which is broken for you. Do this in remembrance of me,' etc. Here
ye find a commandment to take, to eat, to take and to drink; but to
offer Christ's body either for remembrance or application, we find
not: and therefore, we say, to take upon you an office which is not
given unto you, is unjust usurpation, and no lawful power."

  [171] "Holy Trinity, accept this oblation, which I, an unworthy
  sinner, present to Thee, the living and true God, for my own sins,
  and for the sins of the whole Church of the quick and the dead,
  etc."--_Laing._

The said Master Alexander, being more than astonished, would have
shifted; but the Lords called on him to answer directly. He answered
that he was better seen in philosophy, than in theology. Master
John Leslie, who then was parson of Une, and now is Lord Abbot of
Lindores, was commanded to answer to the former argument: and he
with great gravity began to answer, "If our Master have nothing to
say to it, I have nothing; for I know nothing but the Canon Law: and
the greatest reason that ever I could find there is _Nolumus_ and
_Volumus_." And yet we understand that now he is the only patron
of the Mass.... The nobility hearing that neither the one nor the
other would answer directly, said, "We have been miserably deceived
heretofore; for if the Mass may not obtain remission of sins to
the quick and to the dead, wherefore were all the abbeys so richly
doted[172] with our temporal lands."

  [172] Endowed.

Thus much we have thought good to insert here, because some Papists
are not ashamed nowadays to affirm that they with their reasons
could never be heard; but that all that we did, we did by fine
force; when the whole realm knows that we ever required them to
speak their judgments freely, not only promising them protection and
defence, but also that we should subscribe with them, if they by
God's Scriptures could confute us, and by the same Word establish
their assertions.

[Sidenote: Lord James Stewart is sent to Queen Mary.]

At this Assembly also, the Lord James was appointed to go to France
to the Queen our Sovereign; and a Parliament was appointed to
begin on the twentieth of May next following; for the return of
the said Lord James was looked for at that time.... He was plainly
premonished that, if ever he condescended that the Queen should have
Mass publicly or privately within the realm of Scotland, he then
betrayed the cause of God, and exposed religion to the uttermost
danger that he could....

[Sidenote: An Embassy from France.]

While Lord James, we say, was in France, there came an ambassador
from France, suborned, no doubt, with all craft that might trouble
the Estate of the religion. His demands were--1. That the league
betwixt us and England should be broken. 2. That the ancient
league betwixt France and Scotland should be renewed. 3. That the
bishops and kirkmen should be reponed in their former places, and be
suffered to intromit with their livings. The Council delayed answer
until the Parliament appointed in May. In the meantime, the Papists
of Scotland practised with him....

[Sidenote: Satan gets a Fall.]

The Papists, a little before the Parliament, resorted in divers
bands to the town, and began to brag that they would deface the
Protestants. When this was perceived, the brethren assembled
together, and went in such companies, in peaceable manner, that the
bishops and their bands forsook the causeway.[173] The brethren
understanding what the Papists meant, convened in Council in the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh, on the twenty-seventh of May, in the year
of God 1561; and, after consultation, concluded that a humble
supplication should be presented unto the Lords of Secret Council,
and unto the whole Assembly that then was convened.... Upon this
request, the Lords of Council made an Act and ordinance answering to
every head of the Articles proponed. And thus gat Satan the second
fall, after he had begun to trouble the estate of religion, once
established by law. His first assault was by the rascal multitude
opposing themselves to the punishment of vice: the second was by
the bishops and their bands, in which he thought utterly to have
triumphed; and yet in the end he prospered worse than ye have heard.

  [173] Made no appearance in public.

[Sidenote: Lord James has a narrow Escape from the Papists.]

For, in the meantime, the Lord James returned from France. Besides
his great expenses, and the loss of a box wherein was his secret
poise, he barely escaped a desperate danger in Paris. The Papists at
Paris, hearing of his return from our Sovereign, who then lay with
the Cardinal of Lorraine at Rheims, had conspired some treasonable
act against him; for they intended either to beset his house by
night, or else to have assaulted him and his company as they walked
upon the streets. Of this the said Lord James was informed by the
Rheingrave, by reason of old familiarity betwixt them in Scotland,
and he took purpose suddenly and in good order to depart from
Paris. This he did on the second day after he had arrived there.
He could not, however, depart so secretly, but that the Papists
had their privy ambushes. They had prepared a procession, which
met the said Lord and his company even in the teeth upon the Pont
du Change; and knowing that the Scots would not do the accustomed
reverence unto them and their idols, they thought to have picked
a quarrel. So, as one part passed by without moving of hat to
anything that was there, they had suborned some to cry "Huguenots,"
and to cast stones. But God disappointed their enterprise; for the
Rheingrave and other gentlemen, being with the Lord James, rebuked
the foolish multitude, and overrode some of the foremost. The rest
were dispersed; and he and his company safely escaped, and came
with expedition to Edinburgh, while yet the Lords and assembly were
together.

[Sidenote: Messages from the Queen.]

The Lord James's coming was of great comfort to many godly hearts,
and caused no little astonishment to the wicked: for, from the
Queen our Sovereign he brought letters to the Lords, praying them
to entertain quietness, to suffer nothing to be attempted against
the contract of peace made at Leith, until her own home-coming, and
to suffer the religion publicly established to go forward, etc.
Thereupon, the Lords gave the French Ambassador a negative answer to
every one of his petitions....

[Sidenote: Queen Mary's Relations with Queen Elizabeth.]

In the treaty of peace contracted at Leith, there were certain heads
that required the ratification of both the Queens. The Queen of
England, according to her promise, subscription, and seal, performed
the same without any delay, and sent it to our Sovereign by her
appointed officers. But our Sovereign (whether because her own
crafty nature so moved her, or because her uncle's chief counsellors
so desired, we know not) with many delatours[174] frustrated the
expectation of the Queen of England.... This somewhat exasperated
the Queen of England, and not altogether without cause; for the
arms of England had formerly been usurped by our Sovereign and her
husband Francis; and Elizabeth, Queen of England, was reputed
little better than a bastard by the Guisians. It had been agreed
that this title should be renounced, but our proud and vain-glorious
Queen was not pleased with this, especially after her husband was
dead. "The to-look[175] of England shall allure many wooers to me,"
thought she, and the Guisians and the Papists of both the realms
animated her not a little in that pursuit. The effect will appear
sooner than the godly of England would desire; and yet is she that
now reigneth over them neither good Protestant nor yet resolute
Papist.[176]...

  [174] Much procrastination.

  [175] Prospect.

  [176] At the close of his Third Book, Knox inserts the Book of
  Discipline. This will be found, in full, in the Appendix, _infra_.

BOOK FOURTH.[177]

1561-1564.

  [177] _The Fourth Book of the Progress and Continuance of True
  Religion within Scotland._

[Sidenote: No Dregs of Papistry left in the Reformed Church of
Scotland.]

In the former books, gentle reader, thou mayest clearly see how
potently God hath performed, in these our last and wicked days, as
well as in the ages that have passed before us, the promises that
are made to the servants of God by the prophet Isaiah, in these
words:--"They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength;
they shall lift up the wings as the eagles; they shall run, and
not be weary; they shall walk, and not faint." For what was our
force? What was our number? Yea, what wisdom or worldly policy was
in us, to have brought to a good end so great an enterprise? Our
very enemies can bear witness. And yet in how great purity God did
establish amongst us His true religion, as well in doctrine as in
ceremonies! To what confusion and fear were idolaters, adulterers,
and all public transgressors of God's commandments brought within
short time? As touching the doctrine taught by our ministers, and
as touching the administration of Sacraments used in our churches,
we are bold to affirm that there is no realm this day upon the face
of the earth that hath them in greater purity: yea, we must speak
the truth whomsoever we offend, there is no realm that hath them
in like purity. However sincere be the doctrine that is taught by
some, all others retain some footsteps of Antichrist, and some dregs
of Papistry, in their churches, and the ministers thereof; but we,
all praise to God alone, have nothing within our churches that ever
flowed from that man of sin. This we acknowledge to be the strength
given unto us by God, because we esteemed not ourselves wise in
our own eyes, but, understanding our whole wisdom to be but mere
foolishness before our God, laid it aside, and followed only that
which we found approved by Himself....

[Sidenote: This Book tells of Declension.]

Whence, alas, cometh this miserable dispersion of God's people
within this realm to-day, in May, Anno 1566. And why is now the just
compelled to keep silence? Why are good men banished, and why do
murderers, and such as are known to be unworthy of decent society
(were just laws put in due execution) bear the whole regiment and
swing within this realm? Because, we answer, the most part of us
declined from the purity of God's Word. Almost immediately we began
to follow the world, and so again to shake hands with the Devil, and
with idolatry, as in this Fourth Book we will hear.

While the Papists were so confounded, that none within the realm
durst avow the hearing or saying of Mass, more than the thieves of
Liddesdale durst avow their stowth[178] in presence of an upright
judge, there were Protestants who were not ashamed, at tables and
other open places, to ask, "Why may not the Queen have her own
Mass, and the form of her religion? What can that hurt us or our
religion?" And from these two, "Why" and "What," at length sprang
out this affirmative, "The Queen's Mass and her priests will we
maintain: this hand and this rapier shall fight in their defence,"
etc.... If such dealings, which are common amongst our Protestants,
be not to prefer flesh and blood to God, to His truth, to justice,
to religion, and to the liberty of this oppressed realm, let the
world judge....

  [178] Theft.

[Sidenote: The Arrival, of Mary, Queen of Scots: a distressing Omen.]

On the nineteenth day of August, in the year of God 1561, betwixt
seven and eight o'clock in the morning, Mary Queen of Scotland,
then widow, arrived with two galleys, from France. In her company
(besides her gentlewomen, called the Marys) were her three uncles,
the Duke D'Aumale, the Grand Prior, and the Marquis d'Elboeuf. There
accompanied her also De Damville, son to the Constable of France,
with other gentlemen of inferior condition, besides servants and
officers. The very face of heaven, at the time of her arrival, did
manifestly proclaim what comfort was brought unto this country with
her, to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impiety; for in the
memory of man, there had never been seen, on that day of the year,
a more dolorous face of the heaven, than at her arrival. And so it
continued for two days: besides the surface wet, and corruption of
the air, the mist was so thick and so dark, that scarcely might any
man espy another the length of two pair of boots. The sun was not
seen to shine for two days before, nor for two days after. That
fore-warning gave God unto us; but, alas, the most part were blind.

At the sound of the cannons which the galleys shot, the multitude
were notified, and happy was he or she that first might attain
the presence of the Queen. The Protestants were not the slowest,
and therein they were not to be blamed. Because the Palace of
Holyroodhouse was not thoroughly put in order (for her coming was
more sudden than many looked for) she remained in Leith until
towards the evening, and then repaired thither. In the way betwixt
Leith and the Abbey, the rebels of the crafts, who had violated
the authority of the magistrates, and had besieged the Provost,
met the Queen. But, because she was sufficiently instructed that
all they had done was in despite of religion, they were easily
pardoned. Fires of joy were set forth all night, and a company of
the most honest, with instruments of music and musicians, gave their
salutations at her chamber window. The melody, as she alleged, liked
her well; and she willed the same to be continued for some nights
after.

[Sidenote: The Mass is restored at Holyrood.]

With great diligence the Lords repaired to the Queen from all
quarters. So there was nothing but mirth and quietness until the
next Sunday, the twenty-third of August, when preparation began
to be made for that idol the Mass to be said in the chapel. This
pierced the hearts of all. The godly began to bolden; and men began
openly to speak, "Shall that idol be suffered again to take its
place within this realm? It shall not." The Lord Lyndsay, then but
Master, with the gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in
the close, "The idolater Priest should die the death," according to
God's law. One that carried in the candle was evil effrayed; but
then began flesh and blood to show itself. No Papist, or yet any
that came out of France, durst whisper. But the Lord James, the man
whom all the godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the
chapel door. His best excuse was that he would stop all Scotsmen
from entering in to the Mass. But it was and is sufficiently known
that the door was kept, that none should have entrance to trouble
the priest. After the Mass, he was committed to the protection of
Lord John of Coldingham, and Lord Robert of Holyroodhouse, who then
were both Protestants, and had communicated at the Table of the
Lord. Betwixt them two was the priest convoyed to his chamber.

The godly departed with great grief of heart, and in the afternoon
repaired to the Abbey in great companies. These gave plain
signification that they could not abide that the land, which God
by His power had purged from idolatry, should be polluted again in
their eyes. This understood, there began complaint upon complaint.
The old dontibours[179] and others that long had served in the
Court, who had no remission of sins except by virtue of the Mass,
cried that they would return to France without delay: they could
not live without the Mass. The Queen's uncles affirmed the same.
Would to God that that menyie,[180] together with the Mass, had
bidden good-night to this realm for ever. So would Scotland have
been rid of an unprofitable burden of devouring strangers, and of
the malediction of God that has stricken and yet will strike in
punishment of idolatry.

  [179] Courtezans.

  [180] Crowd of followers.

[Sidenote: The Council tolerates the Mass at Court.]

The Council having assembled, disputation was had as to what was the
next remedy. Politic heads were sent to the gentlemen, with these
and like persuasions, "Why, alas, will ye chase our Sovereign from
us? She will incontinently return to her galleys; and what then
shall all realms say of us? May we not suffer her a little while?
We doubt not but that she shall leave it. If we were not assured
that she might be won, we should be as great enemies to her Mass as
ye be. Her uncles will depart, and then shall we rule all at our
pleasure. Would not we be as sorry to hurt the religion as would any
of you?" With these and the like persuasions, the fervency of the
brethren was quenched, and an Act was framed....

[Sidenote: The Earl of Arran protests.]

This Act and Proclamation, penned and put in form by men who had
formerly professed Christ Jesus (for Papists had then neither power
nor vote in the Council) was publicly proclaimed at the Market Cross
of Edinburgh. No man reclaimed or made repugnance to it, with the
sole exception of the Earl of Arran. He, in open audience of the
heralds and people, protested that he dissented that any protection
or defence should be made for the Queen's domestics or any that came
from France, permitting to them more than to any other subject to
offend God's Majesty, and to violate the laws of the realm. God's
law had pronounced death against the idolater, and the laws of the
realm had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers of the Mass.
"I here protest," said he, "that these ought to be universally
observed, and that none should be exempted, until such time as a
law, as publicly made and as consonant to the law of God, shall have
disannulled the former."

[Sidenote: The Protestants are beguiled.]

This boldness somewhat exasperated the Queen, and such as favoured
her in that matter. As the Lords, now called the Lords of the
Congregation, repaired to the town, they at the first coming showed
themselves wondrously offended that the Mass was permitted; so that
every man, as he came, accused those that had arrived before him:
but after they had remained a certain time, they became as quiet as
those who had preceded them. This perceived, a zealous and godly
man, Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, said to the Lord Ochiltree,
"My Lord, ye are come almost the last of all; and I perceive by your
anger that the fire-edge is not off you yet; but I fear that, after
the holy water of the Court shall be sprinkled upon you, ye shall
become as temperate as the rest. I have been here five days, and at
the first I heard every man say, 'Let us hang the priest;' but,
after they had been twice or thrice at the Abbey, all that fervency
was past. I think there must be some enchantment whereby men are
bewitched." And, in very deed, so it came to pass. The Queen's
flattering words, ever crying, "Conscience, conscience: it is a sore
thing to constrain the conscience;" and the subtle persuasions of
her supposts[181] (we mean even of some who at one time were judged
most fervently with us) blinded all men. They allowed themselves to
believe--"She will be content to hear the preaching; and so no doubt
but she may be won." And thus by all it was concluded to suffer her
for a time.

  [181] Supporters.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches against the Queen's Mass.]

On the next Sunday, John Knox, inveighing against idolatry, showed
what terrible plagues God had laid upon realms and nations for this;
and added that one Mass (there were no more suffered at the first)
was more fearful to him than if ten thousand armed enemies were
landed in any part of the realm, for the purpose of suppressing the
whole religion. "In our God," said he, "there is strength to resist
and confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon Him; and of
this we have had experience heretofore. But when we join hands with
idolatry, there is no doubt that both God's amicable presence and
comfortable defence leave us, and what shall then become of us?
Alas, I fear that experience shall teach us, to the grief of many."
At these words, the guiders of the Court mocked, and plainly said
that such fear was no point of their faith: it was outside his text,
and was a very untimely admonition....

[Sidenote: John Knox reasons with the Queen.]

Whether it was by counsel of others, or of the Queen's own desire,
we know not; but the Queen spake with John Knox, and had long
reasoning with him, none being present except the Lord James: two
gentlewomen stood at the other end of the apartment. The sum of
their reasoning was this. The Queen accused him of having raised
a part of her subjects against her mother and against herself. He
had, she said, written a book against her just authority (she meant
the treatise against the regiment of women) which she had, and she
should cause the most learned in Europe to write against it; he was
the cause of great sedition and great slaughter in England; she was
informed that all he did was by necromancy, and so on.

The said John answered, "Madam, it may please your Majesty patiently
to hear my simple answers. And first," said he, "if to teach the
truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke idolatry, and to will a
people to worship God according to His Word, be to raise subjects
against their princes, then can I not be excused; for it has pleased
God in His mercy to make me one, amongst many, to disclose unto
this realm the vanity of the papistical religion, and the deceit,
pride, and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist. But, Madam, if the true
knowledge of God and His right worshipping be the chief causes that
must move men from their heart to obey their just princes, as it is
most certain that they are, wherein can I be reprehended? I think,
and am surely persuaded, that your Grace has had, and presently has,
as unfeigned obedience from such as profess Jesus Christ within this
realm, as ever your father, or other progenitors had from those that
were called bishops. And, touching that book which seemeth so highly
to offend your Majesty, it is most certain that I wrote it, and am
content that all the learned of the world should judge of it. I hear
that an Englishman hath written against it, but I have not read
him. If he have sufficiently improved my reasons, and established
his contrary proposition, with as evident testimonies as I have
done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but shall confess my error and
ignorance. But to this hour I have thought, and yet think myself
alone to be more able to sustain the things affirmed in that work,
than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it."

_Queen Mary._ Ye think, then, that I have no just authority?

_John Knox._ Please, your Majesty, learned men in all ages have
had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing from the
common judgment of the world; such also have they published, both
with pen and tongue, and yet they themselves have lived in common
society with others, and have borne patiently with the errors and
imperfections which they could not amend. Plato, the philosopher,
wrote his book of _The Commonwealth_. In this he damned many things
that then were maintained in the world, and required many things
to be reformed; and yet he lived under such polities as then were
universally received, without further troubling any state. Even so,
Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with the
testimony of a good conscience. I have communicated my judgment to
the world; if the realm finds no inconvenience from the regiment of
a woman, that which they approve shall I not disallow, further than
within my own breast. I shall be as well content to live under your
Grace as Paul was to live under Nero; and my hope is that, so long
as ye defile not your hands with the blood of the saints of God,
neither I nor that book shall either hurt you or your authority:
for, in very deed, Madam, that book was written most especially
against that wicked Jezebel of England.

_Queen Mary._ But ye speak of women in general.

_John Knox._ Most true it is, Madam, and yet it appeareth to me
that wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise trouble for
that which to this day hath not troubled your Majesty, in person or
in authority. Of late years, many things, which before were holden
stable, have been called in doubt; yea, they have been plainly
impugned. But yet, Madam, I am assured that neither Protestant nor
Papist shall be able to prove that any such question was at any time
moved in public or in secret. Now, Madam, if I had intended to have
troubled your estate because ye are a woman, I might have chosen a
time more convenient for that purpose than I can do now, when your
own presence is within the realm.

But now, Madam, shortly to answer to the other two accusations. I
heartily praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that Satan, the enemy
of mankind, and the wicked of the world, have no other crimes to
lay to my charge, than such as the very world itself knoweth to be
most false and vain. I was resident in England for only the space
of five years. The places were Berwick, where I abode two years; so
long in Newcastle; and a year in London. Now, Madam, if any man
shall be able to prove that there was either battle, sedition, or
mutiny in any of these places, during the time that I was there,
I shall confess that I myself was the malefactor, and the shedder
of the blood. Further, Madam, I am not ashamed to affirm that God
so blessed my weak labours that, in Berwick, where commonly before
there used to be slaughter, by reason of quarrels that used to arise
amongst soldiers, there was as great quietness, all the time that I
remained there, as there is this day in Edinburgh. And where they
slander me of magic, necromancy, or of any other art forbidden by
God, I have, besides my own conscience, all congregations that ever
heard me as witnesses that I spake against such arts, and against
those that use such impiety....

_Queen Mary._ But yet ye have taught the people to receive another
religion than their princes can allow. How can that doctrine be of
God, seeing that God commands subjects to obey their princes?

_John Knox._ Madam, as right religion took neither original strength
nor authority from worldly princes, but from the Eternal God alone,
subjects are not bound to frame their religion according to the
appetites of their princes. Oft it is that princes are the most
ignorant of all others in God's true religion, as we may read in
the histories of times before the death of Christ Jesus, as well as
after. If all the seed of Abraham should have been of the religion
of Pharaoh, to whom they were long subjects, I pray you, Madam, what
religion should there have been in the world? Or, if all men in the
days of the Apostles should have been of the religion of the Roman
Emperors, what religion should there have been upon the face of the
earth? Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar, and
to Darius, and yet, Madam, they would not be of their religion: for
the three children said, "We make it known unto thee, O King, that
we will not worship thy gods." And Daniel did pray publicly to his
God against the expressed commandment of the King. And so, Madam, ye
may perceive that subjects are not bound to the religion of their
princes, albeit they are commanded to give them obedience.

_Queen Mary._ Yea, but none of these men raised the sword against
their princes.

_John Knox._ Yet, Madam, ye cannot deny that they resisted: for,
in some sort, these resist that obey not the commandments that are
given.

_Queen Mary._ But yet, they resisted not by the sword.

_John Knox._ God, Madam, had not given unto them the power and the
means.

_Queen Mary._ Think ye, that subjects having power may resist their
princes.

_John Knox._ If their princes exceed their bounds, Madam, no doubt
they should be resisted, even by power. For there is neither greater
honour, nor greater obedience to be given to kings or princes, than
God has commanded to be given to father and mother. But, Madam, the
father may be stricken with a frenzy, in which he would slay his
own children. Now, Madam, if the children arise, join themselves
together, apprehend the father, take the sword or other weapons
from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep him in prison, until
his frenzy be overpast; think ye, Madam, that the children do any
wrong? Or, think ye, Madam, that God will be offended with them that
have stayed their father from committing wickedness? It is even
so, Madam, with princes that would murder the children of God that
are subject unto them. Their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad
frenzy; and, therefore, to take the sword from them, to bind their
hands, and to cast them into prison until they be brought to a more
sober mind, is no disobedience against princes, but just obedience,
because it agreeth with the will of God.

At these words the Queen stood as it were amazed, for more than
quarter of an hour. Her countenance altered, so that Lord James
began to entreat her, and to demand, "What has offended you, Madam."

At length she said, "Well, then, I perceive that my subjects shall
obey you, and not me; and shall do what they list, and not what I
command: and so must I be subject to them, and not they to me."

_John Knox._ God forbid, that ever I take upon me to command any
to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty to do what pleaseth
them. But my travail is that both princes and subjects obey God.
And think not, Madam, that wrong is done to you when ye are willed
to be subject to God. It is He that subjects people under princes,
and causes obedience to be given to them; yea, God craves of kings
that they be, as it were, foster-fathers to His Church, and commands
queens to be nurses to His people. And, Madam, this subjection to
God and to His troubled Church is the greatest dignity that flesh
can get upon the face of the earth, for it shall carry them to
everlasting glory.

_Queen Mary._ Yea, but ye are not the Kirk that I will nurse. I will
defend the Kirk of Rome, for I think it is the true Kirk of God.

_John Knox._ Your will, Madam, is no reason; neither doth your
thought make of that Roman harlot the true and immaculate spouse
of Jesus Christ. Wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome a harlot;
for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of spiritual
fornication, as well in doctrine as in manners. Yea, Madam, I offer
myself further to prove that the Church of the Jews that crucified
Christ Jesus, when it manifestly denied the Son of God, was not so
far degenerated from the ordinances and statutes which God gave by
Moses and Aaron unto His people, as the Church of Rome is declined,
and for more than five hundred years hath declined from the purity
of that religion which the Apostles taught and planted.

_Queen Mary._ My conscience is not so.

_John Knox._ Conscience, Madam, requires knowledge; and I fear that
right knowledge ye have none.

_Queen Mary._ But I have both heard and read.

_John Knox._ So, Madam, did the Jews that crucified Christ Jesus
read both the Law and the Prophets, and heard the same interpreted
after their manner. Have ye heard any teach, but such as the Pope
and his Cardinals have allowed? Ye may be assured that such will
speak nothing to offend their own estate.

_Queen Mary._ Ye interpret the Scriptures in one manner, and they
interpret in another; whom shall I believe? And who shall be judge?

_John Knox._ Ye shall believe God, that plainly speaketh in His
Word: and, farther than the Word teaches you, ye shall believe
neither the one nor the other. The Word of God is plain in itself;
and, if there appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost,
who is never contrary to Himself, explains the same more clearly
in other places: so that there can remain no doubt, but to such as
obstinately remain ignorant. And now, Madam, take one of the chief
points this day in controversy betwixt the Papists and us. For
example, the Papists allege and boldly have affirmed that the Mass
is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ, and a
sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead. We deny both the
one and the other, and affirm that the Mass, as it is now used, is
nothing but the invention of man; and, therefore, is an abomination
before God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now, Madam,
who shall judge betwixt us two thus contending? There is no reason
that either of the parties be believed farther than they are able
to prove by insuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the Book of God
and, by the plain words thereof, prove their affirmation, and we
shall give them the plea granted. But so long as they are bold to
affirm, and yet do prove nothing, we must say that, albeit all the
world believe them, yet they believe not God, but receive the lies
of men for the truth of God. What our Master Jesus Christ did, we
know from His Evangelists: what the priest doeth at his Mass, the
world seeth. Now, doth not the Word of God plainly assure us that
Christ Jesus neither said, nor yet commanded Mass to be said at His
Last Supper, seeing that no such thing as their Mass is made mention
of within the whole Scriptures?

_Queen Mary._ Ye are ower sair[182] for me, but if they were here
that I have heard, they would answer you.

  [182] Too deep.

_John Knox._ Madam, would to God that the learnedest Papist in
Europe, and him whom ye would best believe, were present with your
Grace to sustain the argument; and that ye would patiently abide to
hear the matter reasoned to the end; for then, I doubt not, Madam,
ye should hear the vanity of the papistical religion, and how small
ground it hath within the Word of God.

_Queen Mary._ Well, ye may perchance get that sooner than ye believe.

_John Knox._ Assuredly, if ever I get that in my life, I get it
sooner than I believe; for the ignorant Papists cannot patiently
reason, and the learned and crafty Papists will never come to your
audience, Madam, to have the ground of their religion searched out.
They know that they are never able to sustain an argument, unless
fire, and sword, and their own laws be judges.

_Queen Mary._ So say ye, but I cannot believe that.

_John Knox._ It has been so to this day; for how oft have the
Papists in this and other realms been required to come to
conference, and yet it could never be obtained, unless they
themselves were admitted as judges. Therefore, Madam, I must yet
say again that they dare never dispute, but where themselves are
both judge and party. Whensoever ye shall let me see the contrary, I
shall grant myself to have been deceived in that point.

With this the Queen was called to dinner, for it was afternoon. At
departing, John Knox said to her, "I pray God, Madam, that ye may
be as blessed within the commonwealth of Scotland, if it be the
pleasure of God, as ever Deborah was in the commonwealth of Israel."

[Sidenote: No Results follow the Queen's Conference with Knox.]

Of this long conference, whereof we only touch a part, there were
divers opinions. The Papists grudged, and feared that which they
needed not. The godly, thinking that at least she would have heard
the preaching, rejoiced; but they were utterly deceived, for she
continued in her massing; and despised and quietly mocked all
exhortations.

Some of his familiars demanded of John Knox what he thought of the
Queen. "If there be not in her," said he, "a proud mind, a crafty
wit, and an indurate heart against God and His truth, my judgment
faileth me...."

The Duke D'Aumale returned with the galleys to France. The Queen
entered on her progresses, and in the month of September travelled
from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, Stirling, Perth, Dundee, and St.
Andrews; and all these parts she polluted with her idolatry. Fire
followed her very commonly in that journey. The towns propyned[183]
her liberally, and the French were enriched.

  [183] Presented gifts.

[Sidenote: The Prodigality of Edinburgh.]

In the beginning of October, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and on
the day appointed she was received in the Castle. Great preparations
were made for her entrance to the town. In farces, in masking, and
in other prodigalities, fools would fain have counterfeited France.
Whatsoever might set forth her glory, that she heard and gladly
beheld. The keys were delivered to her by a pretty boy, descending
as it were from a cloud. The verses in her own praises she heard,
and smiled. But when the Bible was presented, and its praise
declared, she began to frown: for shame she could not refuse it. But
she did no better, for immediately she gave it to the most pestilent
Papist within the realm, to wit, to Arthur Erskine. Since that day,
the people of Edinburgh have reaped as they sowed. They gave her
some taste of their prodigality; and because the liquor was sweet,
she has licked of that buist[184] oftener than twice since. All men
know what we mean: the Queen cannot lack and the subjects have.

  [184] Brewing.

[Sidenote: The Magistrates of Edinburgh are imprisoned and deposed.]

It hath been an ancient and a laudable custom in Edinburgh that the
Provost, Bailies, and Council, after their election at Michaelmas,
cause public proclamation of the statutes and ordinances of the
town. Therefore Archibald Douglas, Provost, Edward Hope, Adam
Fullerton, Mr. James Watson, and David Somer, Bailies, made
proclamation, according to the former statutes of the town, that
no adulterer, no fornicator, no noted drunkard, no mass-monger,
no obstinate Papists that corrupted the people, such as priests,
friars, and others of that sort, should be found within the town
within forty-eight hours thereafter, under the pains contained
in the statutes. This blown in the Queen's ears, pride and
maliciousness began to show themselves; for, without further
intimation, the Provost and Bailies were charged to ward in the
Castle; and immediately commandment was given that another Provost
and other Bailies should be elected.

Some gainstood the new election for a while, alleging that the
Provost and Bailies whom they had chosen, and to whom they had given
their oath, had committed no offence for which they ought justly to
be deprived. But charge was doubled upon charge, and, no man being
found to oppose the iniquity, Jezebel's letter and wicked will were
obeyed as law. So Mr. Thomas M'Calzean was chosen. The man, no
doubt, was both discreet and sufficient for that charge; but the
deposition of the other was against all law. God be merciful to some
of our own; for they were not all blameless that her wicked will was
so far obeyed.

A contrary proclamation was publicly made, to the effect that
the town should be patent unto all the Queen's lieges; and so
murderers, adulterers, thieves, whores, drunkards, idolaters, and
all malefactors, got protection under the Queen's wings, under that
colour, because they were of her religion. And so gat the Devil
freedom again, where before he durst not have been seen in daylight
upon the common streets. "Lord deliver us from that bondage."

[Sidenote: The Mass is restored.]

The Devil, finding his reins loose, ran forward in his course;
and the Queen took upon her greater boldness than she and Baal's
bleating priests durst have attempted before. For, upon Allhallow
Day, they blended their Mass with all mischievous solemnity.
The ministers, offended, declared in plain and public place the
inconveniences that should ensue, and the nobility were sufficiently
admonished of their duties. But affection caused men to call in
doubt that wherein shortly before they had seemed to be most
resolute, to wit, "Whether subjects might put to their hand to
suppress the idolatry of their Prince." Upon this question, there
convened, in the house of Mr. James Macgill, the Lord James, the
Earl of Morton, the Earl Marischall, Secretary Lethington, the
Justice Clerk, and the Clerk of Register. All reasoned for the part
of the Queen, affirming that the subjects might not lawfully take
her Mass from her. Of the contrary judgment were the principal
ministers, Mr. John Row, Master George Hay, Master Robert Hamilton,
and John Knox....

The conclusion of that first reasoning was that the question should
be put in form, and letters directed to Geneva for the resolution of
that Church. Therein John Knox offered his labours; but Secretary
Lethington, alleging that much depended on the information, said
that he should write. But that was only to drive time, as the truth
declared itself. The Queen's party urged that the Queen should have
her religion free in her own chapel, that she and her household
might do what they should list. The ministers both affirmed and
voted to the contrary, adding that her liberty should be their
thraldom before long. But neither could reason nor threatening move
the affections of such as were creeping into credit, and the votes
of the Lords prevailed against those of the ministers.

[Sidenote: Lord James Stewart is sent to the Borders.]

For the punishment of theft and of reif,[185] which had increased
upon the Borders and in the south, since the Queen's arrival, the
Lord James was made Lieutenant. Some suspected that such honour and
charge proceeded from the same heart and counsel as that by which
Saul made David captain against the Philistines. But God assisted
him, and bowed the hearts of men to fear and obey him. Yea, the Lord
Bothwell himself at that time assisted him. Sharp execution was made
in Jedburgh, for twenty-eight of one clan and others were hanged at
that Justice Court. Bribes, buds, nor solicitation saved the guilty,
if he could be apprehended; and God prospered the Lord James in his
integrity. He also spake with the Lord Grey from England at Kelso,
that good rule might be kept upon both the Borders, and they agreed
in all things.

  [185] Robbery.

[Sidenote: The Behaviour of the Queen.]

Before the return of the Lord James, the Queen one night took a
fray[186] in her bed, as if horsemen had been in the close, and the
Palace had been enclosed about. Whether this proceeded of her own
womanly fantasy, or men had put her in fear, for displeasure of the
Earl of Arran, and for other purposes, as for the strengthening
of the guard, we know not. But the fear was so great that the town
was called to the watch. Lords Robert of Holyroodhouse and John
of Coldingham kept the watch by turns. Scouts were sent forth,
and sentinels were commanded, under pain of death, to keep their
stations. Yet they feared, where there was no cause for fear: nor
could ever any appearance or suspicion of such things be discovered.

  [186] Fright.

Shortly after the return of the Lord James, Sir Peter Mewtas
came from the Queen of England, with commission to require the
ratification of the Peace made at Leith. His answer was even such as
we have heard before--that she behoved to advise, and then should
send answer.

In presence of her Council, the Queen kept herself very grave, for,
under the dule weed,[187] she could play the hypocrite in full
perfection; but as soon as ever her French fillocks,[188] fiddlers,
and others of that band, got the house alone, there might have been
seen skipping not very comely for honest women. Her common talk was
in secret; she saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, which repugned
altogether to her nature, for she was brought up in joyousness, as
she termed her dancing, and other things thereto belonging.

  [187] Apparel of mourning.

  [188] Giddy young women.

[Sidenote: The Influence of the Court is felt in the Kirk.]

The General Assembly of the Church was held in the December
after the Queen's arrival. There the rulers of the Court began
to draw themselves apart from the society of their brethren, and
to sturr[189] and grudge that anything should be consulted upon
without their advices. Master John Wood, who had formerly shown
himself very fervent in the cause of God, and forward in giving his
counsel in all doubtful matters, plainly refused ever to assist
the Assembly again. At this many did wonder. The courtiers drew to
them some of the Lords, and would not convene with their brethren,
as had been their former custom, remaining at the Abbey instead.
The principal commissioners of the churches, the superintendents,
and some ministers went to see them at the Abbot's lodging within
Holyroodhouse. Both the parties began to open their grief.

  [189] Make disturbance.

[Sidenote: The Ministers reproach the defaulting Lords.]

The Lords complained that the ministers drew the gentlemen into
secret councils without their knowledge. The ministers denied that
they had done anything in secret, or otherwise than the Common
Order commanded them; and accused the Lords, the flatterers of
the Queen we mean, for not having kept convention with their
brethren, considering that they knew the order, and that the same
was appointed by their own advices, as the Book of Discipline,
subscribed by the hands of the most part of them, would witness.
Some began to deny that ever they knew such a thing as the Book of
Discipline; and also called in doubt whether it was expedient that
such conventions should be held; for gladly would the Queen and her
Secret Council have had all assemblies of the godly discharged.

The reasoning was sharp and quick on either part. The Queen's
faction alleged that it was suspicious to Princes that subjects
should assemble themselves and keep conventions without their
knowledge. It was answered that the Church did nothing without
knowledge of the Prince. The Prince perfectly understood that within
this realm there was a Reformed Church, and that they had their
orders and appointed times of convention. "Yea," said Lethington,
"the Queen knew and knoweth it well enough; but the question is,
whether the Queen allows such conventions?" It was answered, "If the
liberty of the Church should stand upon the Queen's allowance or
disallowance, we are assured not only to lack assemblies, but also
the public preaching of the Evangel."

That affirmative was mocked, and the contrary was affirmed. "Well,"
said the other, "time will try the truth; but to my former words
this will I add--take from us the freedom of assemblies, and take
from us the Evangel; for, without assemblies, how shall good order
and unity in doctrine be kept? It is not to be supposed that all
ministers shall be so perfect, but that they shall need admonition,
concerning manners as well as doctrine. It may be that some
shall be so stiff-necked that they will not admit the admonition
of the simple. It may be that fault may be found with ministers,
without just offence committed. Yet, if order be not taken, both
with the complainer and the persons complained upon, it cannot be
avoided that many grievous offences shall arise. For remedy of
these, General Assemblies are necessary. There, the judgment and
the gravity of many concur to correct or to repress the follies or
errors of a few." The majority of the Nobility and of the Barons
assented to this, and willed the reasoners for the part of the
Queen to desire that, if her Grace were suspicious of anything that
was to be dealt with in their Assemblies, she should be pleased to
send such as she would appoint, to hear whatsoever was proponed or
reasoned.

[Sidenote: Discussion concerning the Book of Discipline.]

After that, the Book of Discipline was put forward, with request
that it should be ratified by the Queen's Majesty. That was scripped
at, and it was demanded, "How many of those that had subscribed that
Book would be subject unto it?" It was answered, "All the godly."
"Will the Duke?" said Lethington. "If he will not," answered the
Lord Ochiltree, "I would that he were scraped out, not only from
that Book, but also from our number and company. For to what purpose
shall labours be taken to put the Kirk in order, and to what end
shall men subscribe, and then never mean to keep a word of that
which they promise?" Lethington answered, "Many subscribed there _in
fide parentum_, as the bairns are baptized." John Knox answered,
"Albeit ye think that scoff proper, yet, as it is most untrue, so
is it most improper. That Book was read in public audience, and by
the space of divers days the heads thereof were reasoned, as all
that here sit know well enough, and ye yourself cannot deny; no man
was required to subscribe that which he understood not." "Stand
content," said one, "that Book will not be obtained." "Let God,"
said the other, "require the lack which this poor Commonwealth shall
have of the things therein contained, from the hands of such as stop
the same."

[Sidenote: The Barons sue for Public Order in regard to
Ecclesiastical Benefices.]

The Barons, perceiving that the Book of Discipline was refused,
presented certain Articles to the Council, requiring idolatry to be
suppressed, their churches to be planted with true ministers, and
some certain provision to be made for these, according to equity and
conscience; for, until that time, the most part of the ministers had
lived upon the benevolence of men. Many held in their own hands the
fruits that the bishops and others of that sect had formerly abused;
and so some part was bestowed upon the ministers. But then the
bishops began to grip again at that which most unjustly they called
their own; for the Earl of Arran was discharged of St. Andrews and
Dunfermline, with which, by virtue of a factory, he had formerly
intromitted: and so were many others. Therefore the Barons required
that arrangements might be made for their ministers. Otherwise, they
would obey the bishops no more, nor would they suffer anything to be
taken for their use, more than they did before the Queen's arrival.
They verily supposed that the Queen's Majesty would keep promise
made to them, not to alter their religion. That could not remain
without ministers, and ministers could not live without provision.
For these reasons, they heartily desired the Council to provide some
convenient order in that respect.

[Sidenote: The Council agrees to divide the Patrimony of the Kirk.]

The Queen's flatterers were somewhat moved; for the rod of impiety
was not then strengthened in her and their hands. So they began to
practise; they wished to please the Queen, and yet seem somewhat
to satisfy the faithful. In the end, they devised that the
Churchmen[190] should have intromission with two parts of their
benefices, and that the third part should be lifted by such men as
thereto should be appointed for [the necessities concerning the
Queen's Majesty, and charges to be borne for the common weal of the
realm, and sustentation of the preachers and readers.][191]...

  [190] That is, the Papists in possession of benefices.

  [191] Knox here quotes, in full, the Acts passed by the Council.

Even in the beginning, the ministers, in their public sermons,
opposed themselves to such corruption, for they foresaw the purpose
of the Devil, and clearly understood the butt at which the Queen
and her flatterers shot. In the stool[192] of Edinburgh, John Knox
said, "Well, if the end of this order, pretended to be taken for
sustentation of the ministers, be happy, my judgment faileth me; for
I am assured that the Spirit of God is not the author of it. First I
see two parts freely given to the Devil, and then the third must be
divided betwixt God and the Devil. Bear witness to me that this day
I say it--before long the Devil shall have three parts of the third;
judge what God's portion shall then be." This was an unsavoury
saying in the ears of many. Some were not ashamed to affirm, "The
ministers being sustained, the Queen will not, at the year's end,
have enough to buy her a pair of new shoes." And this was Secretary
Lethington.

  [192] Pulpit.

[Sidenote: The Modification of Stipends.]

There were appointed to modify[193] the ministers' stipends, the
Earls Argyll, Moray, and Morton, Lethington, the Justice Clerk, and
the Clerk of Register. The Laird of Pittarrow was appointed to pay
the ministers' stipends, according to their modification. Who would
have thought that, when Joseph ruled Egypt, his brethren should
have travelled for victuals, and have returned to their families
with empty sacks? Men would rather have thought that Pharaoh's
poise, treasure, and girnells should have been diminished, before
the household of Jacob should have stood in danger of starving for
hunger.

  [193] Adjust.

So busy and circumspect were the modificators (because it was a new
office, the term must also be new) to secure that the ministers
should not be too wanton, a hundred marks was considered sufficient
for a single man, being a common minister. Three hundred marks was
the highest stipend appointed to any, except to the superintendents,
and a few others. Shortly, whether it was from the niggardliness
of their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich the
Queen, we know not; but the poor ministers, readers, and exhorters
cried out to the heaven, as their complaints in all Assemblies do
witness, that neither were they able to live upon the stipends
appointed, nor could they get payment of that small thing that
was appointed. The Comptroller would fain have played the good
valet, and have satisfied the Queen, or else his own profit, in
every point; and he got this saying and proverb, "The good Laird
of Pittarrow was an earnest professor of Christ; but the big Devil
receive the Comptroller, for he and his collectors are become greedy
factors."[194]

  [194] Stewards.

We put an end to this unpleasing story. When the brethren complained
of their poverty, it was disdainfully answered by some, "There are
many Lords that have not so much to spend." Men did reason that the
vocation of ministers craved books, quietness, study, and travel,
to edify the Kirk of Jesus Christ, while many Lairds were waiting
upon their worldly business. The stipends of ministers, who had no
other industry, but had to live upon that which was appointed, ought
therefore not to be modified according to the livings of common men,
who might and did daily augment their rents by some other industry.
But they gat no other answer than, "The Queen can spare no greater
sums." Oft was it cried into their ears, "O happy servants of the
Devil, and miserable servants of Jesus Christ; if after this life
there were not hell and heaven." To the servants of the Devil, to
your dumb dogs and horned bishops, to one of those idle bellies, I
say, ten thousand was not enough; but to the servants of Christ that
painfully preach His Evangel, a thousand pounds; how can that be
defended?

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington gets his Answer.]

One day, in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary burst out in a
piece of his choler, and said, "The ministers have so much paid to
them year by year, and who yet ever bade the Queen 'grand-mercies'
for it? Was there ever a minister that gave thanks to God for
her Majesty's liberality towards them?" One smiled and answered,
"Assuredly, I think that such as receive anything gratis of the
Queen, are unthankful if they acknowledge it not, both in heart and
mouth. But whether the ministers be of that rank or not, I greatly
doubt. Gratis, I am assured, they receive nothing; and whether they
receive anything at all from the Queen, wise men may reason. I am
assured that neither Third nor 'Two-part' ever appertained to any
of her predecessors within this realm these thousand years by-past,
nor yet has the Queen better title to that which she usurps, be
it in giving to others or in taking to herself, than had such as
crucified Jesus to divide His garments amongst them. If the truth
may be spoken, she has not so good title as they had; for such spoil
used to be the reward of such men. And these soldiers were more
gentle than the Queen and her flatterers, for they parted not the
garments of our Master until He Himself was hung upon the cross;
but she and her flatterers do part the spoil while poor Christ is
yet preaching amongst you. But the wisdom of our God makes trial
of us by this means, knowing well enough what she and her faction
have purposed to do. Let the Papists, who have some the Two-parts,
some their Thirds free, and some abbacies and feu lands, thank the
Queen, and sing, '_Placebo Dominæ_.' The poor preachers will not yet
flatter, for feeding of their belly." These words were judged proud
and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure to the speaker.

This we put in memory, that the posterities to come may know that
God once made His truth to triumph; but, because some of ourselves
delighted more in darkness than in light, He hath restrained our
freedom, and put the whole body in bondage....

[Sidenote: Lord James Stewart created Earl of Mar: his Marriage.]

In the meantime, to wit, in February, the year of God 1561, Lord
James Stewart was first made Earl of Mar,[195] and then married to
Agnes Keith, daughter to the Earl Marischall. At the marriage, which
was public in the church of Edinburgh, they both got an admonition
to behave themselves moderately in all things; "For," said the
preacher (John Knox) to him, "to this day the Kirk of God hath
received comfort by you, and by your labours. If hereafter ye shall
be found fainter in this than ye were before, it will be said that
your wife hath changed your nature." The greatness of the banquet,
and the vanity used thereat, offended many godly. There began the
masking, which from year to year hath continued since.

  [195] "Soon after, the Earldom of Moray was bestowed upon him,
  instead of the Earldom of Mar. Lord Erskine had an old right to the
  Earldom of Mar."--_MS. variant._

Master Randolph, agent for the Queen of England, was then, and
for some time after, in no small conceit with our Queen; for
his mistress' sake, she drank to him in a cup of gold, which he
possessed with greater joy for the favour of the giver, than for
the gift and its value; and yet it was honourable. The things that
then were in handling betwixt the two Queens--Lethington, Secretary
Cecil, and Master Randolph being ministers--were of great weight, as
we will afterwards hear.

[Sidenote: Disorderly Conduct of Earl Bothwell and others.]

This winter, the Earl Bothwell, the Marquis D'Elboeuf, and Lord John
of Coldingham, played riot in Edinburgh, misordered the whole town,
broke Cuthbert Ramsay's gates and doors, and searched his house for
his good-daughter,[196] Alison Craik. This was done in despite of
the Earl of Arran, whose mistress the said Alison was suspected to
have been. The horror of this fact, and the rarity of it, highly
commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly and the nobility were in
the town for the most part; and they concluded to crave justice by
supplication. This they did....

  [196] Daughter-in-law.

This supplication was presented by divers gentlemen. At first the
flatterers of the Court stormed, and asked, "Who durst avow it?"
The Master, now Lord Lyndsay, answered, "A thousand gentlemen
within Edinburgh." Others were ashamed to oppose themselves to the
supplication in public; but they suborned the Queen to give a gentle
answer until such time as the Convention was dissolved. This she
did; for she lacks no craft, both to cloak and to maintain impiety.
She alleged that her uncle was a stranger and had a young company;
but that she should put such order to him, and unto all others, that
thereafter they should have no occasion to complain....

But punishment of that enormity and fearful attempt we could get
none: more and more they presumed to do violence, and frequented
nightly masking. Some, as Robin Craig's household, because his
daughter was fair, delighted therein; others lamented, and began to
bear the matter very heavily. At length, the Lord Duke's friends
assembled one night upon the causeway. The Abbot of Kilwinning (who
then was joined to the Church, and, as we understand, doth yet abide
so) was the principal man at the beginning. To him repaired many
faithful; and amongst others came Andrew Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a
man rather born to make peace than to brag upon the causeway, and
demanded the quarrel. Being informed of the former enormity, he
said, "Nay, such impiety shall not be suffered so long as God shall
assist us. By His grace, we will maintain the victory that God in
His mercy hath given." So he commanded his son, Andrew Stewart, then
Master, and his servants to put themselves in order, and to bring
forth their spears and long weapons; and thus did others.

Word came to the Earl Bothwell and his party that the Hamiltons were
upon the gait.[197] Vows were made that the Hamiltons should be dung
not only out of the town, but also out of the country. Lord John
of Coldingham had married the Earl Bothwell's sister, a sufficient
woman for such a man; others drew the Lord Robert; and so they both
joined with the Earl Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquis Le
Boeuf, D'Elboeuf they call him, is most to be commended; for in his
chamber, within the Abbey, he started to a halbert, and ten men were
scarcely able to hold him; but, as hap was, the inner gate of the
Abbey kept him that night. The danger was betwixt the Cross and the
Salt Tron; and so he was a large quarter of a mile from the shot
and slanting[198] of bolts. The Master of Maxwell gave declaration
to the Earl Bothwell that, if he stirred from his lodging, he, and
all that would assist him, should resist him in the face: these
words did somewhat beat down that blast. The Earls of Huntly and
Moray,[199] being in the Abbey where the Marquis was, came with
their companies, sent from the Queen to stay that tumult. This
they did; for Bothwell and his party were commanded to keep their
lodgings, under pain of treason.

  [197] On the move.

  [198] Range.

  [199] Formerly Lord James Stewart: cf. page 247, _n._

[Sidenote: Plots against the Earl of Moray.]

It was whispered by many that the desire for a quarrel with the Earl
of Moray was as strong as was any hatred that the Hamiltons bore
against the Earl Bothwell, or he against them. Indeed, either had
the Duke very false servants, or else the Earl of Moray's death was
conspired oftener than once by Huntly and the Hamiltons. Suspicion
of this burst forth so far that one day the said Earl, being upon
horse to come to the sermon, was charged by one of the Duke's own
servants to return and abide with the Queen.

[Sidenote: Earl Bothwell speaks with John Knox.]

The Earl Bothwell, by means of James Barron, burgess[200] and
merchant of Edinburgh, desired to speak with John Knox secretly. The
said John gladly granted this request, and spake with him one night,
first in the said James's lodging, and thereafter in his own study.
The said Earl lamented his former inordinate life, and especially
that he had been provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent to
do that which he sorely repented, as well as his conduct towards
the Laird of Ormiston, whose blood had been spilt, albeit not by
his fault. But his chief dolour was that he had misbehaved himself
against the Earl of Arran, whose favours he was most willing to
redeem, if it were possible that he might do so. He desired the said
John to give him his best counsel. "For," said he, "if I might have
my Lord of Arran's favours, I would wait upon the Court with a page
and few servants, to spare my expenses. At present I am compelled,
for my own safety, to keep a number of wicked and unprofitable men,
to the utter destruction of what of my living there is left."

  [200] Inhabitant with full municipal right.

The said John answered, "My Lord, would to God that in me were
counsel or judgment that might comfort and relieve you. Albeit to
this hour it hath not chanced me to speak with your Lordship face
to face, yet have I borne a good mind to your house; and I have
been sorry at my heart concerning the troubles that I have heard
you to be involved in. My grandfather, goodsire,[201] and father,
have served your Lordship's predecessors, and some of them have
died under their standards; and this is a part of the obligation
of our Scottish kindness:[202] but this is not my chief reason.
As God has made me His public messenger of glad tidings, it is my
earnest desire that all men may embrace the same, and they cannot do
this perfectly so long as there remaineth in them rancour, malice,
or envy. I am very sorry that ye have given occasion to men to be
offended with you; but I am more sorry that ye have offended the
Majesty of God, who by such means oft punishes the other sins of
man. Therefore, my counsel is that ye begin at God; if ye will enter
into perfect reconciliation with Him, I doubt not but He shall bow
the hearts of men to forget all offences. As for me, if ye continue
in godliness, your Lordship may command me as boldly as any that
serves your Lordship."

  [201] Maternal grandfather.

  [202] Fealty of retainers.

The said Lord desired John Knox that he would sound the Earl of
Arran as to whether he would be content to receive him into his
favour. This he promised to do; and he so earnestly travailed in
that matter, that it was once brought to a conclusion and agreement,
such as caused all the faithful to praise God. The greatest
stay[203] stood upon the satisfaction of the Laird of Ormiston, who,
besides his former hurt, was, even at the time of the communing,
pursued by the said Lord Bothwell, his son Master Alexander Cockburn
taken by him, and carried with him to Borthwick, but gently enough
sent back again.

  [203] Impediment.

[Sidenote: The Reconciliation of the Earl of Arran and the Earl
Bothwell.]

That new trouble so greatly displeased John Knox, that he almost
gave over farther travailing for amity. But yet, upon receiving the
excuse of the said Earl, and after the declaration of his mind, he
re-entered upon his labours, and brought it to pass that the Laird
of Ormiston referred his satisfaction in all things to the judgments
of the Earls of Arran and Moray. To them the said Earl Bothwell
submitted himself in that respect, and thereupon delivered his
handwrit. He was convoyed by certain of his friends to the lodging
of the Kirk-of-Field, where the Earl of Arran was with his friends,
the said John Knox being with him, to bear witness and testification
of the end of the agreement. As the Earl Bothwell entered at the
chamber door, and would have done those honours that friends had
appointed (Master Gavin Hamilton and the Laird of Riccarton were the
chief friends that communed) the Earl of Arran gently passed to him,
embraced him, and said, "If the hearts be upright, few ceremonies
may serve and content me."

The said John Knox, in audience of them both and of their friends,
then said, "Now, my Lords, God hath brought you together by the
labours of simple men, in respect of such as would have travailed
therein. I know my labours are already taken in an evil part;
but, because I have the testimony of a good conscience before my
God that whatsoever I have done, I have done in His fear, for the
profit of you both, for the hurt of none, and for the tranquillity
of this realm: seeing, I say, that my conscience beareth witness to
me--a witness that I have sought and continually seek--I the more
patiently bear the misreports and wrongous judgments of men. And
now I leave you in peace, and desire you that are the friends to
study that amity may increase, all former offences being forgotten."
The friends of either part embraced the others, and the two Earls
departed to a window, and talked by themselves familiarly for a
reasonable space. Thereafter the Earl Bothwell departed for that
night; and upon the next day in the morning he returned, with
some of his honest friends, and came to the sermon with the Earl
foresaid. At this many rejoiced. But God had another work to work
than the eyes of men could espy.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Arran suspects Treachery.]

The next Thursday, the 26th of March 1562, they dined together; and
thereafter the said Earl Bothwell and Master Gavin Hamilton rode to
my Lord Duke's Grace, who then was at Kinneil. What communication
was had betwixt them, it is not certainly known, except by the
report which the said Earl of Arran made to the Queen's Grace, and
to the Earl of Moray, by his writings. For upon Friday, the fourth
day after their reconciliation, the sermon being ended, the said
Earl of Arran came to the house of John Knox, and brought with him
Master Richard Strang and Alexander Guthrie. To them he opened the
grief of his mind before John Knox was called; for he was occupied,
as he is wont to be after his sermons, in directing of writings.

These labours ended, the said Earl called the three together, and
said, "I am treasonably betrayed;" and with these words began to
weep. John Knox demanded, "My Lord, who has betrayed you?" "One
Judas, or other," said he; "but I know it is but my life that is
sought: I regard it not." The other said, "My Lord, I understand
not such dark manner of speaking: if I shall give you any answer,
you must speak more plain." "Well," said he, "I take you three to
witness that I open this to you, and I will write it to the Queen.
An act of treason is laid to my charge; the Earl of Bothwell has
shown to me in counsel that he shall take the Queen and put her in
my hands in the Castle of Dumbarton; and that he shall slay the
Earl of Moray, Lethington, and others that now misguide her: and so
shall I and he rule all. But I know that this is devised to accuse
me of treason; for I know that he will inform the Queen of it. But I
take you to witness that I open it here to you; and, incontinently,
I will go and write to the Queen's Majesty, and to my brother, the
Earl of Moray."

John Knox demanded, "Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part of that
treason?" He answered, "Nay." "Then," said he, "in my judgment,
his words, albeit they were spoken, can never be treason to you;
for the performance of the act depends upon your will, whereto ye
say ye have dissented; and so shall that purpose vanish and die by
itself, unless ye waken it; for it is not to be supposed that he
will accuse you of that which he himself devised, and whereto ye
would not consent." "O," said he, "ye understand not what craft is
used against me: it is treason to conceal treason." "My Lord," said
he, "treason must import consent and determination, which I hear
upon neither of your parts. Therefore, my Lord, in my judgment,
it shall be more sure and more honourable to you to depend upon
your innocence, and to abide the unjust accusation of another, if
any follow thereof, as I think there shall not, than for you to
accuse, especially after so recent reconciliation, and have none
other witnesses but your own affirmation." "I know," said he, "that
he will offer combat to me; but that would not be suffered in
France: I will do that which I have purposed." And so he departed,
and took with him to his lodging the said Alexander Guthrie and Mr.
Richard Strang. Thence was dated and written a letter to the Queen's
Majesty, according to the former purpose, which letter was directed
with all diligence to the Queen's Majesty, who was then in Falkland.

The Earl himself rode afterwards to Kinneil, to his father, the
Duke's Grace. How he was treated, we have but the common bruit; but
thence he wrote another letter with his own hand, in cipher, to the
Earl of Moray, complaining of his rigorous handling and treatment by
his own father, and by his friends; and affirming, farther, that he
feared his life, in case he gat not speedy rescue. He did not rest
there, but brake the chamber wherein he was put, and with great pain
passed to Stirling, and thence he was convoyed to the Hallyards.
There he was kept until the Earl of Moray came to him, and convoyed
him to the Queen, who was then in Falkland. She was sufficiently
instructed concerning the whole matter; and, upon suspicion
conceived, had ordered the apprehension of Master Gavin Hamilton and
the Earl Bothwell. They, knowing nothing of what had passed, came to
Falkland, and this augmented the former suspicion.

[Sidenote: The frenzy of the Earl of Arran.]

The letters of John Knox, however, ensured that all things were done
the more circumspectly; for he did plainly forewarn the Earl of
Moray that he espied the Earl of Arran to be stricken with frenzy,
and therefore would not have too great credit given to his words and
inventions. And so it came to pass; for within few days the Earl's
sickness increased; he devised of wondrous signs that he saw in the
heaven; and, finally, he behaved himself in all things so foolishly
that his frenzy could not be hid. Nevertheless, the Earl Bothwell
and the Abbot of Kilwinning were detained in the Castle of St.
Andrews, and convened before the Council, with the Earl of Arran,
who ever stood firm in alleging that the Earl Bothwell proponed
to him such things as he had advertised the Queen's Grace of. He
stiffly denied that his father, the said Abbot, or his friends, knew
anything of the matter, or that they intended any violence against
him; and alleged that he had been enchanted so to think and write.
Thereat the Queen, highly offended, committed him to prison with the
other two, first in the Castle of St. Andrews, and thereafter in the
Castle of Edinburgh....

[Sidenote: John Knox reproves the Queen.]

Things put in order in Fife, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and
then began dancing to grow hot; for her friends began to triumph
in France. Sure information of this came to the ears of John Knox,
for there were some that showed to him the state of things from
time to time. He was assured that the Queen had danced excessively
until after midnight, because she had received letters informing
her that persecution was renewed in France, and that her uncles
were beginning to stir their tail, and to trouble the whole realm
of France. Upon occasion of this text, "And now understand, O ye
kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to tax
the ignorance, the vanity, and the despite of princes against all
virtue, and against all those in whom hatred of vice and love of
virtue appeared.

[Sidenote: He is summoned before the Queen.]

Report of this sermon was made unto the Queen, and John Knox was
sent for. Mr. Alexander Cockburn, of Ormiston, who had formerly been
his scholar, and then was very familiar with him, was the messenger,
and gave him some knowledge both of the report and of the reporters.
The Queen was in her bedchamber, and with her, besides the ladies
and the common servants, were the Lord James, the Earl Morton,
Secretary Lethington, and some of the guard that had made the
report. He was called, and accused of having spoken irreverently of
the Queen, of travailing to bring her into the hatred and contempt
of the people, and of exceeding the bounds of his text. Upon these
three heads, the Queen herself made a long harangue or oration; to
which the said John answered as follows:--

[Sidenote: John Knox, states his Views concerning the Behaviour of
Princes.]

"Madam, this is oftentimes the just recompense which God giveth to
the stubborn of the world. Because they will not hear God speaking
for the comfort of the penitent, and the amendment of the wicked,
they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others to their
greater displeasure. I doubt not but that it came to the ears of
proud Herod that our Master Christ Jesus called him fox; but they
told him not how odious a thing it was before God to murder an
innocent, as he had lately done before, causing John the Baptist to
be beheaded, to reward the dancing of a harlot's daughter. Madam,
if the reporters of my words had been honest men, they would have
reported my words, and the circumstances of the same. But, because
they would have credit in Court, and lack virtue worthy thereof,
they must have somewhat to please your Majesty, if it were but
flattery and lies. If your Grace take any pleasure in such persons,
it will turn to your everlasting displeasure. Madam, had your own
ears heard the whole matter that I entreated, ye could not justly
have been offended with anything that I spake, if there be in you
any sparkle of the Spirit of God, yea, of honesty or wisdom. Ye have
heard their report; may it please your Grace to hear myself rehearse
the sermon, as nearly as memory will serve.

"My text, Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings, understand; be
learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, I had declared the
dignity of kings and rulers, the honour in which God has placed
them, and the obedience that is due unto them, as God's lieutenants,
I demanded this: But, O alas! what account shall the most part of
princes make before that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authority
so manifestly and shamefully they abuse? This day is most true the
complaint of Solomon that violence and oppression do occupy the
throne of God here in this earth: murderers, bloodthirsty men,
oppressors, and malefactors dare be bold to present themselves
before kings and princes, and the poor saints of God are banished
and exiled. What shall we say, but that the Devil hath taken
possession of the throne of God, which ought to be fearful to all
wicked doers, and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. How can it be
otherwise? Princes will not understand; they will not be taught as
God commands them. God's law they despise, His statutes and holy
ordinances they will not understand; they are more exercised in
fiddling and flinging than in reading or hearing God's most blessed
Word; and fiddlers and flatterers, who commonly corrupt youth, are
more precious in their eyes than are men of wisdom and gravity, who
might, by wholesome admonition, beat down in them some part of that
vanity and pride wherein all are born, but in princes taketh deep
root and strength by wicked education.

[Sidenote: Of Dancing.]

"Of dancing, Madam, I said that, albeit in the Scriptures I found no
praise of it, and in profane writers that it is termed the gesture
rather of those that are mad and in frenzy than of sober men; yet
do I not utterly condemn it, providing that two vices be avoided.
Firstly, the principal vocation of those that use that exercise must
not be neglected for the pleasure of dancing; secondly, they may not
dance, as did the Philistines their fathers, for the pleasure that
they take in the displeasure of God's people. If they do either,
they shall receive the reward of dancers, and that will be drink in
hell, unless they speedily repent, and so shall God turn their mirth
into sudden sorrow. God will not always afflict His people, nor will
He always wink at the tyranny of tyrants. If any man, Madam, will
say that I spake more, let him presently accuse me; for I think I
have not only touched the sum, but the very words as I spake them."
Many that stood by bare witness with him that he had recited the
very words that he had spoken publicly.

The Queen looked about to some of the reporters, and said, "Your
words are sharp enough as ye have spoken them; but yet they were
told to me in another manner. I know that my uncles and ye are not
of one religion, and therefore I cannot blame you, albeit you have
no good opinion of them. But if ye hear anything of myself that
mislikes you, come to myself and tell me, and I shall hear you."

"Madam," quoth he, "I am assured that your uncles are enemies to
God, and unto His Son, Jesus Christ; and that, for maintenance of
their own pomp and worldly glory, they spare not to spill the blood
of many innocents. I am therefore assured that their enterprises
shall have no better success than have had others that before them
have done what they do now. But as to your own personage, Madam, I
would be glad to do all that I could for your Grace's contentment,
provided that I exceed not the bounds of my vocation. I am called,
Madam, to a public function within the Kirk of God, and am appointed
by God to rebuke the sins and vices of all. I am not appointed to
come to every man in particular to show him his offence; that labour
were infinite. If your Grace will please to frequent the public
sermons, I doubt not but that ye shall fully understand both what
I like and mislike, as well in your Majesty as in all others. Or,
if your Grace will assign unto me a certain day and hour when it
will please you to hear the form and substance of doctrine which is
proponed in public to the churches of this realm, I will most gladly
await upon your Grace's pleasure, time, and place. But to wait upon
your chamber door, or elsewhere, and then to have no farther liberty
than to whisper my mind in your Grace's ear, or to tell you what
others think and speak of you, neither will my conscience nor the
vocation whereto God hath called me suffer it. For, albeit at your
Grace's commandment I am here now, I cannot tell what other men
shall judge of me, when they learn that at this time of day I am
absent from my book, and waiting upon the Court."

"You will not always," said she, "be at your book," and so turned
her back. John Knox departed with a reasonably merry countenance.
Some Papists, offended at this, said, "He is not afraid." Hearing
this, he answered, "Why should the pleasing face of a gentlewoman
affright me? I have looked in the faces of many angry men, and yet
have not been afraid, above measure." And so left he the Queen and
the Court for that time.

[Sidenote: The Queen negotiates with England.]

In the meantime, the negotiation and credit was great betwixt the
Queen of England and our Sovereign: letters, couriers, and posts ran
very frequently. There was great bruit of an interview and meeting
of the two Queens at York, and some preparations were made for this
in both the realms. But it failed upon the part of England, and that
by occasion of the troubles moved in France, as was alleged. These
caused the Queen and her Council to remain in the south parts of
England, to avoid inconvenience.

[Sidenote: The King of Sweden proposes Marriage to Queen Mary.]

That Summer, there came an Ambassador from the King of Sweden,
requiring marriage of our Sovereign to his master the King. His
entertainment was honourable; but our Queen liked not his petition.
Such a man was too base for her estate; had not she been great Queen
of France? Fie, of Sweden! What is it? But happy was the man that
was forsaken of such an one. And yet she did not refuse one who was
far inferior to a virtuous king.

[Sidenote: The Queen and the Earl of Moray.]

The Earl of Moray made a privy raid to Hawick upon the fair-day, and
apprehended fifty thieves; of this number seventeen were drowned;
others were executed in Jedburgh. The principals were brought to
Edinburgh, and there suffered, according to their merits, upon the
Borough Muir. The Queen was not content with the prosperity and good
success that God gave to the Earl of Moray in all his enterprises,
for she hated his upright dealing, and the image of God which did
evidently appear in him; but at that time she could not well have
been served without him.

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: June 1562.]

At the Assembly of the Kirk at Midsummer, on the 29th of June 1562,
many notable points were discussed concerning good order in the
Church; for the Papists and the idolatry of the Queen began to
trouble the former good orders.... The tenor of the supplication
read in open audience, and approved by the whole Assembly to be
presented to the Queen's Majesty, was this:--

[Sidenote: The Supplication presented to the Queen.]

"Having in mind that fearful sentence, pronounced by the Eternal
God against the watchmen that see the sword of God's punishment
approach, and do not in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the
princes and rulers, that they may repent, we cannot but signify
unto your Highness, and unto your Council, that the state of this
realm is such, at this present time, that unless redress and remedy
be shortly provided, God's hand cannot long spare in His anger,
to strike the head and the tail; the inobedient prince and sinful
people. For, as God is unchangeable and true, so must He punish in
these our days the grievous sins that we read He has punished in
all ages, after He has long called for repentance, and none is shown.

"That your Grace and Council may understand what be the things we
desire to be reformed, we will begin at that which we assuredly know
to be the fountain and spring of all other evils that now abound in
this realm, to wit, that idol and bastard service of God, the Mass;
the fountain, we call it, of all impiety, not only because many take
boldness to sin by reason of the opinion which they have conceived
of that idol, to wit, that by the virtue of it, they get remission
of their sins; but also that, under colour of the Mass, whores,
adulterers, drunkards, blasphemers of God and of His holy Word and
Sacraments, and such other manifest malefactors, are maintained and
defended: for, let any Mass-sayer, or earnest maintainer thereof,
be deprehended in any of the forenamed crimes, no execution can be
had, for all is said to be done in hatred of his religion; and so
are wicked men permitted to live wickedly, cloaked and protected
by that odious idol. But, supposing the Mass were occasion of no
such evils, yet in itself it is so odious in God's presence that we
cannot cease, with all instance, to desire the removing of the same,
as well from yourself as from all others within this realm, taking
heaven and earth, yea, and your own conscience, to record that
the obstinate maintenance of that idol shall in the end be to you
destruction of soul and body.

"If your Majesty demand why we are more earnest now than we have
been heretofore; we answer (our former silence nowise excused)
that it is because we find ourselves frustrated of our hope and
expectation; which was that, in process of time, your Grace's heart
should have been mollified, so far as to have heard the public
doctrine taught within this realm; by which, our farther hope
was, God's Holy Spirit should so have moved your heart, that ye
should have suffered your religion, which before God is nothing but
abomination and vanity, to have been tried by the true touchstone,
the written Word of God; and that your Grace finding it to have
no ground or foundation in the same, should have given such glory
unto God that ye would have preferred His truth unto your own
preconceived vain opinion, of whatever antiquity it has been.
Of this we in a part are now discouraged and can no longer keep
silence, unless we would make ourselves criminal before God of your
blood, perishing in your own iniquities; for we plainly admonish you
of the dangers to come.

"The second that we require is punishment of horrible vices, such as
are adultery, fornication, open whoredom, blasphemy, and contempt
of God, of His Word and of His Sacraments; vices which, in this
realm, for lack of punishment, do even now so abound that sin is
reputed to be no sin. And, therefore, as we see the present signs
of God's wrath manifestly appear, so do we forewarn that He will
strike, before long, if His law be permitted thus manifestly to be
contemned, without punishment. If any object, that punishment cannot
be commanded to be executed without a Parliament; we answer that
the Eternal God in His Parliament has pronounced death to be the
punishment for adultery and for blasphemy. If ye put not His acts
to execution, seeing that kings are but His lieutenants, having no
power to give life where He commands death, He will repute you, and
all others that foster vice, patrons of impiety, and He will not
fail to punish you for neglecting His judgments.

"Our third request concerneth the poor, who be of three sorts; the
poor labourers of the ground; the poor desolate beggars, orphans,
widows, and strangers; and the poor ministers of the holy Evangel of
Christ Jesus, who are all so cruelly treated by this last pretended
order taken for sustentation of ministers, that their latter misery
far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the ground
are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, that
they for the most part advance upon the poor, whatsoever they pay
to the Queen, or to any other. As for the very indigent and poor,
to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided from the teinds,
they are so despised that it is a wonder that the sun giveth light
and heat to the earth, where God's name is so frequently called
upon, and no mercy, according to His commandment, is shown to
His creatures. And also for the ministers, their livings are so
appointed that the most part shall live but a beggar's life. And all
cometh of impiety, that the idle bellies of Christ's enemies must be
fed with their former delicacies.

"We dare not conceal from your Grace and Honours the burden of our
conscience, which is this, that neither by the law of God, nor by
any just law of man, is anything due to them who now most cruelly do
exact of the poor and rich the Two-part of their benefices, as they
call it.

"Therefore we most humbly require that some other order may be
taken with them, and that they be not set up again to empire above
the people of God, or above any subject within this realm. For we
fear that such usurpation to their former estate shall be in the
end neither pleasing to themselves, nor profitable to them that
would place them in that tyranny. If any think that a competent
living should be assigned to them, we repugn not, provided that the
labourers of the ground be not oppressed, the poor be not utterly
neglected, the ministers of the Word be not so sharply treated as
they now are, and, finally, that those idle bellies, who by law can
crave nothing, shall confess that they receive their sustentation,
not as a matter of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble request
is, therefore, that some speedy order may be taken that the poor
labourers may find some relief, and that in every parish some
portion of the teinds may be assigned to the sustentation of the
poor within the same; and likewise that some public relief may
be provided for the poor within burghs; that collectors may be
appointed to gather, and that sharp account may be taken, as well of
their receipts as of their disbursements. The farther consideration
to be had towards our ministers, we in some part remit to your
wisdoms, and to their particular complaints.

"Our fourth petition is for the manses, yards, and glebes, justly
appertaining to the ministers, without which it is impossible for
them quietly to serve their charges; and therefore we desire order
to be taken therein without delay.

"Our fifth concerneth the inobedience of certain wicked persons, who
not only trouble, and have troubled ministers in their functions,
but also disobey the superintendents in their visitation. Of this
we humbly crave remedy; not so much for any fear that we and our
ministers have of the Papists, but for the love that we bear to
the common tranquillity. For we cannot hide from your Majesty and
Council that, if the Papists think to triumph where they may, and to
do what they list, where there is not a party able to resist them,
some will think that they must begin where they left off. Heretofore
they have borne all things patiently, in hope that laws should have
bridled the wicked. If they be frustrated in this, albeit nothing
is more odious to them than tumults and domestic discord, men will
attempt the uttermost, before they behold with their own eyes the
demolition of that House of God, which with travail and danger God
hath within this realm erected by them.

"Lastly, we desire that such as have received remission of their
Third be compelled to sustain the ministry within their bounds, else
we forewarn your Grace and Council that we fear that the people will
retain the whole in their hands, until such time as their ministry
shall be sufficiently provided. We farther desire that the kirks
be repaired according to an Act set forth by the Lords of Secret
Council, before your Majesty's arrival in this country; that judges
be appointed to hear the causes of divorcement, for the Kirk can no
longer sustain that burden, especially since there is no punishment
for the offenders; that sayers and hearers of Mass, profaners of the
Sacraments, such as have entered into benefices by the Pope's bulls,
and other such transgressors of the law made at your Grace's arrival
within this realm, may be severely punished; else men will think
that there is no truth meant in the making of such laws.

"Farther, we most humbly desire of your Grace and honourable Council
a resolute answer to every one of the heads forewritten, that, the
same being known, we may somewhat satisfy such as are grievously
offended at manifest iniquity now maintained, at oppression under
pretext of law done against the poor, and at the rebellious
disobedience of many wicked persons against God's Word and holy
ordinance.

"God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so rule your hearts, and
direct your Grace and Council's judgments by the dyttament[204] and
illumination of His Holy Spirit, that ye may so answer that your
consciences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge,
the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt not but that ye yourselves shall
find felicity, and this poor realm, that long has been oppressed
by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillity and rest, with the true
knowledge of God."

  [204] Dictation; guidance.

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington objects to the Terms of the
Supplication.]

These things were read in public Assembly, and approved by all.
Some wished that more sharpness had been used, because the time so
craved. But the monsieurs of the Court, and Secretary Lethington
above others, could not abide such hard speaking; "For who ever
saw it written," said he, "to a prince, that God would strike the
head and the tail, or that, if Papists did what they should list,
men would begin where they had left off?" Above all others, it was
most offensive that the Queen was accused as if she would raise up
Papists and Papistry again. To put that into the people's head was
no less than treason; for oaths durst be made that she never meant
such a thing.

It was answered that the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of
speaking; and there was no doubt but that he was well acquainted
in the Court, for it was supposed that he was of the King's stock.
Howsoever it was, his words make manifest that he spake to the Court
and courtiers, to judges, ladies, princes and priests. And yet,
says he, "The Lord shall cut away the head and the tail," etc. "And
so," said the first writer, "I find that such a phrase was used
once before. If it offend you that we say, 'Men must begin where
they left off,' in case the Papists do as they do; we would desire
you to teach us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we
shall do when our ministers are stricken, our superintendents are
disobeyed, and a plain rebellion is decreed against all good order."

"Complain," said Lethington. "Whom to?" said the other. "To the
Queen's Majesty," said he. "How long shall we do so?" quoth the
whole. "Till ye get remedy," said the Justice Clerk: "give me
their names, and I shall give you letters." "If the sheep," said
one, "shall complain to the wolf that the wolves and whelps have
devoured their lambs, the complainer may stand in danger; but the
offender, we fear, shall have liberty to hunt after his prey." "Such
comparisons," said Lethington, "are very unsavoury; for I am assured
that the Queen will neither erect nor yet maintain Papistry." "Let
your assurance," said another, "serve yourself; it cannot assure us;
for her manifest proceedings speak the contrary."

After such taunting reasoning on both sides, the multitude concluded
that the supplication, as it was conceived, should be presented;
unless the Secretary would form one more agreeable to the present
necessity. He promised to keep the substance of ours, but said he
would use other terms, and ask things in a more genteel manner. The
first writer answered that he served the Kirk at their commandment,
and was content that with his dictament men should use the liberty
that best pleased them, provided that he was not compelled to
subscribe to the flattery of such as regarded the persons of men and
women more than the simple truth of God. So this former supplication
was given to be reformed as Lethington's wisdom thought best. And
in very deed he so framed it that, when it was delivered by the
Superintendents of Lothian and Fife, and when the Queen had read
somewhat of it, she said, "Here are many fair words: I cannot tell
what the hearts are." For our painted oratory, we were termed the
next name to flatterers and dissemblers; but, for that session, the
Kirk received no other answer....

[Sidenote: The Queen visits the North: Papist Intrigues.]

The interview and meeting of the two Queens being delayed until
the next year, our Sovereign took purpose to visit the north, and
departed from Stirling in the month of August. Whether there was any
secret paction and confederacy betwixt the Papists in the south and
the Earl of Huntly and his Papists in the north; or, to speak more
plainly, betwixt the Queen herself and Huntly, we cannot certainly
say. But the suspicions were wondrously vehement that there was no
good-will borne to the Earl of Moray, nor yet to such as depended
upon him at that time. The history we shall faithfully declare, and
leave the judgment to the reader....

The Queen and Court remained at Aberdeen certain days, to deliberate
upon the affairs of the country; and some began to smell that the
Earl of Huntly was under gathering.[205] While things were so
working in the north, the Earl Bothwell brake his ward, and came
forth from the Castle of Edinburgh on the 28th of August. Some say
that he broke the stanchions of the window; others whispered that
he got easy passage by the gates. One thing is certain; the Queen
was little offended at his escaping. The said Earl showed himself
not very much afraid, for his common residence was in Lothian. The
Archbishop of St. Andrews and Abbot of Crossraguel kept secret
convention at that same time in Paisley, and to them resorted divers
Papists; yea, the said Archbishop spake with the Duke, and unto him
came also the Lord Gordon from the Earl of Huntly, requiring him
"to put to his hands in the south, as he should do in the north;
and Knox's crying or preaching should not stay that purpose." The
Archbishop, let him be never so close, could not altogether hide his
mind, but at his own table said, "The Queen is gone into the north,
belike to seek disobedience: she may perchance find the thing that
she seeks." It was constantly affirmed that the Earl Bothwell and
the said Lord Gordon spake together, but of their purpose we heard
no mention.

  [205] That is, his clansmen were being mobilised.

[Sidenote: John Knox warns the Protestants.]

The same year, and at that instant time, Commissioners were
appointed by the General Assembly. To Carrick and Cunningham, Master
George Hay was sent, and he, for the space of a month, preached
with great fruit in all the churches of Carrick. To Kyle, and to
the parts of Galloway, John Knox was appointed. Besides showing the
doctrine of the Evangel to the common people, John Knox forewarned
some of the nobility and Barons of the dangers that he feared, and
that were apparently to follow shortly; and he exhorted them to
put themselves in order, so that they might be able to serve the
authority, and yet not to suffer the enemies of God's truth to have
the upper hand. Thereupon, a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen
of Kyle and Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true doctrine of
the Evangel, assembled at Ayr.

[Sidenote: A Bond is again subscribed.]

After exhortations made and conference held, these subscribed a
bond to maintain and assist the preaching of God's holy Evangel,
then, of His mere mercy, offered to this realm; and also the
ministers thereof against all persons, power, and authority, that
would oppose themselves to the doctrine proponed, and by them
received. And farther, with the same solemnity, it was protested
and promised, that every one should assist others, yea, the whole
body of the Protestants within the realm, in all lawful and just
actions, against all persons; so that whosoever should hurt, molest,
or trouble any of our body, should be reputed enemy to the whole,
unless the offender were content to submit himself to the judgment
of the Kirk, as established amongst us....

These things done at Ayr, the said John passed to Nithsdale and
Galloway, and there, in conference with the Master of Maxwell, a man
of great judgment and experience, he communicated such things as he
feared. Upon his suggestion, the Master wrote to the Earl Bothwell,
enjoining him to behave himself as became a faithful subject, and
to keep good quietness in the parts committed to his charge, for so
would the crime of his breaking ward be the more easily pardoned.
John Knox wrote to the Duke's Grace, and earnestly exhorted him
neither to give ear to the Archbishop, his bastard brother, nor yet
to the persuasion of the Earl of Huntly; for if he did, he assured
him, he and his house should come to a sudden ruin.

[Sidenote: The Result of John Knox's Labours in the South.]

By such means the south parts were kept in reasonable quietness,
during the time that the troubles were in brewing in the north. And
yet the Archbishop and the Abbot of Crossraguel did what in them lay
to raise some trouble. Besides the fearful bruits that they sparsed
abroad, sometimes that the Queen was taken; sometimes that the Earl
of Moray and all his band were slain; and sometimes that the Queen
had given herself to the Earl of Huntly,--besides such bruits, the
Archbishop, to disturb the country of Kyle, where quietness was
greatest, raised the Crawfords against the Reids for payment of the
Archbishop's Pasch fines; but that was stayed by the labours of
indifferent men, who favoured peace.

[Sidenote: The Abbot of Crossraguel and John Knox.]

The Abbot of Crossraguel requested an opportunity to dispute with
John Knox as to the maintenance of the Mass. This was granted to
him, and debate was held in Maybole during three days. The Abbot
had the advantage that he required; to wit, he took upon him to
prove that Melchisedec offered bread and wine to God, and this was
the ground upon which was founded the argument that the Mass was a
sacrifice, etc. But, in the travail of three days, no proof could be
produced for Melchisedec's oblation, as in the disputation (which
is to be had in print) may clearly appear. The Papists constantly
looked for a wolter,[206] and therefore made some brag of reasoning.
The Abbot further presented himself in the pulpit, but the voice of
Master George Hay so affrighted him, that, after one attempt, he
wearied of that exercise.

  [206] Overturn.

[Sidenote: The Revolt of the Earl of Huntly.]

After the Queen was somewhat satisfied of hunting and other pastime,
she came to Aberdeen. There the Earl of Huntly and his Lady met her
with no small train. He remained in Court, was supposed to have
the greatest credit, departed with the Queen to Buchan, and met
her again at Rothiemay, expecting that she would accompany him to
Strathbogie. But, in the journey, certain word came to her that John
Gordon[207] had broken promise in not re-entering into ward; for his
father the Earl had promised that he should again enter within the
Castle of Stirling, and there abide the Queen's pleasure. But, with
or without his father's knowledge and consent, he refused to enter;
and this so offended the Queen that she would not go to Strathbogie,
but passed through Strathisla to Inverness, where the Castle was
denied to her. The captain had command to keep it, and looked for
relief which John of Gordon had promised; but, being frustrated in
this, the Castle was surrendered. The captain, named Gordon, was
executed; the rest were condemned, and the hands of some were bound,
but these escaped. This was the beginning of further trouble; for
the Earl of Huntly was offended, and began to assemble his folks,
sparing not to say that he would be revenged.[208]...

  [207] Sir John Gordon, of Findlater, second son of the Earl of
  Huntly. Confined in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, for a murderous
  attack upon Lord Ogilvy of Airly in a quarrel concerning property,
  he had broken ward.--ED.

  [208] He was denounced as a traitor. With a following of eight
  hundred men, he encountered the Earl of Moray and the Queen's forces
  outside Aberdeen, and was defeated and slain at the battle of
  Corrichie.--ED.

[Sidenote: Of the Earl of Huntly.]

Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady Forbes, a woman
both wise and fearing God, came amongst many others to visit the
corpse of the said Earl; and seeing him lie upon the cold stones,
having only upon him a doublet of canvas, a pair of Scottish grey
hose, and a covering of arras-work, she said, "What stability
shall we judge to be in this world: there lieth he that yesterday
morning was holden the wisest, the richest, and a man of greatest
power within Scotland." In very deed, she lied not; for, in man's
opinion, under a prince, there was not such a one produced in this
realm these three hundred years. But felicity and worldly wisdom so
blinded him that in the end he perished in them, as shall all those
that despise God and trust in themselves....

[Sidenote: The Queen's Relations with the Earl of Moray.]

The Earl of Moray sent word of the marvellous victory to the
Queen, and humbly prayed her to show obedience to God and publicly
to convene with them, to give thanks to God for His notable
deliverance. She gloomed at the messenger and at the request, and
scarcely would give a good word or blithe countenance to any that
she knew to be earnest favourers of the Earl Moray, whose prosperity
was, and yet is, to her boldened heart, a very venom against him
for his godliness and upright plainness. For many days she bare no
better countenance; and thereby it might have been evidently espied
that she rejoiced not greatly in the success of that matter; and,
albeit she caused John Gordon and divers others to be executed, it
was the destruction of others that she sought.

[Sidenote: Rumours concerning the Queen's Marriage.]

In the meantime, there was much trouble in France; and the
intelligence and outward familiarity betwixt the two Queens was
great. Lethington was directed with large commission both to the
Queen of England and to the Guisians. The marriage of our Queen was
in every man's mouth. Some would have Spain; some the Emperor's
brother; some Lord Robert Dudley; some the Duke de Nemours; and some
unhappily guessed at the Lord Darnley. We know not what Lethington's
credit was; but, shortly after, there began to be much talk of the
Earl of Lennox, and of his son, the Lord Darnley. It was said that
Lethington spake with the Lady Margaret Douglas, and that Robert
Melvin received a horse, for the Secretary's use, from the Earl of
Lennox or from his wife. Howsoever it was, Master Fowler, servant to
the said Earl, came with letters to the Queen's Grace, and licence
was permitted to the Earl of Lennox to come to Scotland, to travail
in his lawful business. On the day that the licence was granted,
the Secretary said, "This day have I incurred the deadly hatred
of all the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have done them no less
displeasure than had I cutted their throats."

[Sidenote: The Queen and Earl Bothwell.]

The Earl Bothwell, who had broken ward, fearing apprehension,
prepared to pass to France; but, by storm of weather, he was driven
into England, where he was stayed, and the Queen of England offered
to surrender him. But our Queen answered that he was no rebel, and
requested that he should have liberty to pass whither it pleased
him. In this, Lethington helped not a little; for he travailed to
have friends in every faction of the Court. Thus the said Earl
obtained licence to pass to France.

[Sidenote: The Preachers admonish the Courtiers.]

The Court remained for the most part in Edinburgh, during the winter
after the death of the Earl of Huntly. The preachers were wondrously
vehement in reprehension of all manner of vice, which then began
to abound; and especially avarice, oppression of the poor, excess,
riotous cheer, banqueting, immoderate dancing, and the whoredom that
ensues. The courtiers began to storm, and to pick quarrels against
the preachers, alleging that all their preaching was turned to
railing.

One of them gave answer as follows: "It comes to our ears that
we are called railers. Albeit we wonder, we are not ashamed. The
most worthy servants of God that before us have travailed in this
vocation have so been styled. But the same God, who from the
beginning has punished the contempt of His Word, and has poured
forth His vengeance upon such proud mockers, shall not spare you;
yea, He shall not spare you before the eyes of this same wicked
generation, for whose pleasure ye despise all wholesome admonitions.

"Have ye not seen a greater than any of you sitting where presently
ye sit, pick his nails and pull down his bonnet over his eyes,
when idolatry, witchcraft, murder, oppression, and such vices were
rebuked? Was not his common talk, 'When these knaves have railed
their fill, will they then hold their peace?' Have ye not heard it
affirmed to his own face that God should revenge his blasphemy, even
in the eyes of such as were witnesses to his iniquity? Then was the
Earl of Huntly accused by you as the maintainer of idolatry, and
the only hinderer of all good order. Him has God punished, even
according to the threatenings that his and your ears heard; and by
your hands hath God executed His judgments.

"But what amendment in any case can be espied in you? Idolatry
was never in greater rest: virtue and virtuous men were never in
more contempt: vice was never more bold, never did it less fear
punishment. And yet, who guides the Queen and Court? Who but the
Protestants? O horrible slanderers of God, and of His holy Evangel.
Better it were for you plainly to renounce Christ Jesus, than thus
to expose His blessed Evangel to mockage. If God do not punish you,
so that this same age shall see and behold your punishment, the
Spirit of righteous judgment guides me not."...

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: 25th December 1562.]

At the General Assembly of the Church, holden the twenty-fifth of
December, the year of God 1562, great complaints were made that
churches lacked ministers; that ministers lacked their stipends;
that wicked men were permitted to be schoolmasters, and so to infect
the youth. One, Master Robert Cumin, schoolmaster in Arbroath, was
complained upon by the Laird of Dun, and sentence was pronounced
against him. It was farther complained that idolatry was erected in
divers parts of the realm; and some thought that new supplication
for redress should be presented to the Queen's Grace. Others
demanded, What answer was received on the former occasion? The
Superintendent of Lothian confessed the deliverance of it. "But,"
said he, "I received no answer." It was answered on behalf of the
Queen--for her supporters were ever there--that it was well known to
the whole realm what troubles had occurred since the last Assembly;
and, therefore, that they should not wonder that the Queen had not
answered: but they doubted not but that order would be taken betwixt
that and the Parliament which was appointed for May, and all men
should have occasion to stand content. This satisfied the whole
Assembly for that time. And this was the practice of the Queen and
of her Council to drive time with fair words....

[Sidenote: The Protestants deal with Idolaters and the Mass.]

The Papists, at Easter, 1563, had erected that idol, the Mass, in
divers parts of the realm; amongst these being the Archbishop of
St. Andrews, the Prior of Whithorn, with divers others of their
faction.... The brethren, universally offended, and espying that
the Queen did but mock them by her proclamations, determined to
put to their own hands, and to punish for example to others. So
some priests in the West-land were apprehended, and intimation was
made by the brethren to others, as to the Abbot of Crossraguel,
the Parson of Sanquhar, and such, that they should not proceed by
complaint to Queen or Council, but should execute the punishment
that God, in His Law, had appointed to idolaters, by such means as
they might, wherever these should be apprehended.

The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could not
amend it; for the spirit of God, of boldness, and of wisdom, had not
then left the most part of those whom God had used as instruments in
the beginning. They were of one mind to maintain the truth of God,
and to suppress idolatry. Particularities had not divided them; and
therefore could not the Devil, working in the Queen and Papists,
then do what he would.

[Sidenote: Queen Mary and John Knox at Lochleven.]

The Queen began to invent a new craft. She sent for John Knox to
come to her at Lochleven. She travailed with him earnestly for two
hours before her supper, seeking that he would be the instrument
to persuade the people, and principally the gentlemen of the West,
not to put hands to punish men for conducting themselves in their
religion as pleased them. The other, perceiving her craft, said that
if her Grace would punish the malefactors according to the laws, he
could promise quietness upon the part of all them that professed
the Lord Jesus within Scotland. But, if her Majesty thought to
delude the laws, he said he feared that some would let the Papists
understand that they should not be suffered to offend God's Majesty
so manifestly, without punishment.

"Will ye," quoth she, "allow that they shall take _my_ sword in
their hand?"

"The sword of justice," quoth he, "Madam, is God's, and is given
to princes and rulers for an end. If they transgress this, sparing
the wicked, and oppressing innocents, they that, in the fear of
God, execute judgment where God has commanded, do not offend God,
although kings forbear; nor do those sin that bridle kings from
striking innocent men in their rage. The examples are evident;
Samuel feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of Amalek,
whom King Saul had saved.... And so, Madam, your Grace may see that
others than chief magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished
the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished. In the present
case, I would earnestly pray your Majesty to take good advisement,
and that your Grace should let the Papists understand that their
attempts will not be suffered to go unpunished. For, by Act of
Parliament, power is given to all judges to search for Mass-mongers,
or the hearers of the same, within their own bounds, and to punish
them according to the law. It shall therefore be profitable to your
Majesty to consider what is the thing your Grace's subjects look to
receive of your Majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do to them
by mutual contract. They are only bound to obey you in God. Ye are
bound to keep laws for them. Ye crave of them service; they crave
of you protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, Madam, if
ye shall deny your duty to those who especially crave that ye shall
punish malefactors, think ye to receive full obedience of them? I
fear, Madam, ye shall not."

Herewith the Queen, being somewhat offended, passed to her supper.
John Knox left her, informed the Earl of Moray of the whole
reasoning, and departed, of final purpose to return to Edinburgh,
without any further communication with the Queen.

But before sunrise, upon the morrow, two messengers were directed to
him, commanding him not to depart until he spake with the Queen's
Majesty. This he did, meeting her at the hawking be-west Kinross.
Whether it was the night's sleep or a deep dissimulation locked
in her breast that made her forget her former anger, wise men may
doubt; but concerning that she never moved word, and began divers
other purposes, such as the offering of a ring to her by the Lord
Ruthven.

_Queen._ I cannot love Lord Ruthven, for I know him to use
enchantment, and yet is he one of my Privy Council.

_Knox._ Whom blames your Grace for that?

_Queen._ Lethington was the whole cause.

_Knox._ That man is absent for the present, Madam; and, therefore, I
will say nothing on that subject.

_Queen._ I understand that ye are appointed to go to Dumfries,
for the election of a Superintendent to be established in these
countries.

_Knox._ Yes, those quarters have great need, and some of the
Gentlemen so require.

_Queen._ But I hear that the Bishop of Athens would be
Superintendent.

_Knox._ He is one, Madam, that is put in election.

_Queen._ If ye knew him as well as I do, ye would never promote him
to that office, nor yet to any other within your Kirk.

_Knox._ What he has been, Madam, I neither know, nor yet will
I inquire. In time of darkness, what could we do but grope and
go wrong even as darkness carried us? If he fear not God now, he
deceives many more than me. And yet, Madam, I am assured that God
will not suffer His Church to be so far deceived as that an unworthy
man shall be elected, where free election is, and the Spirit of God
is earnestly called upon to decide betwixt the two.

_Queen._ Well, do as ye will, but that man is a dangerous man.

Therein the Queen was not deceived; for he had corrupted most part
of the Gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but also to elect
him. This perceived, the said John, Commissioner, delayed the
election, and left Mr. Robert Pont (who was put in election with the
foresaid Bishop) with the Master of Maxwell, that his doctrine and
conversation might be the better tried by those that had not known
him before. So the Bishop was frustrated of his purpose, for that
time. Yet was he, at that time, the man that was most familiar with
the said John, in his house and at table. When the Queen had talked
long with John Knox, he being oft willing to take his leave, she
said, "I have to open unto you one of the greatest matters that have
touched me since I came to this realm, and I must have your help in
it." Then she began to make a long discourse concerning her sister,
the Lady Argyll, how that she was not so circumspect in all things
as she wished her to be.

_Queen._ Yet, my Lord, her husband, whom I love, treats her not in
many things so honestly and so godly, as I think ye yourself would
require.

_Knox._ Madam, I have been troubled with that matter before, and
once I put such an end to it, before your Grace's arrival, that
both she and her friends seemed fully to stand content. She herself
promised before her friends that she should never complain to
creature until I should first understand their controversy by her
own mouth or an assured messenger. I have heard nothing from her;
and, therefore, I think there is nothing but concord.

_Queen._ Well, it is worse than ye believe. Do this much for my
sake, as once again to put them at unity. If she behave not herself
as she ought to do, she shall find no favours of me. But let not my
Lord know in anywise what I have requested of you in this matter;
for I would be very sorry to offend him in that or any other thing.
And now, as touching our reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as
ye required. I shall cause all offenders to be summoned, and ye
shall know that I shall minister justice.

_Knox._ I am assured, then, that ye shall please God, and enjoy rest
and tranquillity within your realm; and that is more profitable to
your Majesty than all the Pope's power can be.

And thus they parted.

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deeply
Mary, Queen of Scotland, can dissemble; and how she could cause
men to think that she bare no indignation for any controversy
in religion, while in her heart there was nothing but venom and
destruction, as did appear shortly after.

[Sidenote: John Knox writes to the Earl of Argyll.]

John Knox departed, and prepared himself for his journey to
Dumfries; and from Glasgow, according to the Queen's commandment, he
wrote to the Earl of Argyll.... This letter was not well accepted
by the said Earl; and yet he uttered no part of his displeasure in
public, but contrarily showed himself most familiar with the said
John. He kept the diet at which the bishop and the rest of the
Papists were accused, and sat in judgment himself.

[Sidenote: The Massmongers are tried: 19th May 1563.]

The summonses were directed against the Massmongers with expedition,
and in the straitest form. The nineteenth day of May was appointed,
a day only before the Parliament. Of the Pope's knights there
compeared the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Prior of Whithorn, the
Parson of Sanquhar, William Hamilton of Cammiskeyth, John Gordon of
Barskeocht, with divers others. The Protestants convened to crave
for justice. The Queen asked counsel of the Bishop of Ross, and of
the old Laird of Lethington (for the younger was absent, and so
the Protestants had the fewer unfriends), and they affirmed that
she must see her laws kept, or else she would get no obedience.
So preparation was made for their accusations. The Archbishop,
with his band of the exempted sort, made it nice[209] to enter
before the Earl of Argyll, who sat in judgment; but at last he
was compelled to enter within the bar. A merry man who now sleeps
in the Lord, Robert Norwell, instead of the Bishop's cross, bare
before him a steel hammer. The Archbishop and his band were not a
little offended at this, because the bishops' privileges were not
then current in Scotland, which day God grant our posterity may see
of longer continuance than we possessed it. The Archbishop and his
fellows, after much ado, and long drift of time, came within the
Queen's will, and were committed to ward, some to one place, some to
another. The Lady Erskine, a sweet morsel for the Devil's mouth, got
the bishops for her part.

  [209] Made scruple.

[Sidenote: Parliament of May 1563.]

All this was done in a most deep craft, to abuse the simplicity of
the Protestants, so that they should not press the Queen with any
other thing concerning matter of religion at that Parliament, which
began within two days thereafter. She obtained of the Protestants
whatsoever she desired; for thus reasoned many, "We see what the
Queen has done; the like of this was never heard of within the
realm: we will bear with the Queen; we doubt not but all shall be
well." Others were of a contrary judgment, and forespake things as
they afterwards came to pass. They said that nothing was meant but
deceit; and that the Queen, as soon as ever Parliament was past,
would set the Papists at freedom. They therefore urged the Nobility
not to be abused. But because many had their private commodity to be
handled at that Parliament, the common cause was the less regarded.

[Sidenote: Queen Mary's Influence: "Vox Dianae."]

Such stinking pride of women as was seen at that Parliament was
never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days the Queen rode to
the Tolbooth. On the first day she made a painted oration; and there
might have been heard among her flatterers, "_Vox Dianae!_ the voice
of a goddess, and not of a woman! God save that sweet face! Was
there ever orator that spake so properly and so sweetly!"

[Sidenote: Reformation is hindered by personal Interests.]

All things misliking the preachers, they spake boldly against the
targetting of their tails,[210] and against the rest of the vanity
of those foolish women. This they affirmed should provoke God's
vengeance, not only against them, but against the whole realm;
and especially against those that maintained them in that odious
abusing of things that might have been better bestowed. Articles
were presented, proposing to Parliament that order be taken in
regard to apparel, and for reformation of other enormities; but all
was scripped at. The Earldom of Moray needed confirmation, and many
things that concerned the help of friends and servants were to be
ratified, and therefore they might not urge the Queen. If they did
so, she would hold no Parliament; and what then should become of
them that had melled[211] with the slaughter of the Earl of Huntly?
Let that Parliament pass over, and when the Queen asked anything
of the Nobility, as she must do before her marriage, then should
the religion be the first thing that should be established. It was
answered that the poets and painters had not altogether erred when
they feigned and painted Occasion with a head bald behind: for when
the first chance is offered and lost, it is hard to recover it again.

  [210] Bordering of gowns with tassels.

  [211] Meddled.

[Sidenote: John Knox breaks with the Earl of Moray.]

The matter became so hot betwixt the Earl of Moray and some others
of the Court, and John Knox, that after that time they spake not
together familiarly for more than a year and a half. The said
John, by letter, gave a discharge to the said Earl of all further
intromission or care with his affairs. He made discourse of their
first acquaintance; in what estate he was when first they spake
together in London; how God had promoted him, even beyond man's
judgment; and in the end he made this conclusion: "But seeing that
I perceive myself frustrated of my expectation that ye should have
ever preferred God to your own affection, and the advancement of
His truth to your singular commodity, I commit you to your own wit,
and to the guidance of those who better can please you. I praise my
God, I this day leave you victor of your enemies, promoted to great
honours, and in credit and authority with your Sovereign. If ye long
continue so, none within the realm shall be more glad than I shall
be; but if after this day ye shall decay, as I fear that ye shall,
then call to mind by what means God exalted you; that was neither by
bearing with impiety, nor by maintaining pestilent Papists."

This bill[212] and discharge so pleased the flatterers of the Earl,
that they triumphed, and were glad to have gotten their occasion;
for some envied the great familiarity that had been betwixt the
said Earl and John Knox. Therefore, from the time that they once
got that occasion to separate them, they ceased not to cast oil in
the burning flame, and this ceased not to burn, until God, by water
of affliction, began to slocken it. Lest they should seem to have
altogether forsaken God (in very deed both God and His Word were far
from the hearts of the most part of the courtiers in that age, a
few excepted), they began a new shift. They spoke of the punishment
of adultery, and of witchcraft, and to seek the restitution of the
glebes and manses to the ministers of the Kirk, and the reparation
of churches: thereby they thought to have pleased the godly that
were highly offended at their slackness.

  [212] Letter.

[Sidenote: Inept Legislation.]

The Act of Oblivion was passed, because some of the Lords had
interest; but the Acts against adultery, and for the manses and
glebes, were so modified, that no law and such law might stand _in
eodem predicamento_. To speak plainly, no law and such Acts were
both alike. The Acts are in print: let wise men read, and then
accuse us, if we complain without cause.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches a faithful Sermon to the Lords.]

In the progress of this corruption, and before the Parliament
dissolved, John Knox, in his sermon before the most part of the
Nobility, entered on a deep discourse concerning God's mercies to
the realm, and the ingratitude which he espied in almost the whole
multitude, albeit God had marvellously delivered them from the
bondage and tyranny both of body and soul. "And now, my Lords,"
said he, "I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that, in your own
presence, I may pour forth the sorrows of my heart; yea, yourselves
shall be witness if I shall make any lie in things that are by-past.
From the beginning of God's mighty working within this realm, I
have been with you in your most desperate temptations. Ask your own