebrated
     Doctor Girolamo Ramusio. As secretary to the powerful
     Venetian Council ‘de Signori Dieci,’ he was in a position
     to maintain correspondence with such men as Oviedo, Cabot,
     Cardinal Bembo, and others, part of which is to be found
     in _Lettere di XIII. Huomini illustri_, Venetia, 1565. All
     this served him in the formation of the great work upon
     which he labored during the last 34 years of his life. He
     died at Padua, July 10, 1557, 72 years of age.

     The first volume relates chiefly to Asia and Africa, but
     contains _Lettere due_ and _Sommario_ by Vespucci, and
     four papers on Spanish and Portuguese circumnavigation.
     The contents of the set have been somewhat changed and
     increased during the several republications, but the best
     editions are those of 1588, 1583, and 1565, for the first,
     second, and third volume respectively. Vol. ii. of this set
     relates chiefly to Asia, but is of interest to American
     students for its narrative of the much doubted voyages
     of the brothers Zeno. Its small size indicates the loss
     it sustained by the events above referred to. ‘Et nõ vi
     marauigliate, se riguardando gli altri due, non uedrete
     questo Secõdo volume, si pieno & copioso di scrittori, come
     il Ramusio già s’haueua pposto di fare, che la morte ui
     s’interpose.’ ii. 2.

     The third volume is entirely devoted to America, and contains
     all the most valuable documents known up to the time of
     its first issue, such as the relations of Martyr, Oviedo,
     Cortés, and his contemporaries in Mexico, Pizarro, Verazzano,
     Carthier, the _Relation di Nvnno di Gvsman_, in several
     parts, and the valuable _Relatione per vn gentil’huomo del
     Signor Fernando Cortese_. The volume begins with a learned
     discourse by Ramusio on ancient knowledge of a land to
     the west, and of causes leading to the discovery. At the
     end of the 1565 edition is a map of America, showing Lower
     California as a wide peninsula, and _Terra del Fuego_ joined
     to the land of the _Circolo Antartico_. The comparative
     crudeness of the wood-cuts and maps has not made the
     work much esteemed by collectors, but its value even now,
     for reference, is unquestioned. The set was dedicated to
     Hieronimo Fracastoro, the great poet and physician, born
     mouthless, yet so eloquent. _Scaliger_, _Aræ Fracastoreæ_.
     At the end of the _Discorso sopra Perv_, iii. 371, Ramusio
     says: ‘Et questa narratione con breuità habbiamo voluto
     discorrere per satisfattione de i lettori, laquale piu
     distintamente legeranno nel quarto volume.’ According to
     Fontanini, _Bibl._, 274, the material for this volume lay
     prepared in manuscript, only to perish in the disastrous
     fire of November, 1557.

     [459] It is still one of the main roads, known under Spanish
     dominion as Calzada de Iztapalapan, now as S. Antonio Abad.

     [460] Cortés names the well built Mexicaltzinco, Niciaca,
     and Huchilohuchico (now Churubusco), to which he gives
     respectively 3000, 6000, and 4000 to 5000 families. _Cartas_,
     83-4. Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 99, names Coioacan instead of
     Niciaca, and this change is generally accepted, for the
     latter name is probably a mistake by the copyist or printer.
     _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap. iii.

     [461] ‘Mandò que vn Indio en lengua Mexicana, fuesse
     pregonando que nadie se atrauessasse por el camino, sino
     queria ser luego muerto.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii.
     cap. v.

     [462] Also referred to as Fort Xoloc. ‘En donde hoy la
     garita de _San Antonio Abad_,’ says Ramirez, in _Prescott_
     (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. 104.

     [463] Herrera, who is usually moderate, swells the figure
     to 4000.

     [464] The avenue is now called el Rastro. The suburb here
     bore the name of Huitzitlan. ‘_Vitzillan_ que es cabe el
     hospital de la Concepcion.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 23. At
     Tocititlan, says Duran, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 439. ‘Junto
     de la Hermita de San Anton.’ _Torquemada_, i. 450. ‘Segun
     una antigua tradicion conservada en el hospital de Jesus, el
     punto en que le encontró fué frente á éste, y por recuerdo
     del suceso se hizo la fundacion en aquel parage.’ _Alaman_,
     _Disert._, i. 103; and _Ramirez_, note in _Prescott_ (ed.
     Mex. 1845), ii. 103. The previous authorities indicate,
     however, that the meeting took place farther from the centre
     of the city.

     [465] Chimalpain mentions among others Tetlepanquezatl,
     king of Tlacopan, Yzquauhtzin Tlacochcalcatl, lord or
     lieutenant of Tlatelulco, captain-general Atlixcatzin,
     son of Ahuitzatl, and Tepehuatzin, son of Titotzin. _Hist.
     Conq._, 125. Sahagun differs slightly in the names. _Hist.
     Conq._, 24-5.

     [466] For dress, see _Native Races_, ii. 178 et seq.
     Cortés gives sandals only to Montezuma, but it appears that
     persons of royal blood were allowed to retain them before
     the emperor, as Ixtlilxochitl also affirms. _Hist. Chich._,
     295; _Oviedo_, iii. 500; _Purchas, His Pilgrimes_, iv. 1121.

     [467] ‘Cenzeño ... y el rostro algo largo, è alegre.’ _Bernal
     Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 67. ‘Motecçuma quiere dezir hõbre
     sañudo y graue.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 103; _Acosta_,
     _Hist. Ind._, 502-3. It is from this, probably, that so many
     describe him as serious in expression. A number of portraits
     have been given of the monarch, differing greatly from
     one another. The best known is Prescott’s, taken from the
     painting for a long time owned by the Condes de Miravalle,
     the descendants of Montezuma; but this lacks the Indian
     type, and partakes too much of the ideal. Clavigero’s,
     _Storia Mess._, iii. 8, appears more like him, though it
     is too small and too roughly sketched to convey a clear
     outline. Far better is the half-size representation prefixed
     to _Linati_, _Costumes_, which indeed corresponds very
     well with the text description. The face in _Armin_, _Alte
     Mex._, 104, indicates a coarse Aztec warrior, and that in
     _Montanus_, _Nieuwe Weereld_, 244-5, an African prince, while
     the native picture, as given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist.
     Mex._, ii. 6, is purely conventional. The text description,
     based chiefly on Bernal Diaz, is not inappropriate to the
     weak, vacillating character of the monarch. Clavigero makes
     him nearly 54 years old, and Brasseur de Bourbourg 51; but
     40, as Bernal Diaz calls him, appears to be more correct.

     [468] ‘Ellos y él ficieron asimismo ceremonia de besar la
     tierra.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 85.

     [469] ‘De margaritas y diamantes de vidrio.’ _Id._ ‘Que se
     dizen margagitas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 65.

     [470] Solis assumes that Cortés was repelled when he sought
     to place the necklace on Montezuma. The latter chides the
     jealous princes, and permits him. _Hist. Mex._, i. 370.
     ‘Pareceme que el Cortès ... le daua la mano derecha, y el
     Monteçuma no la quiso, è se la diò â Cortès.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
     _Hist. Verdad._, 65. This phrase, which applies equally to
     offering the right hand, has been so understood by those
     who notice it; but as this would be confusing, Vetancurt,
     for instance, assumes improbably that Marina offers her
     right hand to Montezuma, which he disregards, giving his
     instead to Cortés. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 129.

     [471] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 85. Ixtlilxochitl has it that
     Cacama was left with him; and Bernal Diaz, that the lord of
     Coyuhuacan also remained. According to Cortés, Montezuma
     accompanied him all the way to the quarters in the city,
     keeping a few steps before. Gomara and Herrera follow this
     version. But Bernal Diaz states explicitly that he left the
     Spaniards to follow, allowing the people an opportunity to
     gaze; and Ixtlilxochitl assumes that he goes in order to
     be ready to receive him at the quarters. _Hist. Chich._,
     295. It is not probable that Montezuma would expose himself
     to the inconvenience of walking so far back, since this
     involved troublesome ceremonies, as we have seen, not only
     to himself but to the procession, and interfered with the
     people who had come forth to gaze. The native records state
     that Montezuma at once surrendered to Cortés the throne and
     city. ‘Y se fueron ambos juntos á la par para las casas
     reales.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 23-4. Leading Cortés
     into the Tozi hermitage, at the place of meeting, he made
     the nobles bring presents and tender allegiance, while he
     accepted also the faith. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii.
     440-1.

     [472] About 6000 in all. ‘Nosotros aun no llegauamos á 450
     soldados.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 65. Prescott
     places the number at about 350.

     [473] According to Sahagun not a soul was to be seen,
     either upon the causeway or along the streets, the people
     having taken this manner to express their indignation at
     the semi-forcible entry of the Spaniards. Montezuma came to
     receive them purely out of a feeling of humanity. Startled
     at this solitude, Cortés fears dangers, and vows, if all
     goes well, to build a church. This was the origin, says
     Bustamante, of the Hospital de Jesus. _Sahagun_, _Hist.
     Conq._ (ed. Mex. 1840), 79-84. See note 12, this chapter.
     Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts this view. _Hist. Nat.
     Civ._, iv. 212-13. Still Sahagun describes the interview
     with Cortés as most cordial. He is in fact contradictory,
     and it is evident that the order issued to the people to
     keep the narrow causeway clear, and the etiquette which
     required them to give way to the emperor, have been hastily
     interpreted by the chronicler into ‘deserted streets’ and
     ‘popular indignation.’ Had the citizens objected to receive
     the strangers, the bridges could have been raised against
     them.

     [474] ‘Au coin de la rue _del Indio triste_ et de celle de
     Tacuba,’ says Humboldt, _Vues_, i. 58, prudently, without
     attempting to give its extent. Ramirez and Carbajal do
     so, however, and in allowing it about the same length
     as the temple inclosure, they place it right across the
     eastern avenue of the city, which like the other three is
     admitted to have terminated at one of the temple gates.
     _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 222; _Ramirez_,
     notes in _Prescott’s Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), ii. app. 103.
     ‘Donde hoy las Casas de el Marqués del Valle,’ says Lorenzana, in
     _Cortés_, _Hist. N. Esp._, 86, a statement disputed by later
     writers. Prescott quotes Humboldt, but evidently does not
     understand him, for he places the palace ‘facing the western
     gate,’ which is not only on the wrong side, but across
     the western avenue. _Mex._, ii. 79. ‘Adonde ... tenia el
     gran Monteçuma sus grandes adoratorios de idolos ... nos
     lleuaron á aposentar á aquella casa por causa, que como nos
     llamauã Teules, é por tales nos tenian, que estuuiessemos
     entre sus idolos.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 66. The
     idea of being regarded as a god seems to have pleased the
     old soldier immensely.

     [475] They doubtless formed a double necklace, with gold
     setting and pendants. Cortés writes that on the way to
     the palace Montezuma halted to place them round his neck.
     _Cartas_, 85; _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 100-1; _Sahagun_,
     _Hist. Conq._, 23.

     [476] ‘A throne of gold,’ is Peter Martyr’s briefer yet
     grander term. dec. v. cap. iii.

     [477] _Hist. Verdad._, 65-6; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. vii.
     cap. v.; _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, 25-6.

     [478] Bernal Diaz states that the emperor always addressed
     him as Malinche, and, indeed, it was common among Mexicans
     to address persons by a name given them in later life in
     connection with some peculiarity, deed, or incident. Hence
     Cortés, as master of the prominent female interpreter,
     received a name implying that relationship.

     [479] For which see _Native Races_.

     [480] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 86. This is in substance the
     speech of Montezuma, as given by native as well as Spanish
     records; yet it appears improbable that the emperor should
     have been so ready, at the first interview, and in presence
     of his courtiers, to humble himself so completely before
     a few strangers whom he regarded as mortals. See note 19.
     ‘Myself, my wife and children, my house, and all that I
     possess, are at your disposal,’ says the Spaniard, even in
     our day, to the guest whom he wishes to impress with his
     hospitality. Perhaps Montezuma was equally profuse with
     hollow words, which have been recorded as veritable offers.

     [481] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 86-7. Bernal Diaz introduces this
     paragraph during the next interview.

     [482] _Id._ ‘Á cada vno de nuestros Capitanes diò cositas
     de oro, y tres cargas de mantas de labores ricas de plumas,
     y entre todos los soldados tambien nos diò á cada vno á
     dos cargas de mantas.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 66;
     _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 101-2; _Peter Martyr_, dec. v. cap.
     iii.; _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 441-2; _Herrera_,
     dec. ii. lib. vii. cap. vi.; _Torquemada_, i. 452-3;
     _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 296; _Peralta_, _Not.
     Hist._, 107-8. Acosta implies that Cortés now reconciled
     the Tlascaltecs with the Aztecs. _Hist. Ind._, 521.

     [483] ‘Eramos hermanos en el amor, y amistad, é personas mui
     principales,’ is the way Bernal Diaz expresses it. _Hist.
     Verdad._, 66.

     [484] _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 102-3. ‘Los haçia proveer
     luego, assi de mugeres de serviçio, como de cama, é les
     daba á cada uno una joya que pessaba hasta diez pessos de
     oro.’ _Oviedo_, iii. 500-1.

     [485] _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 129. Sahagun,
     followed by Acosta, Brasseur de Bourbourg, and others, states
     that the artillery was discharged at night to startle the
     natives. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 85.

     [486] It is so depicted in the old Nuremberg view of the
     city, already referred to. Ramirez, Carbajal Espinosa,
     and Alaman give the extent, and the latter enters into
     quite a lengthy account of its situation with respect to
     present and former outlines of the quarter. _Disert._, ii.
     202, etc.; _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 221-2;
     _Ramirez_, notes in _Prescott’s Mex._ (ed. Mex. 1845), ii.
     app. 103. Humboldt places it opposite the southern half of
     the western temple side, _Essai Pol._, i. 190, but that site
     is assigned by all the above historians to the old palace
     of Montezuma, so called—not the Axayacatl where Cortés was
     quartered. The mistake is probably owing to his ignorance
     of the fact that the residence of the Cortés family stood
     first on the site of the new palace of Montezuma, whence
     it was moved to that of the old palace when the government
     bought the former.

     [487] The Spaniards were also ‘costretti a scalzarsi, ed
     a coprirsi gli abiti sfarzosi con vesti grossolane,’ says
     Clavigero, _Storia Mess._, iii. 83, but that is unlikely.

     [488] ‘Con esto cumplimos, por ser el primer toque.’ _Bernal
     Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 67.

     [489] ‘Â nosotros los soldados nos diò á cada vno dos
     collares de oro, que valdria cada collar diez pesos, è dos
     cargas de mantas.’ The rest went to their officers. _Id._

CHAPTER XVII.

CAPTURE OF THE EMPEROR.

NOVEMBER, 1519.

     CORTÉS INSPECTS THE CITY—VISITS THE TEMPLE WITH
     MONTEZUMA—DISCOVERY OF BURIED TREASURE—PRETENDED EVIDENCES
     OF TREACHERY—CORTÉS PLANS A DARK DEED—PREPARATIONS FOR
     THE SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA—WITH A FEW MEN CORTÉS ENTERS THE
     AUDIENCE-CHAMBER OF THE KING—PERSUASIVE DISCOURSE—WITH GENTLE
     FORCE MONTEZUMA IS INDUCED TO ENTER THE LION’S DEN.

Cortés failed not to make diligent inquiries and examinations into
the approaches, strength, and topography of the city, but he longed
for a view from one of the great temples which, rising high above all
other edifices, would enable him to verify his observations. He also
desired to obtain a closer insight into the resources of the place.
With these objects he sent to Montezuma for permission to make a tour
through the town to the Tlatelulco market and temple.[490] This was
granted; and attended by the cavalry and most of the soldiers, all
fully armed, Cortés set out for that suburb, guided by a number of
caciques. It was here that the largest market-place in the city was
situated.[491]

From this centre of trade the Spaniards proceeded to the lofty temple,
which occupied one end of the Tlatelulco market-place,[492] and whither
Montezuma had already gone to prepare for their reception, and to
propitiate the idols for the intrusion by prayers and sacrifices.
He hoped, no doubt, that his presence would prove a check upon the
impulsive hands and tongues of the guests. Dismounting at the gate,
the riders advanced with most of the soldiers through the temple
court, and climbed the one hundred and more steps which led to the
summit. Some priests and chiefs had been sent by Montezuma to assist
Cortés to ascend, but he preferred to trust to himself. This pyramid,
unlike that in Mexico proper, appears to have had but one continuous
stair-way leading up the western slope.[493] The first sight which
met the Spaniards on reaching the summit was the sacrificial cage
for holding victims, and a large snake-skin drum, whose sombre tones
gave appropriate effect to the horrible rites enacted around it.

Montezuma came out of one of the chapels to welcome them, expressing
a fear that they must have been fatigued by the ascent, but Cortés
hastened to assure him that Spaniards never tired. Calling their
attention to the view here afforded of the city and its surroundings,
he stood silent for a while to let the beauteous vision work its own
enchantment. Around on every side spread the lake and its connecting
waters, bordered with prairies and fields. Forests and towns
intermingled on the green carpet, and extended far away till they
disappeared in the shadows of the hills. The soldiers recognized the
settlements and towns which they had passed, and saw the causeways
which on three sides connected with the mainland. Beneath them lay
a vast expanse of terraced roofs, intersected by streets and canals
teeming with passengers and canoes. Here and there rose palatial
edifices and towering temples, interspersed with open squares, and
with gardens shaded by trees and relieved by the silvery jets of the
fountain. At their feet lay the market through which they had just
passed, alive with busy Lilliputians, whose talk and cries reached
their ears in a confused murmur. Cortés could not fail to be impressed
by scenes so varied and so attractive, but the æsthetic aspect was
in him speedily overshadowed by the practical sense of the military
leader. Then rose on high his soul as he thought to secure for Spain
so rich an inheritance as the great city with its vast population,
and turning to Father Olmedo he suggested that the site ought to be
obtained for a church; but the prudent friar remonstrated that the
emperor appeared to be in no mood to listen to such a proposal.

Cortés accordingly contented himself with asking to see the idols, and
after consulting the priests Montezuma led them past the piscina with
the vestal fire into the chapel. Withdrawing a tasselled curtain he
displayed the images, glittering with ornaments of gold and precious
stones, which at first drew the attention of the beholders from the
hideous form and features. Before them stood the stone of sacrifice,
still reeking with gore, and around lay the instruments for securing
the human victim and for tearing open the breast. On one altar could
be seen three hearts, and on the other five, offered to the idols,
and even now warm and palpitating with life. The interior walls were
so smeared with human blood as to obscure their original color, and
to emit a fetid odor which made the Spaniards glad to reach the open
air again.

Forgetting his prudence, Cortés expressed his wonder to Montezuma
that so great and wise a prince should worship abominable demons
like these. “Let me but plant a cross on this summit,” he said, “and
within the chapel place an image of the virgin, and you shall behold
the fear of the idols.” The eyes of the priests were at this aflame
with anger, and the emperor could hardly suppress his indignation as
he replied, “Malinche, had I suspected that such insults were to be
offered, I would not have shown you my gods. They are good; they give
us health, sustenance, victory, and whatever we require. We adore
them, and to them make our sacrifices. I entreat you say not another
word against them.” Observing the effect his remarks had produced,
Cortés thought it best to restrain himself, and to express regrets at
his hastiness. Then with a forced smile he said that it was time to
depart. Montezuma bade them farewell. As for himself, he must remain
to appease the idols for the insult offered.[494]

Not at all abashed by his rebuff at the temple, Cortés asked Montezuma
to let him erect a church in his own quarters. Glad probably at finding
the Spanish pretensions in this respect so modified, he not only
assented, but gave artisans to aid in the work. This was concluded
within three days, and services henceforth held therein, at which
the Indians were always welcomed. A cross was also erected before the
entrance, so that the natives might be impressed by the devotion of
their visitors.

This effort in behalf of the faith was not to go unrequited. While
looking for the best site for the altar, says Bernal Diaz, Yañez, the
carpenter, discovered signs of a door-way recently closed and plastered
over. Cortés was told of this, and ever on the guard against plots,
he ordered the wall to be opened. Aladdin on entering the cave could
not have been more surprised than the Spaniards were on stepping
into the chamber there revealed. The interior fairly blazed with
treasures; bars of gold were there, nuggets large and small, figures,
implements, and jewelry of the same metal; and then the silver, the
rare bejewelled and embroidered fabrics, the prized chalchiuite and
other precious stones! Cortés allowed the favored beholders to revel
in the ecstasy created by the sight, but to their greed he set a
check. He had reasons for not disturbing the treasures at this time,
and gave orders to restore the wall, so that no suspicions might be
aroused that the deposit had been discovered.[495]

One reason with Cortés for not touching the treasures was to hold out
an alluring bait to those who, more prone to listen to the warnings of
timid allies than to the ambitious promptings of their leader, were
ever ready to take alarm and urge withdrawal from a position which
they regarded as dangerous. Unbending in his resolution, the general
had nevertheless grasped all the perils of their position. Hitherto no
firm ground existed for alarm. They had been a week in the capital,
and were still receiving from all hands the kindest treatment and
the most generous hospitality. Cortés was aware, however, that this
depended on the favor of the emperor, whose power over the submissive
people resembled that of a god, and whose person appeared to them as
sacred as his will was absolute. He had also learned that this monarch
was a man affrighted by his superstitions, and often influenced by
trifling circumstances; ready to strike where he had fawned the moment
before, and little bound by words or pledges, particularly when they
involved his own sovereignty. One misstep by the Spanish leader or
any of his men, ill-behaved and importunate as they were, according to
his own statement, might precipitate the change. The presence of the
hated Tlascaltecs was itself a burden, and the drain for supporting
the self-invited guests would soon be felt. The religious topic had
already created a momentary irritation, which might rankle and grow
under the promptings of the priests, who must naturally object to
rival interference.

Emperor and subjects were evidently restrained only by the military
prestige of the Spaniards, and to some extent by the belief in their
divine mission; but they were also aware that, whatever might be the
prowess of the visitors and the power of their weapons and steeds,
they were mortals, for this had been proved quite lately by the
unfortunate defeat of Escalante, and in the Nautla campaign. The
soldiers of Montezuma had but to raise the bridges of the causeways
and cut off retreat, then stop supplies and reduce them by starvation.
True, there was the fate of Cholula before the Mexicans; but they
had gained experience, and could mass vastly more warriors and arms,
while the Spaniards would have no allies in reserve to operate in the
rear. Besides, what mattered the destruction of a part, or even of
the entire city, when thereupon depended the safety of the throne,
menaced by a horde of cruel, avaricious monsters!

Cortés had considered all these points, and knew the expediency of
resolute action. He had undertaken an enterprise wherein one bold
move must be supported by another, and to these all means had to be
subordinate. He had not come all this way to place himself within
the power of a suspicious and vacillating despot, nor to waste his
time in waiting for what events might bring forth, while his enemies,
headed by Velazquez, were arranging for his overthrow. He had formed
his plans long beforehand, as indicated in his first letter to the
king, wherein he promised to have the great Montezuma “a prisoner,
a corpse, or a subject to the royal crown of your Majesty.”[496]
Conquest, followed by settlement and conversion, was his aim. It
would not pay him to play for a smaller stake.

Just now rumors began to circulate tending to stir anew the fears
which Montezuma’s friendly and hospitable demeanor had soothed. One
was that the nobles had actually prevailed on the emperor to break
the bridges, to arm the whole city, and to fall on the Spaniards with
all available strength.[497] Soldiers were readily found who fancied
that the mayordomo was less obsequious than formerly, and that he
gave scantier supplies. It was also understood from Tlascaltecs that
the populace appeared less friendly during the last day or two. These
reports may have sprung wholly from timid minds still agitated by the
warnings uttered by Tlascaltecs before the departure from Cholula,
or they may have been promoted by Cortés himself in furtherance of
his plans. He at any rate seized the pretence to hold a council,
composed of Alvarado, Leon, Ordaz, and Sandoval, together with twelve
soldiers whose advice he most valued, “including myself,” says Bernal
Diaz. His chief reason was to persuade them of the necessity for the
measure he had resolved on, and to win their hearty coöperation. Laying
before them the current rumors which confirmed the warnings formerly
received, and representing the unreliable and suspicious character
of Montezuma, his great power, and the peculiar position and strength
of the city, he concluded by proposing the daring venture of seizing
the emperor and holding him a hostage.[498]

Here was folly run mad! Four hundred men, after penetrating formidable
barriers and gaining the very heart of a great empire, whose vast
armies could oppose a thousand warriors to every Spaniard there,
coolly propose to take captive the worshipped monarch of this vast
realm, and then to defy its millions of subjects! The wildest tales
of mediæval knights hardly equal this project. Reckless as was the
conception, it was the fruit of yet greater audacity. Cortés reared
his structure of folly insensate upon the platform of still greater
insensate folly. If it was true that he had practically placed himself
in the position of a captive, then he would cut the knot by capturing
the captor. And yet, foolhardy as might appear the scheme when coolly
viewed from the isle of Cuba, situated as the Spaniards were, it was
doubtless the best they could do; it was doubtless all they could do.
The efficiency of hostages had been frequently tried by the conquerors
in the Antilles, and the opportune seizure of the Cempoalan lord had
not been forgotten; but this had been effected under the impulse of
the moment, while the chieftain was surrounded by Spaniards. Here
was required not only a calm resolution, unflinching to the end, but
a well laid stratagem. Cortés stood prepared with both.

Producing the letter from Villa Rica, which had been kept secret all
this time, he gave an account of the unfortunate successes at Almería,
describing in exaggerated terms the treachery of Quauhpopoca, and
consequently of Montezuma as his master, and stirring the feelings
of the council by an appeal to avenge their comrades.[499] Here was
a pretence[500] which served also to set aside the suggestion that
the emperor would be only too glad to let them depart in peace,
for it was argued that a retreat now, since the Spaniards stood
revealed as mortals, would draw upon them not only the contempt of
allies and countrymen, but a general uprising, with the most fatal
results. Retreat meant also the surrender of all hopes of wealth,
preferment, and honor, to be followed by punishment and disgrace for
their irregular proceedings so far. With Montezuma in their power,
they possessed a hostage whose sacredness in the eyes of his subjects
insured their safety, and made the people pliable to their will, while
disaffected vassals could be secured by alliances, or by the promise
of reforms. Should the seizure result in the monarch’s death, the
succession would doubtless become the cause of division and dissension,
in the midst of which the Spaniards might influence affairs in their
own interest. Thus were answered the various objections raised.

As for the manner of seizure, the safest plan would doubtless be to
inveigle Montezuma to their quarters and there detain him; but this
would cause delay, and might arouse suspicion,[501] and, since prompt
action was considered necessary, the best way would be to seize him in
his own palace. This was agreed upon, and the same evening the facts
and arguments were effectively presented to the men and preparations
made.

“All night,” writes Bernal Diaz, “we passed in earnest prayer, the
priests devoutly imploring God to so direct the undertaking that it
might redound to his holy service.”[502]

In the morning Cortés sent to announce that he would visit the emperor.
He then despatched a number of small parties as if for a stroll,
with orders to keep themselves in and near the palace, and on the
way to it, ready for any emergency. Twenty-five soldiers were told to
follow him, by twos and threes, into the audience-chamber, whither he
preceded them with Alvarado, Sandoval, Velazquez de Leon, Francisco
de Lugo, and Ávila.[503] All were armed to the teeth,[504] and as the
Mexicans had been accustomed to see them thus equipped no suspicions
were aroused. Montezuma proved on this occasion to be particularly
gracious, and after a brief chat he offered several presents of finely
wrought gold, and to Cortés he presented one of his daughters, the
captains being given women of rank from his own harem, which was a
mark of great favor.[505] Cortés sought to decline for himself the
favor, on the ground that he could not marry. Montezuma nevertheless
insisted, and he yielded not unwillingly.[506]

Assuming a serious tone, the latter now produced the letter from
Villa Rica, and informed the emperor that he had received an account
of the outrageous conduct of Quauhpopoca, resulting in the death of
some of his men, and that he, the sovereign, had been accused of being
the instigator. Montezuma gave an indignant denial,[507] and Cortés
hastened to assure him that he believed the charge to be false, but
as commander of a party he had to account for the men to his king,
and must ascertain the truth. In this Montezuma said he would aid
him; and calling a trusted officer, he gave him a bracelet from his
wrist bearing the imperial signet—a precious stone graven with his
likeness[508]—bidding him to bring Quauhpopoca and his accomplices,
by force, if necessary.[509] Cortés expressed himself pleased, but
added that, in order to cover his responsibility as commander, and to
convince his men that the emperor was indeed as innocent as Cortés
believed him to be, it would be advisable for him to come and stay
at their quarters till the guilty parties had been punished.[510]

Montezuma was dumfounded at this unhallowed impudence. He, the august
sovereign, before whom even princes prostrated themselves, at whose
word armies sprang into existence, and at whose name mighty rulers
trembled, he to be thus treated by a score of men whom he had received
as guests and loaded with presents, and this in his own palace! For
a moment he stood mute, but the changing aspect of his countenance
revealed the agitation within. At last he exclaimed that he was not
the person to be thus treated. He would not go. They could always
find him at his palace.

Cortés pleaded that his presence among the soldiers was necessary,
not merely as a declaration of his innocence, but to allay the rumors
which had reached them that he and his people were plotting for their
destruction. Montezuma again made an indignant denial; but added
that, even if he consented to go, his people would never allow it.
His refusal, insisted the general, would rouse the worst suspicions
of his men, and he could not answer for their acts. Mexico might meet
the fate of Cholula, and he with it.[511]

Montezuma now began to implore, and offered to surrender his legitimate
children as hostages if he were but spared the disgrace of being made
a prisoner. This could not be, was the reply. The Spanish quarter was
his own palace, and he could readily persuade his subjects that he
went there for a short time of his own accord, or at the command of
the gods.[512] He would be treated with every consideration, and should
enjoy his usual comfort, surrounded by favorites and councillors. The
plan involved no change beyond that of residence, to a place where
he would be under secret surveillance.

Montezuma still objected, and time was passing.[513] The companions
of Cortés becoming nervous at this delay, Velazquez de Leon exclaimed
in his stentorian voice: “Why so many words, your worship? Let us
either carry him off or despatch him. Tell him that if he calls out
or creates a disturbance we shall kill him!”[514] Turning in alarm
to Marina, Montezuma inquired what was meant. Full of pity for the
troubled monarch, she told him that the men were becoming impatient
at his delay. She besought him, as he valued his life, to accede to
their wishes and go with them. He would be treated with all the honor
due to his rank. A glance at the frowning faces of the Spaniards
confirmed the mysterious words of the interpreter, and chilled him
to the heart. He had heard too many accounts of the resolution and
cruelty of these men not to believe them capable of anything. Were he
to call for aid they would no doubt kill him and destroy the city;
for few as they were they had proved themselves equal to hosts of
natives.

The unhappy monarch yielded, since it was so decreed—by the sublime
audacity of this score of adventurers. The spirit of Axayacatl had
evidently not survived in the son, and the prestige of his early career
as military leader had dwindled to a mere shadow in the effeminate
lap of court-life.[515] Summoning his attendants, he ordered a litter
brought. Everything had been quietly conducted, and since none ventured
to question the emperor, his command was silently obeyed; but the
mysterious interview and his agitation roused their suspicions, and
the rumor spread that something extraordinary was about to happen.
Wondering and murmuring crowds had already collected along the route
between the two palaces when the emperor appeared. On seeing the
sorrowing faces of the favorites who bore him, and observing how
closely it was surrounded by the Spanish soldiers who acted as guard
of honor, their fears became confirmed. The distance to the quarters
was too short, however, and the news had not yet travelled far enough,
to allow a serious demonstration.[516] But not long after the plaza
in front of it was blocked with an excited multitude, and a number of
leading personages and relatives made their way into the presence of
their sovereign, asking with tearful eyes and knitted brows how they
might serve him. They were ready to lay down their lives to rescue
him. He assured them with a forced smile that there was no cause for
alarm. Too proud to disclose his pusillanimity, he readily echoed the
words of Cortés, that he had come of his own free-will, and at the
intimation of the gods, to stay awhile with his guests. He told them
to calm the people with this assurance, and to disperse the gathering.

FOOTNOTES

     [490] They had now been four days in Mexico, without going
     farther than the palace, says Bernal Diaz. A page named
     Orteguilla, who had already acquired a smattering of Aztec,
     was sent with the interpreters to ask this favor. _Hist.
     Verdad._, 69.

     [491] Soldiers who had been in Rome and Constantinople
     declared that never had they seen so large and orderly a
     market, with so large an attendance. Bernal Diaz indicates
     the site of the plaza to have been where the church of
     Santiago de Tlatelulco was erected, and this still remains
     under the same name, over a mile north-west-by-north of
     the central plaza of Mexico. _Hist. Verdad._, 70-1. The
     old maps of Mexico already spoken of give the same site,
     and Alaman’s investigations point out correctly the street
     which led and leads to it, although he has failed to notice
     the above authorities, which give the very site. _Disert._,
     ii. 282-5.

     [492] It has been generally accepted that the temple in
     the centre of the city was visited, but Bernal Diaz, who
     is the only narrator of this excursion, states distinctly,
     in several places, that the pyramid ascended was situated
     in the Tlatelulco market-place, ‘adonde está aora señor
     Santiago, que se dize el Tlatelulco.’ _Hist. Verdad._,
     70-1. The description of the temple court and interior
     is somewhat confused, and evidently combines points which
     belong to the central temple.

     [493] Hence the contradictions between descriptions and
     views furnished by different chroniclers, which have so
     greatly puzzled modern writers.

     [494] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 70-1. Sigüenza y
     Góngora, the well-known Mexican scholar of the seventeenth
     century, follows Bernal Diaz. _Anotaciones Crit._, MS., 1-2.

     [495] ‘No dexarian de quedar aprobechados ... y satisfacer
     a su necesidad,’ says Vetancurt, who knew the avarice of
     his countrymen too well to believe in denials. _Teatro_,
     pt. iii. 131. Bernal Diaz says that Yañez, as the servant
     of Velazquez de Leon and Lugo, revealed the discovery to
     them, and they told Cortés. The soldiers all heard of it,
     and came quietly to gaze on the treasures, which rumor
     had already located somewhere in the palace. ‘Being then
     a young man,’ says the old soldier, ‘and having never seen
     such wealth, I felt sure that there was not anything like
     it in the world.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 72; _Herrera_, dec.
     ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. Tapia and Gomara state that Cortés
     discovered the door-way as he was walking in his room one
     evening, pondering on his plans for seizing Montezuma.
     ‘Cerro la puerta ... por no escandalizar a Motecçuma, no
     se estoruasse por esso su prisiõ.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._,
     123; _Tapia_, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii.
     579. Duran intimates that on hearing of the existence
     of treasures in the palace, the Spaniards, including the
     ‘Santo Clérigo,’ occupied themselves more in searching for
     them than in promoting the faith. They did not find them,
     however, till Montezuma revealed the hiding-place, under
     the pressure of questions and, it seems, of hunger. _Hist.
     Ind._, MS., ii. 445-6.

     [496] He refers to this promise in the second letter to
     the king, saying, ‘porque certifiqué á V. A. que lo habria
     preso ó muerto ó súbdito.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 52.

     [497] ‘En la verdad era así é lo tinien acordado,’ affirms
     Tapia, _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 579. ‘Estas
     nueuas, falsas, o verdaderas,’ is the non-committing phrase
     of Gomara. _Hist. Mex._, 123. Ixtlilxochitl takes firmer
     ground. ‘According to an original letter in my possession,
     signed by the three heads of New Spain, and written to his
     Majesty the emperor, our master, they exculpate Motecuhzoma
     and the Mexicans of this and other charges, declaring them
     inventions of the Tlascaltecs and of some Spaniards who
     feared that they would never see the hour when they might
     leave the city and place in security the riches they had
     obtained.’ _Hist. Chich._, 296. Clavigero adopts the view
     that Cortés called for such testimony from certain chiefs
     among his allies, whose dislike of the Mexicans would be sure
     to prompt it. ‘Per giustificar vieppiù il suo attentato, e
     muovere i suoi Spagnuoli ad eseguirlo, fece chiamar parecchie
     persone principali de’ suoi alleati (la cui informazione
     dovrebbe sempre essergli sospettosa).’ _Storia Mess._, iii.
     90-1. Vetancurt has a story that, a drought prevailing
     at the time, the Spaniards induced the heavens by means
     of masses and prayers to send rain. This made the priests
     and idols jealous, and the emperor was prevailed on to rid
     himself of the Spaniards. The Tlascaltecs learned of the
     plot and reported it. _Teatro_, pt. iii. 130.

     [498] According to Bernal Diaz the members of this council
     suggested not only the seizure but the reasons for it.
     Cortés responded that he had not been oblivious of the
     danger, but saw not how the seizure could be effected. The
     captains proposed to beguile the prince to their quarter
     and detain him. If Cortés hesitated they were willing to
     undertake the task. The old soldier is evidently misled, as
     he was in the scuttling affair, to assume too much credit
     for himself and his fellow-soldiers. Cortés had no doubt
     adopted his common tactics, so frequently admitted by Bernal
     Diaz himself, of inspiring his comrades to suggest what he
     had resolved on. This is proved by the promise made to the
     emperor in his first letter, four months before, to capture
     Montezuma.

     [499] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 73, followed by a
     number of other writers, states that the letter was received
     at Mexico the morning after this meeting, but it has been
     shown that he must be wrong. He mentions as one of the
     statements in the letter that the Totonacs were in revolt,
     and it is probable that Cortés may have said so to show
     the soldiers that retreat was cut off, and that seizure
     was the only recourse.

     [500] As both Peter Martyr and Gomara call it.

     [501] The neglect of this less speedy plan does indicate
     that the rumors of danger were credited to a great extent
     at least.

     [502] _Hist. Verdad._, 74. Cortés in his quiet way writes
     to the king that, after passing six days in the great city,
     and finding that for various reasons ‘it suited the royal
     interest and our safety to have this lord in my power, and
     not wholly at liberty, lest he change in the proposal and
     desire manifested to serve Y. H.... I resolved to seize
     and place him in the quarter where I was.’ _Cartas_, 88-9.

     [503] ‘Mandó que su gente dos á dos ó cuatro á cuatro se
     fuesen tras él ... é con él entramos hasta treinta españoles
     é los demas quedaban á la puerta de la casa, é en un patio
     della,’ says Tapia, who appears to have been one of those
     who entered. _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 579.

     [504] ‘Cõ armas secretas,’ says Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 123,
     and probably they did bear extra weapons beneath their
     cloaks.

     [505] ‘Y otras hijas de señores á algunos de mi compañía.’
     _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 89. But the customary mark of favor
     was to give them from his harem. See _Native Races_, ii.

     [506] ‘Per non dar disgusto al Re, e per avere occasione di
     farla Cristiana,’ is Clavigero’s excuse for the acceptance.
     _Storia Mess._, iii. 93. Brasseur de Bourbourg, and some
     other writers, assume that Cortés declined; but the original
     authorities all say or intimate that he accepted. Even Cortés
     himself writes in his letter to the emperor, ‘despues ... de
     haberme él dado algunas joyas de oro y una hija suya,’ etc.
     _Cartas_, 89. ‘Le persuadió,’ says Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist.
     Chich._, 290. Gomara is even more explicit, and Herrera
     says that Montezuma insisted, ‘porque queria tener nietos
     de hombre tan valeroso.’ dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ii. The
     affair is perhaps less important in itself than as index
     to the character of Cortés, who could accept so intimate
     an offer with one hand while he prepared a blow with the
     other. It might also be made to indicate that Montezuma
     could have had no base designs against him when he made the
     uncalled-for offer of intrusting a daughter (if such she
     was) to his keeping. Still the imperial character would
     not have suffered had it been shown that this was but an
     artifice to lull his intended victim into a false security.

     [507] Some authors, like Herrera and Torquemada, say that
     he denied all knowledge of the occurrence, calling it an
     invention of enemies.

     [508] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 297. ‘Q̄ tenia la
     figura de Vitzilopuchtli,’ Gomara, 123; and so says Bernal
     Diaz. Tapia states that Montezuma told Cortés to send two
     Spaniards with the messengers; but he doubtless declined
     to risk two lives on such a trip. _Rel._, in _Icazbalceta_,
     _Col. Doc._, ii. 583-4.

     [509] ‘Ingrato rey!’ exclaims Gallo, in commenting upon
     this surrender of a devoted officer. _Hombres Ilust. Mex._,
     i. 318.

     [510] Bernal Diaz makes Cortés accuse the emperor of
     perfidy, and of having instigated the Cholula massacre.
     _Hist. Verdad._, 74. But this he would hardly do, since
     his purpose was clearly to persuade, not to arouse anger.

     [511] ‘No querria començar guerra, ni destruir aquesta
     Ciudad ... que si alboroto, ò vozes daua, que luego sereis
     muerto de aquestos mis Capitanes, que no los traigo para
     otro efeto,’ is Bernal Diaz’ blunt version. _Hist. Verdad._,
     74.

     [512] ‘Auia tenido platica de su idolo Huichilobos ...
     que convenia para su salud, y guardar su vida, estar con
     nosotros.’ _Id._, 75.

     [513] ‘Estuuieron mas de media hora en estas platicas.’
     _Id._, 74. Tapia and others say four hours, which is
     unlikely.

     [514] ‘Porque mas vale que desta vez asseguremos nuestras
     vidas, ò las perdamos.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 75.

     [515] ‘Era, ó muy falto de ánimo, ó pusilánime, ó muy
     prudente.’ _Oviedo_, iii. 289. ‘En él se cumplió lo que de
     él se decia, que todo hombre cruel es cobarde, aunque á la
     verdad, era ya llegada la voluntad de Dios.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_,
     _Rel._, 411.

     [516] Bernal Diaz intimates clearly enough that no
     demonstration was made till after his arrival. _Hist.
     Verdad._, 75. And so does Cortés. ‘Llorando lo tomaron
     en ella [the litter] con mucho silencio, y así nos fuimos
     hasta el aposento donde estaba, sin haber alboroto en la
     ciudad, aunque se comenzó á mover. Pero sabido por el dicho
     Muteczuma, envió a mandar que no lo hubiese; y así, hubo
     toda quietud.’ _Cartas_, 90. Ixtlilxochitl, however, allows
     Montezuma to stay long enough in his palace, after ordering
     the litter, to enable the lords and nobles to come and
     offer their services. A delay like this, which the Spaniards
     certainly never could have permitted, might have given time
     for the tumultuous gathering which he describes. _Hist.
     Chich._, 297. Prescott, in following this version, makes
     the emperor so far overstep his usual dignity as to ‘call
     out’ to the people to disperse. ‘Tambien detuvieron consigo
     á _Itcuauhtzin_, gobernador del Tlatilulco,’ says Sahagun,
     while the leading nobles ‘cuando fue preso Mocthecuzoma le
     desampararon y se escondieron.’ _Hist. Conq._, 25.

     The seizure has, like the equally prominent episodes of the
     massacre at Cholula, and the scuttling of the fleet, aroused
     no little comment in justification or condemnation. ‘Now that
     I am old,’ says Bernal Diaz, ‘I stop to consider the heroic
     deeds then performed, and I do say that our achievements
     were not effected by ourselves, but were all brought about
     by God; for what men have existed in the world who, less
     than 450 soldiers in number, dared to enter into so strong
     a city as Mexico, larger than Venice, and so remote from
     Castile, to seize so great a lord?’ _Hist. Verdad._, 76.
     ‘Never Greek or Roman, nor of other nation, since kings
     exist, performed a like deed, only Fernando Cortés, to
     seize Motecçuma, a king most powerful, in his own house,
     in a place most strong, amid an infinity of people, while
     possessing but 450 companions.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 124.
     Commenting on this, Torquemada adds that ‘it was indeed a
     deed for daring never seen, and must be attributed to God
     rather than to human heart.’ i. 458. Solis of course fails
     not to extol the genius and daring of his hero, whose deed
     ‘appears rather in the light of a fable’ than in consonance
     with simple history. _Hist. Mex._, i. 448. ‘A deed which
     makes one tremble even to conceive, and much more to carry
     out. But God had so determined it.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
     Chich._, 296. ‘History contains nothing parallel to this
     event, either with respect to the temerity of the attempt, or
     the success of the execution,’ etc. _Robertson’s Hist. Am._,
     ii. 60. ‘An expedient, which none but the most daring spirit,
     in the most desperate extremity, would have conceived.’
     _Prescott’s Mex._, ii. 159. ‘An unparalleled transaction.
     There is nothing like it, I believe, in the annals of the
     world.’ _Helps’ Cortés_, ii. 351. Clavigero is less carried
     away by the incident, for he sees therein the hand of God.
     Nevertheless, he sympathizes with Montezuma. _Storia Mess._,
     iii. 95, etc. Pizarro y Orellana finds the deed eclipsed
     by the similar achievement, with a smaller force, under
     his namesake Pizarro. _Varones Ilvstres_, 89-90. And later
     Mexican writers, like Bustamante, see, naturally enough,
     nothing but what is detestable in the incident, for according
     to the native records which form their gospel, Montezuma
     was guiltless of any base intents. Unfortunately for them,
     these very records paint him a blood-thirsty despot who
     punishes the slightest offence against himself, even when
     merely suspected, with the most atrocious cruelty; one who
     is continually seeking his aggrandizement at the expense
     of inoffensive, peace-loving tribes, who oppresses not only
     conquered peoples, but his own subjects, with extortionate
     taxes and levies to satisfy his inordinate appetite for
     pomp and for new conquests. These records also admit that he
     had repeatedly sent sorcerers, if not armies, to entrap and
     destroy the Spaniards. He who looked calmly on hecatombs of
     his own subjects, slaughtered before his very eyes, would
     not hesitate to condemn strangers for plotting against
     the throne which was dearer to him than life itself. The
     Spaniards may have anticipated events considerably, but there
     is no doubt that numerous personages, from Cuitlahuatzin
     downward, were bitterly opposed to their enforced guests, and
     they would sooner or later have realized the rumors which
     the allies began to circulate. Placed as he was, Cortés’
     duty to himself, to the men intrusted to him, to his king,
     and to the cause of religion, as then regarded, required
     him to give heed to such rumors, and, after weighing their
     probability, to take the precautionary measure of seizing
     the monarch, since retreat not only appeared fraught with
     disaster and dishonor, but would be regarded as a neglect
     of opportunity and of duty. With Cortés, naught but the
     first steps in assuming the conquest, and in usurping
     certain credit and means, can be regarded as crimes, and
     the former of these was forced upon him by circumstances of
     his age and surroundings. Every project, then, conceived
     by him for the advancement of his great undertaking must
     redound to his genius as soldier and leader. Of course,
     among these projects appear many which did not advance the
     great object, and which must be condemned. But where do we
     find greatness wholly free from stain?

CHAPTER XVIII.

DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

1519-1520.

     HOLLOW HOMAGE TO THE CAPTIVE KING—MONTEZUMA HAS HIS WIVES AND
     NOBLES—HE RULES HIS KINGDOM THROUGH THE SPANIARDS—THE PLAYFUL
     PAGE—LIBERALITY OF THE MONARCH—THE SACRED TREASURES—CORTÉS
     RESENTS THE INSULTS OF THE GUARD—DIVERSIONS—QUAUHPOPOCA, HIS
     SON AND OFFICERS, BURNED ALIVE—PLANTATIONS FORMED—VILLA RICA
     AFFAIRS—VESSELS BUILT—PLEASURE EXCURSIONS.

A pompous reception was accorded the imperial prisoner. With no small
ceremony was he conducted to apartments adjoining those of Cortés, as
selected by himself, and there surrounded by all accustomed comforts
and every show of greatness. At hand were his favorite wives, his
most devoted servants; he held court daily, received ambassadors,
issued orders, and with the aid of his learned jurists administered
justice. To outward appearance the monarch was as absolute as ever;
yet Montezuma knew that his glory had departed, that the continued
forms of greatness were hollow, and that his power was but the power
of a puppet. He was wise enough to know that a strong man is not to
be trusted who is officiously kind to a weak one.

Henceforth the power of the nation, in the hands of these insidious
strangers, was to be directed against himself. It was a cunning
policy, craftily conceived and deftly executed.

Cortés took care that everything round the prisoner should move
smoothly, and that his presence in the Spanish quarters should appear
to the natives a voluntary rather than an enforced visit. To his more
intimate lords and subjects, however, who knew better his condition,
and who sometimes urged him to return to his palace, the poor captive
would say, “Ah, no! it is the will of the gods that I remain with
these men and be guided by their counsel.” But on no account must
the imperial influence be allowed for the present to decline before
the people. The deception must be continued, and the dignity of the
sovereign upheld by a deferential attention as profound as that which
was shown before his imprisonment. Daily, after prayers, the Spanish
general came to pay his respects, attended by several of his captains,
more frequently Alvarado, Velazquez, and Ordaz, and to receive the
imperial commands with respect to his comforts, pleasures, and duties.
On these occasions, and indeed whenever he appeared before the emperor,
says Bernal Diaz, Cortés set the example to his followers by doffing
his hat and bowing low, and never did he presume to sit in the royal
presence until requested to do so.

Yet a most unpleasant reminder to the monarch of his circumscribed
authority was the ever present guard in and around his apartments.[517]
This was under the command of Juan Velazquez de Leon, who enforced the
strictest watch, particularly when it became known that Montezuma’s
courtiers lost no opportunity to urge escape, and that he lent them
a not unwilling ear, despite the professed desire to remain with the
Spaniards. Among the several schemes with this object are mentioned
bored walls, tunnels beneath the palace, and an attempt by the emperor
himself to leap from the summit of the building into a safe receptacle
prepared for him.[518]

Espionage was also established on the emperor in his intercourse
with courtiers, by placing in the apartment the page Orteguilla, who
had acquired a fair knowledge of Aztec. Of prepossessing appearance,
agreeable and sprightly in manner, the youth became a favorite with
the captive king. Among other things, the little spy gave the monarch
an insight into Spanish customs and proceedings at home and abroad,
into the power and grandeur of the Castilian king, and into the
mysteries of the faith. Being constantly together they grew familiar,
Montezuma delighting to play pranks on the boy, throwing aloft his
hat, and laughing at his efforts to regain it. These tricks were
always followed by a liberal reward.[519]

Montezuma was indeed most liberal with all who came in contact with
him, as became the character of a great and rich prince. Not only
jewels, robes, and curiosities, but male and female slaves, were
freely dispensed, partly no doubt with a view to secure good treatment
from the guard. A considerate thoughtfulness and gentle manner added
to his popularity, and “whenever he ordered,” says the old soldier,
“we flew to obey.” The inconsiderate pride and selfishness of the
independent monarch seems to have disappeared in the prisoner, yet
like the captive hawk he was submissive only to his masters. Orteguilla
kept him informed of the rank and character of the men, and became the
recognized medium for his favors. He represented, for instance, that
Bernal Diaz longed to be the master of a pretty maiden, and Montezuma,
having noticed the exceeding deference of the soldier, called him,
saying that he would bestow on him a fine young woman, whom he must
treat well, for she was the daughter of a chief. He also gave him three
quoits of gold and two loads of robes.[520] The gift came from the
emperor’s harem, from which he frequently drew to please those whom
he delighted to honor. The vacancies thus created were filled from
noble families, who like those of more advanced countries regarded
it an honor for a daughter to occupy the position of royal concubine.
After his imprisonment Montezuma seems to have disposed of his wives
quite rapidly, a number of them falling to leading Spaniards.[521]
To Cortés he offered for the second time a daughter, prettier than
the one given him on the day of his capture, but in this instance
the gift was declined in favor of Olid, who accepted her, together
with any number of presents, and was henceforth treated as a relative
by her imperial father. Both she and the sister with Cortés were
baptized.[522]

The soldiers generally were by no means forgotten in the distribution
of women and other gifts, and in course of time the quarter became so
crowded with male and female attendants that Cortés found it necessary
to issue an order reducing the number to one female servant for each
man. Informed of this, Montezuma instructed his mayordomo to provide
good accommodation and sustenance for them elsewhere.[523]

Encouraged by this generosity, Cortés approached him one day regarding
the secreted treasures, which had been so long respected, but which
he desired to have in his possession. He regretted to say that his
graceless soldiers had come upon the treasure-chamber, and regardless
of his instructions had abstracted a number of jewels. The emperor
hastened to reassure him; perhaps he understood the hint. The contents
of the chamber belonged to the gods, he said; but the gold and silver
might freely be taken so long as the rest was left.[524] He would
give more, if required. Cortés did not scruple to avail himself of
the permission, by appropriating for himself and his intimate friends
a large share. So charged the discontented soldiers, but the main
portion appears to have been reserved for the general distribution
not long after. Although the most valuable part of this collection
had been freely surrendered, the soldiers hesitated not to seize also
upon other effects, such as liquid amber and several hundred loads of
cotton fabrics. Cortés wished to restore them, but Montezuma declined,
saying that he never received anything back.[525] On another occasion
the Spaniards discovered the imperial warehouse for cacao beans, the
most common currency of the country, and for some time made nightly
raids on it with their Indian carriers. Cortés proposed to mete out
punishment for this, but finding that Alvarado was a leading culprit,
he dropped the matter with a private reprimand.[526]

Montezuma’s good nature was imposed upon in more ways than one, and
with all his kindness he could not command consideration from the
rougher soldiers and sailors. One of the guard, after being requested,
with a gift, to discontinue certain unseemly acts, repeated the offence
in the hope of receiving another bribe; but Montezuma now reported
him to his captain, and he was removed. Cortés, who was determined
to enforce respect for the captive, inflicted severe punishment on
offenders in this respect. Tired of patrol duty, Pedro Lopez said
one day in the hearing of Montezuma, “Confusion on this dog! By
guarding him constantly, I am sick at stomach unto death!” Told of
this, the general had the man lashed in the soldiers’ hall, and this
regardless of his standing as a good soldier and an archer of great
skill. Another who showed insolence to the emperor was ordered hanged,