climate. The negroes are hired to carry it in this manner for want of
camels or other beasts of burden, as already mentioned; and, from what
has been said, it may easily be concluded that the number, both of the
carriers and consumers must be very great. When arrived at the water side,
the proprietors of the salt place their shares in heaps in a row, at
small distances, setting each a particular mark on his own heap; and when
this is done, the whole company retires half a days journey from the
place. Then the other negroes, who are the purchasers of the salt, who
seem to be the inhabitants of certain islands, but who will on no account
be seen or spoken to, come in boats to the place where the heaps of salt
are placed, and after laying a sum in gold on each heap as its price,
retire in their turns. After they are gone, the owners of the salt return,
and if the quantity of gold on their heaps is satisfactory to them, they
take it away and leave the salt; if not, they leave both and withdraw
again. In this manner they carry on their traffick, without seeing or
speaking to each other, and this custom is very ancient among them, as
has been affirmed to me for truth by several merchants of the desert,
both Arabs and Azanhaji, and other creditable persons[2].

On inquiring how it came to pass that the emperor of Melli, whom they
represented as a powerful sovereign, did not find means, by friendship or
force, to discover who these people were who would not suffer themselves
to be seen or talked to, I was informed that this emperor, not many years
ago, resolved to procure some of these invisible people, and held a
council on the occasion, in which the following plan was devised and
carried into execution. Before the salt caravan returned the half days
journey from their salt heaps, some of the emperors people made certain
pits by the water side, and near the place where the salt was left, and
when the negroes came to deposit their gold on the salt, those who were
concealed in the pits attacked them suddenly and took four of them
prisoners, all the rest making their escape. Three of those who were thus
taken were immediately set free by the captors, who judged that one would
be quite sufficient to satisfy the curiosity of their emperor, and that
the negroes would be the less offended. But after all, the design proved
abortive; for though spoken to in various languages, the prisoner would
neither speak or take any victuals, and died at the end of four days. On
this account, the Melli negroes concluded that these other negroes were
dumb; but others were of opinion, that being endowed with the human form,
they must necessarily have the power of speech; but, that finding himself
treated in this manner, so contrary to ancient custom, he refused to
speak from indignation. This untoward result was much regretted by the
negroes of Melli, because it prevented them from gratifying the curiosity
of their emperor; who, on being informed of this persons death, was much
dissatisfied, yet asked what manner of men the prisoners were. He was
accordingly informed that they were of a deep black colour, well shaped,
and a span taller than the natives of Melli. That their under lip was
thicker than a mans fist, of a very red colour, and hung down on their
breasts, with something like blood dropping from it; but that their upper
lips were small, like those of other men. That the form of the under lip
exposed their gums and teeth, which were larger than their own, having
great teeth in each corner of their mouth, with large black eyes, and
altogether a terrible appearance, as the gums dropped blood continually,
as well as the great hanging under lip.

This cross accident prevented all the succeeding emperors of Melli from
making any farther attempt of the kind; because, from that time, these
negroes forbore, for three years, from coming to buy salt as usual. It is
believed that their lips began to putrify, through the excessive heat of
the climate; and being no longer able to endure a distemper, of which
some must have died for want of the effectual remedy which they had
experienced from the use of salt, they returned of their own accord to
traffic for that commodity in the old way. All this has established an
opinion that they cannot live without salt; the negroes of Melli judging
of the case of others by their own. As for the emperor of Melli, he cares
not whether these blacks will speak, and be seen or not, so that that he
has the profit of their gold[3]. This is all I could learn on this
subject, which I think may be credited, as so many persons have vouched
for its truth, of which I, who have both seen and heard of many wonderful
things in this world, am perfectly satisfied.

The gold brought to Melli is divided into three parts. One part is sent
by the caravan which goes annually from Melli to _Kokhia_[4], which lies
on the road to Syria and Cairo. The other two parts go first to Tombuctu,
whence one of them goes by _Toet_[5] to Tunis and other ports of the
Barbary coast, and the other portion is carried to Hoden, and from thence
to _Oran_ and _One_[6], towns in Barbary, which are within the Straits of
Gibraltar, and to Fez, Morocco, Arzila, Azafi, and Messa, towns on the
African coast of the Atlantic, where the Italians and other Christians
procure it from the Moors, in return for various commodities. Gold is the
best and principal commodity which comes through the country of the
Azanhaji, and a part of it is brought every year from Hoden to Arguin,
where it is bartered with the Portuguese[7].

No money is coined in the land of the _Tawny Moors_, or Azenhaji; nor is
any money used by them, or in any of the neighbouring countries; but all
their trade is carried on by bartering one commodity against another. In
some of their inland towns, the Arabs and Azanbaji use small white
porcelain shells, or cowries; which are brought from the Levant to Venice,
and sent from thence into Africa. These are used for small purchases. The
gold is sold by a weight named _mitigal_, which is nearly equal in value
to a ducat. The inhabitants of the desert have neither religion nor
sovereign; but those who are richest, and have the greatest number of
retainers and dependents, are considered as chiefs or lords. The women
are tawny, and wear cotton garments, which are manufactured in the
country of the Negroes; but some of them wear a kind of cloaks, or upper
garments, called Alkhezeli, and they have no smocks. She who has the
largest and longest breasts, is reputed the greatest beauty; on which
account, when they have attained to the age of seventeen or eighteen, and
their breasts are somewhat grown, they tie a cord very tight around the
middle of each breast, which presses very hard and breaks them, so that
they hang down; and by pulling at these cords frequently, they grow
longer and longer, till at length in some women they reach as low as the
navel. The men of the desert ride on horseback after the fashion of the
Moors; and the desert being everywhere very hot, and having very little
water, and extremely barren, they can keep very few horses, and those
they have are short lived. It only rains in the months of August,
September and October. I was informed that vast swarms of locusts appear
in this country some years, in such infinite numbers as to darken the air,
and even to hide the sun from view, covering the horizon as far as the
eye can reach, which is from twelve to sixteen miles in compass; and,
wherever they settle they strip the ground entirely bare. These locusts
are like grasshoppers, as long as ones finger, and of a red and yellow
colour. They come every third or fourth year, and if they were to pay
their visits every year, there would be no living in the country. While I
was on the coast, I saw them in prodigious and incredible numbers.

[1] The distance between Tisheet and Tombuctu, according to our best maps,
    is about 560 miles E. and by S. In the same proportion, supposing
    Tisheet to be Teggazza, the distance between Tombuctu and Melli ought
    to be about 420 miles. Of Melli we have no traces in our modern maps,
    but it may possibly be referred to _Malel_, the apparent capital of
    Lamlem; see Pinkert. Geogr. II. 917, as laid down from the Arabian
    geographers, nearly 1200 miles E.S.E. from Tombuctu.--E.

[2] This story is probably a fiction, proceeding upon a trade of barter
    between parties who did not understand the languages of each other.
    The succeeding part of the story seems a mere fable, without the
    smallest foundation whatever.--E.

[3] Few persons, perhaps, will be disposed to think the credit of the
    Africans, however positive, or the belief of the author, however
    strong, sufficient evidence of the truth of this story. Yet it
    certainly is a common report of the country, and not the invention of
    Cada Mosto. Jobson, who was at the Gambra or Gambia in 1620, repeats
    the whole substance of this story; and Movette relates the
    circumstances of the blacks trafficking for salt without being seen,
    which he had from the Moors of Morocco. He leaves out, however, the
    story of the frightful lips. Every fiction has its day; and that part
    is now out of date.--Astl.

[4] Melli being itself unknown, we can hardly look to discover the
    situation of Kokhia or Cochia; but it may possibly be Kuku, a town and
    district to the N.E. of Bornou, which lies in the direction of the
    text; or it may be Dar Kulla, greatly more to the S.W. but still in
    the same track.--E.

[5] In Grynaeus this place is called Ato. As in the direction of the
    caravan from Tombuto towards Tunis, it may possibly be Taudeny, an
    ouasis or island of the great desert, in lat. 21° 30' N.--E.

[6] Called Hona in Grynaeus. What part of Barbary this name may refer to
    does not appear. But the passage ought perhaps to run thus, "_to Oran
    by the Mountain of Wan_," as there is a range mountains of that name
    to the S. E. of Oran, which joins the chain of Atlas, or the Ammer
    Mountains.--E.

[7] This is the earliest account of the places from whence gold is brought,
    and of the course of its trade through Africa, and thence into Europe;
    and is even more particular and exact than any that has been given by
    later authors.--Astl.

SECTION IV.

_Of the River Senegal and the Jalofs, with some Account of the Manners,
Customs, Government, Religion, and Dress of that Nation_.

Leaving Cape Branco, and the Gulf of Arguin, we continued our course
along the coast to the river Senegal, which divides the desert and the
tawny Azanhaji from the fruitful lands of the Negroes. Five years before
I went on this voyage, this river was discovered by three caravels
belonging to Don Henry, which entered it, and their commanders settled
peace and trade with the Moors; since which time ships have been sent to
this place every year to trade with the natives[1]. The river Senegal is
of considerable size, being a mile wide at the mouth, and of sufficient
depth. A little farther on it has another entrance, and between the two,
there is an island which forms a cape, running into the sea, having sand-
banks at each mouth that extend a mile from the shore[2]. All ships that
frequent the Senegal ought carefully to observe the course of the tides,
the flux and reflux of which extend for seventy miles up the river, as I
was informed by certain Portuguese, who had been a great way up this
river with their caravels. From Cape Branco, which is 280 miles distant,
the whole coast is sandy till within twenty miles of the river. This is
called the coast of _Anterota_, and belongs entirely to the Azanhaji or
Tawny Moors. I was quite astonished to find so prodigious a difference in
so narrow a space, as appeared at the Senegal: For, on the south side of
the river, the inhabitants are all exceedingly black, tall, corpulent and
well proportioned, and the country all clothed in fine verdure, and full
of fruit trees; whereas, on the north side of the river, the men are
tawny, meagre, and of small stature, and the country all dry and barren.
This river, in the opinion of the learned, is a branch of the _Gihon_,
which flows from the Terrestrial Paradise, and was named the Niger by the
ancients, which flows through the whole of Ethiopia, and which, on
approaching the ocean to the west, divides into many other branches. The
_Nile_, which is another branch of the Gihon, falls into the
Mediterranean, after flowing through Egypt[3].

The first kingdom of the Negroes is on the banks of the Senegal, and its
inhabitants are called _Gilofi_ or Jalofs. All the country is low, not
only from the north to that river, but also beyond it, as far south as
Cape Verd, which is the highest land on all this coast, and is 400 miles
from Cape Branco. This kingdom of the Jalofs, on the Senegal, is bounded
on the east by the country called _Tukhusor_; on the south by the kingdom
of _Gambra_ or Gambia; on the west by the Atlantic Ocean; and on the
north by the river Senegal and the Azanhaji[4]. The king who reigned in
Senegal in my time was named Zukholin, and was twenty-two years old. This
kingdom is not hereditary; but for the most part, three or four of the
principal lords, of whom there are many in the country, choose a king, in
the event of a vacancy, but always fix their choice on a person of noble
lineage, who reigns only as long as he gives satisfaction to these great
lords. They often dethrone their kings by force; who, on the other hand,
often render; themselves so powerful as to stand on their defence. This
renders the government unsettled, and is productive of civil wars;
similar to Egypt, where the Soldan of Cairo is always in fear of being
killed or banished.

The people are savages, and extremely poor, having no walled towns, and
their villages are entirely composed of thatched cottages. They use
neither lime nor stone in building, not knowing how to make the one, or
to form the other. The kingdom of the Jalofs is small, and, as I was
informed, extends only 300 miles along the coast, and about the same
distance inland. The king has no settled revenue; but the lords of the
country court his favour, by making him yearly presents of horses, which
being scarce, are in high estimation, together with horse furniture, cows,
and goats, pulse, millet, and other things. He likewise increases his
wealth by means of robbery, and by reducing his own subjects, and those
of neighbouring provinces to slavery, employing a part of these slaves to
cultivate the lands which are assigned to him, and selling the rest to
the Arabs and Azanhaji traders, who bring horses and other things for
sale; as likewise to the Christians, since they have established a trade
in these parts.

Every man may keep as many wives as he pleases. The king has always
upwards of thirty, and distinguishes them according to their descent, and
the rank of the lords whose daughters they are. He keeps them in certain
villages of his own, eight or ten in one place, each having a separate
house to dwell in, with a certain number of young women to attend her,
and slaves to cultivate the land which is assigned for her maintenance,
which they sow and reap, and to tend her cows and goats. When the king
comes to any of these villages, he brings no provisions along with him,
as his women are obliged to support him and his retinue whenever he
visits them. Every, morning at sunrise, each of his wives in the village
where he happens to reside, prepares three or four dishes of various
viands, such as flesh, fish, or other dainties, cooked in their fashion;
which are carried by the slaves to the kings pantry; so that in less than
an hour, thirty or forty dishes are provided, and when the king has a
mind to eat, he finds every thing ready at his command. When he has eaten
of such things as he likes best, the remainder is given to his retinue;
but as this, diet is never very plentiful, they are but poorly fed. He
travels about in this manner, from place to place, visiting his several
wives, by which means he has a very numerous issue and whenever one of
his wives happens to fall with child, he visits her no more. The lords or
chiefs of the country live in a similar manner.

These negroes profess me Mahometan religion, but are not even so well
instructed in it as the tawny Moors, more especially the common people.
The lords have always about them some Arabs or Azanhaji for this purpose,
who inculcate on their minds that it would be disgraceful for men of
their quality to live in ignorance of the laws of God, like the common
people who have no religion. They have become Mahometans merely by means
of their intercourse with the Azanhaji and Arabs; for since they became
acquainted with the Christians, they are by no means so fond of the
Mahometan faith. The generality of the negroes go quite naked, except a
piece of goat skin before; but the lords who are able to procure such,
wear cotton shirts, which are spun and manufactured by their women. Their
webs are only a span in width, as they have not sufficient art to
construct and use wider looms; so that they are obliged to sew five, six,
or more of these webs together, when it is required to make any large
piece of work. The shirts reach half way down the thighs, and have wide
sleeves which; cover only half of their arms. They wear also cotton
drawers, reaching to the small of their legs; and these drawers are made
preposterously wide, being often thirty-five or forty palms in
circumference; so that, when tied on, they are full of plaits, and though
like A sack before the hinder part trails on the ground like the train of
a large petticoat. Thus, though making a most ridiculous appearance, they
think nothing comes up to their dress for elegance, and they often ask
the Europeans if they ever saw a finer dress. Their women, both married
and unmarried, go naked from the waist upwards, and wear a piece of
cotton which covers them from the waist to the middle of the legs. Both
sexes go barefooted, and have no coverings to their heads; and weave and
tie their hair, though short, into neat tresses. The men often employ
themselves in womens work, such as spinning, washing clothes, and such
like employments.

This country is extremely hot, the month of January being not so cold as
it is with us in Italy in the month of April; and the farther we went to
the south, the weather became so much the hotter. Both men and women wash
themselves four or five times a-day, and are very cleanly in their
persons; but are by no means so in regard of eating, in which they
observe no rule. Although very ignorant, and extremely awkward in any
thing, to which they have not been accustomed, they are as expert as any
European can be in their own business, and in all things with which they
are acquainted. They are full of words, and extremely talkative, and are
for the most part liars and cheats. Yet they are exceedingly hospitable,
and charitably disposed, as they will most readily give a dinner, or a
supper, or a nights lodging, to any stranger who comes to their houses,
without expecting any remuneration or reward. The chiefs of these negroes
are often at war against each other, or against the neighbouring tribes
or nations; but they have no cavalry, for want of horses. In war, their
only defensive armour is a large target, made of the skin of an animal
called _Danta_, which is very difficultly pierced; and their principal
weapons are _azagays_ or light darts, which they throw with great
dexterity. These darts are pointed with iron, the length of a span, and
barbed in different directions, so that they make dangerous wounds, and
tear the flesh extremely when pulled out. They have also a Moorish weapon,
much-bent like a Turkish sword or cimeter, and made of iron, without any
steel, which they procure from the negroes on the river Gambia, as they
either have no iron in their own country, or want knowledge or industry
in working it. Having but few weapons, or rather no missiles, their wars
are very bloody, as they soon come to close quarters, and their strokes
seldom fall in vain; and, being extremely fierce and courageous, they
will rather allow themselves to be slain as save themselves by flight;
neither are they disheartened by seeing their companions slain. They have
no ships, nor had they ever seen any before the Portuguese came upon
their coast; but those who dwell upon the river Senegal, and some who are
settled on the sea coast, have _zoppolies_ or canoes, called _almadias_
by the Portuguese, which are hollowed out of a single piece of wood, the
largest of which will carry three or four men. They use these almadias
for catching fish, and for transporting themselves up or down the river.
The negroes of this country are the most expert swimmers in the world, as
I can vouch from frequent experience of their dexterity.

[1] Cada Mosto is incorrect in the chronology of this discovery, and even
    de Barros is not quite decided as to the first discovery of the
    Senegal. He says that Denis Fernandez _passed_ it in 1446, and that
    Lancerot _discovered_ it in 1447; the latter of which is eight years
    before the visit of Cada Mosto.--Clarke.

[2] The northern mouth of the Senegal is in lat. 16° 40'. The southern in
    15° 45', both N. so that the distance between them, or the length of
    the island mentioned in the text, is about sixty-two miles.--E.

[3] This fancy of all the great rivers in Africa being branches from one
    principal stream, is now known to be entirely erroneous.--Astl.

[4] Although the first kingdom, or kingdoms of the Negroes lies on the
    Senegal, Senega, or Sanaghas, and others along the Gambia, yet there
    were not properly any kingdoms of these names. On the north, indeed,
    of the Sanagha, lay the country of the Sanhaga, Azanaghi, or Azanhaji,
    from whence the river seems to have taken its name; but was divided
    among various tribes of people, and not under any one sovereign.
    Geographers, however, have since continued to propagate this first
    error.--Astl.

    The Jalofs and Foulahs inhabit the country between the Senegal and
    Gambia, on which latter river the Feloops reside. What is meant by
    _Tukhusor_ in the text does not appear, unless it may obscurely
    indicate Karta.--E.

SECTION V.

_Continuation of the Voyage to the country of a King named Budomel, with
some account of his Territory, and the Manners of his People_.

Having passed the river Senegal, we sailed about 800 miles farther south
along the coast, which was all low land without mountains, till we came
to the territory or kingdom of Budomel[1]. As some Portuguese, who had
dealt with Budomel, represented him as a very just person, who paid for
any goods he might receive, and might therefore be confided in, I stopped
at his country, that I might endeavour to dispose of some Spanish horses
I had on board, which are in great request among the Negroes; besides
which, I had some cloth, Moorish wrought silks, and other commodities for
sale. We came, therefore to anchor, at a place on the coast, called Palma
di Budomel, which is only an open roadstead, and not a port. I immediately
dispatched my negro interpreter on shore to inform this lord of my arrival,
and of the goods I had on board for sale. Not long afterwards Budomel came
himself to the beach, attended by about fifteen horsemen and an hundred
and fifty foot, and sent a message desiring me to land, with professions
of a friendly disposition, and promising to render me every attention and
service in his power. I went accordingly on shore immediately, and was
received with great civility. After some discourse, I delivered to him
seven horses, with their furniture; and every other article for which he
expressed an inclination, all of which had cost me 300 ducats, trusting to
his honour for payment, which was to be in slaves, and which he promised
to deliver at his own residence, which was twenty-five miles distant from
the shore, whither he invited me to accompany him. To this invitation I
readily agreed, induced as much by a desire of seeing the country, as on
account of receiving payment. Before setting out however, Budomel made me
a present of a beautiful negress, about twelve years of age, who, he said,
was meant to serve me in the cabin; and I received the gift, and sent her
on board the caravel.

I was furnished by Budomel with horses and every thing necessary for the
journey; and when we arrived within four miles of his residence, he gave
me in charge to his nephew Bisboror, who was lord of a small town or
village at which we stopped. Bisboror took me to his own house, where I
was treated with much civility and attention, during twenty-eight days
which I tarried in that place. This was in November 1455. In that time I
went often to visit Budomel, accompanied by his nephew, and had many
opportunities to observe the produce of the country, and the manners of
the inhabitants, more especially as, on account of the tempestuous
weather, I was under the necessity of travelling back by land to the
river Senegal. For, finding it impossible to get on board at the coast by
reason of the surf, I had to order the ship to return to that river, and
went there by land to re-embark. On this occasion, being very desirous to
transmit instructions to those on board the ship to meet me at the river
Senegal, I inquired among the negroes if any one would undertake to carry
a letter from the shore. Several of them readily offered their services,
though the ship lay three miles from the shore, and, owing to a strong
wind, the sea broke on the shore with a tremendous surf, insomuch that I
thought it impossible for any one to succeed in the attempt. Besides the
surf, there were several sand banks near the shore, and other banks about
half way to the ship, between which there ran a strong current, sometimes
one way and sometimes the other, along shore, so that it was extremely
difficult for any one to swim through without infinite danger of being
carried away by the stream; and the sea broke with such violence on the
banks, that it seemed quite impossible to surmount such complicated
obstacles. Yet two of the negroes offered to go, and only demanded two
_mavulgies_ of tin for each of them, one mavulgi being worth no more than
a _grosso_[2], at which price they engaged to carry my letter in safety
to the ship. I cannot express the difficulties which they encountered in
passing the sand bank. They were sometimes out of sight for a considerable
space, so that I often thought they were both drowned. At last, one of
them, finding himself unable to resist the violence with which the waves
broke over him, turned back; but the other, being stronger, got over the
bank after struggling a whole hour, and, having carried the letter to the
caravel, returned with an answer. This seemed to me very wonderful, and
made me conclude that the negroes of this coast must be the most expert
swimmers in the world.

It has been already observed, that those who are called lords in this
country have neither castles nor cities, the king even having nothing but
villages with thatched houses. Budomel is lord of one part of this kingdom,
yet his place of residence was not a palace, nor even a walled house.
These great men are not lords on account of their riches or treasure, as
they possess neither, nor have they any coin in use among them; but they
are considered as such out of courtesy, and on account of the great
retinues by which they are always attended, being more feared and
respected by their subjects than any of the lords in Italy. Budomel has
several villages appointed for his own habitation and that of his wives,
as he never fixes in one place. The village in which I resided with
Bisboror was one of his habitations, containing between forty and fifty
thatched cottages, built near one another, and surrounded with ditches and
strong pallisades, having only one or two passages left for entering; and
every house had a court-yard, inclosed by a hedge. According to report,
Budomel had nine wives in this place, and more or less in several other
villages. Each of these wives had five or six young negresses to attend
upon her, with all of whom he might sleep when he pleased, without giving
offence to the wives, for such is the custom of the country. Both sexes
are extremely amorous; and Budomel strongly importuned me for philacteries,
in which he had been informed the Europeans were very expert, and offered
any reward within his power for my compliance. They are very jealous, and
suffer no man to enter the houses which are inhabited by the women, not
even their own sons.

Budomel is always attended by a retinue of at least 200 negroes, who are
changed from time to time some going away and others coming back in their
room; besides which, many people repair to wait upon him from the adjacent
places which are under his government. Before arriving at his particular
apartment there are seven large courts, one within the other, having a
tree in the middle of each, where those wait who come to him on business.
His family is distributed in these courts, according to their several
ranks; the most considerable having their station in the court nearest his
dwelling, and the meanest in the outermost court of all. Few people are
allowed to approach his own particular apartment, except the Christians
and Azanhaji, who have free admission and more liberty is allowed to them
than to the negroes. This lord affects great state and gravity in his
deportment, and does not allow himself, to be seen except an hour every
morning, and for a short while in the evening; at which times he appears
near the door of an apartment in the first court, into which only persons
of note are permitted to enter. On these occasions of giving audience,
every person who come to speak to him, however high may be his rank, is in
the first place obliged to strip himself stark naked, except the small
cloth in front formerly mentioned; and, immediately on entering the court,
he falls down on his knees, bows down his head to the ground, and scatters
dust with both hands on his own head and shoulders; neither is even the
nearest relations of the lords exempted from this humiliating expression
of their duty and obedience. The person, who receives an audience
continues in this humble posture a great while, strewing himself with sand
and crawling on his knees, till he approaches the great man; and when
within two paces of his lord, he stops and begins to relate his case,
still continuing on his knees, with his head down, and throwing sand an
his head in token of great humility. All the time the lord scarcely
appears to notice him and continues to discourse with other persons; and
when the vassal has related his story, the lord gives him an answer in two
words, with an arrogant aspect. Such is their affected pride and grandeur,
and such the submission which is shewn him, which, in my opinion, proceeds
from fear, as their lords, for every little fault they commit, take away
their wives and children, and cause them to be sold as slaves.

Budomel treated me with the utmost attention and civility, and used to
carry me in the evenings into a sort of mosque, where the Arab and
Azanhaji priests, whom he had always about his person, used to say prayers.
His manner on these occasions was as follows. Being entered into the
mosque, which was in one of the courts belonging to his residence, and
where he was attended by some of the principal negroes, he first stood
some little time with his eyes lifted up as if it were to heaven, then,
advancing two steps, he spoke a few words in a low tone; after which, he
stretched himself on the ground, which he kissed; the Azanhaji and the
rest of his attendants doing the same. Then rising up, he repeated the
same series of actions repeatedly, for ten or twelve times, which occupied
about half an hour. When all was over, he asked my opinion of their manner
of worship, and desired one to give an account of the nature of our
religion. On this I told him, in the presence of all his doctors, that the
religion of Mahomet was false, and the Romish the only true faith. This
made the Arabs and Azanhaji extremely angry; but Budomel laughed on the
occasion, and said, that he considered the religion of the Christians to
be good, as God alone could have gifted them with so much riches and
understanding. He added, however, that in his opinion the Mahometan law
must be good also; and he believed, that the Negroes were more sure of
salvation than the Christians, because God was just, who had given a
paradise to the Christians in this world, and would certainly give one to
the Negroes in the next, as they possessed scarcely any good in this world
in comparison. In all his discourse he shewed a good understanding, and
took great pleasure in hearing the customs of the Christians described. I
firmly believe he might easily have been converted to Christianity, had it
not been from fear of losing his power, as I was often told by his nephew,
with whom I lodged, and he took great delight in hearing me discourse of
our religion. The table of Budomel, like all other lords and people of
condition in this country, is supplied by his wives, in the same manner as
has been already mentioned in regard to Zukholin, the king of Senegal;
each wife sending him a certain number of dishes every day. He and the
other lords eat on the ground, without any regularity or company, except
the Arabs and Azanhaji, who are their teachers and priests, and one or two
of their principal negro attendants. The inferior people eat in messes of
ten or twelve each, having a basket full of victuals set in the midst,
into which all put their hands at the same time. They eat but little at
one meal, but repeat these four or five times a day.

[1] The text seems corrupted in giving so large a distance between the
    Senegal river and this country of king Budomel, as 800 miles to the
    south, or rather S. S. E. would carry us to what is called the _grain_,
    or windward coast of Guinea, in lat. 6° N. and, from the sequel, Cada
    Mosto does not appear to have passed Cape Verd till after quitting the
    country of Budomel. According to Brue, as quoted by Clarke, the king
    of Kayor or Kayhor was styled Damel. Kayor or Cayor appears on our
    maps above an hundred miles up the Senegal, and on its north side,
    which therefore can have no reference to the place in the text. I am
    disposed to believe, that the distance in the text ought only to have
    been 80 miles, and that the territory of Budomel was in the country of
    the Jalofs, between the Senegal and Cape Verd, at the mouth of a small
    river, on which our charts place two towns, Masaye and Enibaul, in lat.
    15° 20' N.--E.

[2] The grosso, or Venetian groat, is worth about three farthings.--Astl.

SECTION VI.

_Account of the Country of Budomel continued_.

On account of the great heats in the kingdom of Senegal, and all the
other countries of the Negroes on the coast, no wheat, rye, barley, or
spelt, can grow, neither are vines cultivated, as we knew experimentally
from a trial made with seeds from our ship: For wheat, and these other
articles of culture, require a temperate climate and frequent showers,
both of which are wanting here, where they have no rains during nine
months of the year, from October to June both included. But they have
large and small millet, beans, and the largest and finest kidney beans in
the world, as large as hazle nuts, longer than those of the Venetian
territory, and beautifully speckled with various colours as if painted.
Their beans are large, flat, and of a lively red colour, and they have
likewise white beans. They sow in July, at the beginning of the rains,
and reap in September, when they cease; thus they prepare the soil, sow
the seed, and get in the harvest, all in three months; but they are bad
husbandmen, and so exceedingly averse to labour, that they sow no more
than is barely sufficient to last them throughout the year, and never lay
up any store for sale. In cultivating the ground, four or five of them go
into a field with spades, with which they turn up the soil about four
inches deep; yet such is the fertility of the soil, that it makes ample
returns for this slight culture, without any farther trouble.

The liquors of the Negroes are water, milk, and palm wine, which they
call mighol, or migwol, which is taken from a tree of the palm tribe,
very numerous in this country, somewhat like the date tree, but not the
same, and which furnishes this liquor the whole year round. The trees are
tapped in two or three places near the root, and from these wounds a
brown juice runs out, as thin as skimmed milk, into calabasses that are
placed to receive the liquor, which drops but slowly, as one tree will
only fill two calabasses from morning till night. This migwol, or palm-
wine, is an exceedingly pleasant drink, which intoxicates like wine
unless mixed with water. Immediately after it is drawn from the tree it
is as sweet as any wine whatever; but the luscious taste goes off more
and more as it is kept, and at length it becomes sour. It drinks better
than at first after three or four days, as it depurates by keeping, and
is not so sweet. I have often drank of it, indeed every day that I
remained in the country, and liked it better than the wines of Italy.
This liquor is not so abundant as that every one may have it at
discretion; yet all may have some, especially the chiefs, as the trees
are not planted in gardens, like vines and fruit trees in Europe, but are
found wild in the forests, and are consequently accessible to all.

In this country there are several sorts of fruit which resemble those of
Europe, though not exactly the same, and which are very good, though they
grow wild; and, were they to be cultivated as ours are, would prove much
better than such as are produced in the northern climates, the quality of
the soil and air in this part of Africa being more nutritive. The whole
country is plain and fertile, abounding in good pasture, and is covered
by an infinite number of large and beautiful trees, that are not known in
Europe. It contains several lakes of fresh water, none of them large, but
very deep, and full of excellent fish, which differ much from those that
are caught in Italy, and many water serpents, which the natives call
_Kalkatrici_. They use a kind of oil with their victuals, which tastes
like oil of olives, has a pleasant flavour of violets, and tinges the
food even better than saffron, but I could not learn what it was produced
from[1]. There is likewise a plant which produces large quantities of
small kidney-beans.

In this country there are many kinds of animals, but serpents are
particularly numerous, both large and small, some of which are venomous.
The large ones are more than two paces long[2], but have neither legs nor
wings, as has been reported by some persons, but some of them are so very
thick as to have swallowed a goat at one morsel. These serpents retire in
troops, as the natives report, to certain parts of the country where
white ants are found in prodigious swarms, and which, by a kind of
instinct, are said to build houses for these serpents, of earth which
they carry in their months for that purpose, resembling ovens, and often
to the number of 150 in one place[3]. The Negroes are great enchanters,
and use charms upon almost all occasions, particularly in regard to
serpents, over which they have great power. A Genoese, worthy of credit,
who was in this country the year before my arrival, and who likewise
lodged with Bisboror, the nephew of Budomel, told me he once heard a load
noise of whistling about the house in the middle of the night. Being
awakened by the noise, he saw Bisboror get out of bed and order two
negroes to bring his camel. Being asked where he meant to go at that time
of night, he said he had business which must be executed, but would soon
return. On coming back after some time, and the Genoese expressing
curiosity to learn the object in which he had been engaged, Bisboror
asked if he had heard the hissing noise about the house during the night,
and said that it had been made by the serpents, which would have killed a
great many of his cattle, if he had not sent them back to their quarters
by the employment of certain enchantments. The Genoese was astonished at
this story, but Bisboror said he had no need to wonder at this small
matter, as Budomed could do a great deal more extraordinary things with
the serpents than he could. In particular, when he had a mind to envenom
his weapons, he used to draw a large circle, into which, by means of his
enchantments, he brought all the serpents of the neighbourhood, from
which he selected those he thought most poisonous, and allowed all the
others to go away. With the blood of these serpents, mixed up with the
seeds of a certain tree, he infected his weapons with so deadly a poison,
that, if they drew but the least drop of blood, the person or animal
wounded by them was sure to die in a quarter of an hour. Bisboror farther
offered to shew him an example of the efficacy of this art, but the
Genoese declined witnessing the experiment. This story of the serpents is
the more probable, that I have heard of persons in Italy who could charm
them in a similar manner; but I am apt to believe that the Negroes are
the most expert sorcerers in the world.

The only tame animals in the kingdom of Senegal are oxen, cows, and goats;
having no sheep, which love a temperate or cold air, and could not live
in this hot climate. Nature, however, has provided mankind with
necessaries fitted for their various occasions; having furnished the
Europeans with wool, as they have need of warm clothing, while the
Negroes, who live in such intense heat, have been supplied with cotton by
the Almighty. Owing to the heat, in my opinion, the cattle of this
country are much smaller than those of Italy. It is a great rarity to see
a red cow in this country, as they are all black or white, or mottled
with black and white spots. Beasts of prey, such as lions, leopards, and
wolves, are numerous, and there are plenty of hares. Wild elephants go
about in troops, like the wild swine in Italy, but can never be tamed, as
they are in other parts of the world. As the elephant is a well-known
animal, I shall only observe in general, that those of Africa are of a
very large size, as may be easily conceived by the size of their teeth,
which are imported into Europe. Of these large teeth, or tusks rather,
each elephant has two in the lower jaw, the points of which turn down,
whereas those of the wild boar are turned up. Before my voyage to Africa
I had been told that the elephant could not bend its knee, and slept
standing; but this is an egregious falsehood for the bending of their
knees can be plainly perceived when they walk, and they, certainly lie
down and rise again like other animals. They never shed their large teeth
before death; neither do they do any harm to man unless provoked. In that
case the elephant makes his attack with his trunk, which is a kind of
nose, protruded to a great length. He can contract and extend this
proboscis at pleasure, and is able to toss a man with it as far as a
sling can throw a stone. It is in vain to think of escape by running, let
the person be ever so swift, in case the elephant pursues in earnest, as
his strides are of prodigious length. They are more dangerous when they
have young ones in their company than at any other time; of which the
females have only, three or four at a birth. They feed on the leaves and
fruit of trees, pulling down the large boughs with their trunks, and
bringing them to their mouths. This trunk is composed of a very thick
cartilage, and is pliable in every direction.

There are many kinds of birds in this country, and parrots are
particularly numerous, which are much hated by the negroes, because they
do much damage to their crops of pulse and millet. There are said to be
several kinds of parrots, but I never saw more than two. One of these is
like the kind which is brought into Italy from Alexandria in Egypt, but
rather smaller. The other kind is much larger, having a brown head, neck,
bill, and legs, with a yellow and green body. I procured a considerable
number of both sorts, particularly of the smaller kind, many of which
died; but I brought 150 back to Portugal, where I sold them for half a
ducat each. These birds are very industrious in constructing their nests,
which they build with bulrushes and the small leaves of the palm, and
other trees, in a very curious and ingenious manner. Choosing the
slenderest branch of a tree, the parrot fastens a bulrush of about two
spans long to its outer extremity, at the depending end of which rush it
weaves its nest in a most beautiful manner, suspended like a ball, and
having only one passage for entering. By this means they contrive to
preserve their young from being devoured by the serpents, as the small
twigs from which the nests are suspended are unable to bear the weight of
the serpents. There are likewise abundance of those birds called Pharaoh's
hens[4] in Europe, which come to us out of the Levant. They have
likewise other birds, both large and small, which are quite different
from any that are known in Italy.

As I was long on shore, I went several times to see their markets or
fairs, which were held every Monday and Friday in a meadow, not far from
where I resided. The men and women, from four or five miles around, came
to this place with their various commodities, and those who lived at a
greater distance, went to other markets nearer their habitations. The
great poverty of the natives appeared manifest in the goods they brought
to these fairs; consisting of small quantities of cotton cloth, and
cotton yarn, pulse, oil, millet, wooden tubs, palm matts, and every thing
else useful to life, according to their manners, likewise arms, and some
small quantities of gold. Having no money or coin of any kind, all their
trade was carried on by way of barter, or exchange of one thing for
another, sometimes two or three things for one, according to their
different values. All these blacks used to gaze on me, as if I had been a
prodigy, having never seen a white man before. Some took hold of my hands,
which they rubbed with spittle, to see if the whiteness was natural or
artificial, and expressed their wonder to find that my skin was not
painted. They were as much astonished at my dress, being clothed in the
Spanish fashion, with a black damask waistcoat, and a cloak over it: They
seemed much surprised at the waistcoat, and greatly admired the woollen
cloth, which they had never seen any of before. My chief purpose in going
to these fairs, was to see what quantity of gold was brought thither.

Horses are very scarce, and of great value in the country of the Negroes,
being brought all the way from that part of Barbary which lies nearest to
Europe, by the Arabs and Azanhaji. Owing to the great heat, horses do not
live long here; for they grow so fat that they cannot stale, and so burst.
They are fed with bean leaves, which are gathered after the beans are
brought from the fields; and, being dried like hay, are cut small, and
given to the horses instead of oats. They give millet also, which
contributes greatly to make them fat. A horse and his furniture sells for
from nine to fourteen negroes, according to his goodness and beauty; and
when a negro lord buys a horse, he sends for his horse sorcerers, who
cause a fire to be kindled of the stalks of certain herbs, and hold the
horses head by the bridle over the smoke, while they repeat over some few
words by way of incantation. They afterwards have him anointed all over
with fine oil, and having kept him eighteen or twenty days, without
allowing any one to see him, they affix some Moorish charms to his neck,
which have the appearance of small square billets of writing, folded up
and covered with red leather; and affirm, that, they will go into battle
with greater safety by means of these scrolls or annulets.

The women of this country are very pleasant and merry, especially the
young ones, and delight in singing and dancing, taking this diversion
only at night by moonlight; and their manner of dancing is very different
from that of the Italians. Many things in our ships seemed wonderful to
the Negroes, particularly our cross-bows; but much more our artillery.
When some of them were on board my ship, I caused one of the guns to be
fired off, which threw them into a dreadful panic; and their terror was
much increased on being told that one cannon-shot could kill an hundred
men. On which account, they alleged that it must be something belonging
to the devil. They were likewise greatly astonished at a bag-pipe, which,
one of our sailors played upon to divert them; and, on examining the
several parts and ornaments of the instrument, they conceived that it was
a living animal, which sung in different voices. Observing their
simplicity, I told them it was a musical instrument, and put it into
their hand unblown to examine. They then perceived that it was a work of
art, but believed that it was something supernatural, and could only have
been devised by a superior being, it sounded so sweetly, and in so many
different tones, having never heard any thing which could be compared to
it in their estimation. The ship, also, and its various contrivances, as
its anchors, masts, sails, and shrouds, afforded them great subjects for
admiration and wonder. They looked upon the port-holes in the stern as
real eyes, by which the vessel was able to find her way in the sea; and
observed, that travellers on land found difficulty to find the road from
one place to another, while we were able to travel along the trackless
ocean; and that the whites must therefore be the greatest of sorcerers,
not inferior to the devil himself. They shewed great admiration on seeing
a lighted candle in a candlestick, having themselves no other artificial
light but that proceeding from a fire. They have honey-combs, but when
they find these, they suck out the honey, and throw away the empty comb
as useless. At one time, I bought some honey-combs from a negro, and
shewed him how to extract the honey; after which, on asking him if he
knew what remained, he said it was good for nothing: But he was greatly
astonished on seeing it made into candles, and lighted in his presence;
saying, that the Europeans knew every thing. Their only musical
instruments are two, one of which they have from the Moors, which is like
a large drum[5]; the other is somewhat like a fiddle, having only two
strings, which they play on with their fingers, but gives no sounds that
can be called harmonious.

[1] This is almost certainly palm oil, the origin of which will appear in
    another division of this work.--E.

[2] The text must be here erroneous, as two paces, or ten feet, will
    scarcely suffice in describing the boa constrictor, sometimes near
    thirty feet long.--E.

[3] An account of the termites, or white ants of Africa, will appear
    hereafter. The circumstance of serpents taking up their abode in the
    large anthills, must be entirely accidental.--E.

[4] Probably the Pintado, or Guinea fowl.--E.

[5] This in Ramusio is called Tabacche, and Sambuka in Grynaeus.--Astl.

SECTION VII.

_Continuation of the Voyage from Senegal, by Cape Verd, the river
Barbasini, and to the river Gambia; and, returns to Portugal._

Having seen a considerable part of the dominions of Budomel, and received
the slaves which, were bargained for, in exchange for my horses and other
merchandize, I resolved to proceed on my voyage, round Cape Verd, and to
prosecute discoveries along this dangerous coast, and in particular, to
go in search of the kingdom of Gambia or Gambia, which Don Henry had
pointed out, on the information of a person who was well acquainted with
the country of the Negroes, as not far from Senegal, and from whence, it
was reported, that considerable quantities of gold might be procured.
Longing to go in quest of this gold, I took my leave of Budomel, and
repaired to the river Senegal, where I went on board the caravel and got
under weigh, as soon as possible. Soon after leaving the river Senegal,
as we were standing onward with a press of sail towards Cape. Verd, we
descried, one morning two ships in the offing. On joining company, we
found that one of these belonged to Antonio, an experienced Genoese
navigator, and the other to some gentlemen in the service of Don Henry,
and that they had sailed in company, with the intention of passing Cape
Verd, to explore the coast beyond it, in search of new discoveries. Our
intentions being similar, I offered to join company, and we accordingly
proceeded together along the coast to the southward, in sight of land.

We came in sight of that cape next day, being about thirty Italian miles
from our last anchorage[1]. Cape Verd was so named by the Portuguese, who
discovered it about a year before[2], because it is covered with trees
which continue green all the year. This is a high and beautiful cape,
which runs a considerable way into the sea, and has two hills or small
mountains at its outer extremity. There are several villages of the
Senegal negroes, or Jalofs, upon and about this promontory, which are
composed of thatched cabins close by the shore, and in sight of those who
sail past. There are also some sand banks, which extend about half a mile
into the sea[3].

Having doubled the cape, we came to three small uninhabited islands, full
of green trees[4]; and being in want of water, we anchored at that which
seemed the largest and most fruitful, in hopes of meeting with a spring,
but could find none to answer our purpose. We met, however, with the
nests and eggs of several kinds of birds, such as we had never seen
before. This was in the month of July 1456, and we continued here all day,
fishing with lines and large hooks, catching a prodigious number of fish,
among which were _dentali_, and gilded fish[5], some of which weighed
from twelve to fifteen pounds each. On the next day we proceeded in our
course, keeping always in sight of land, and found a kind of gulf formed
by the coast on the south side of the cape[6]. This coast is all low, and
full of fine large trees, which are continually green, as the new leaves
grow before the old ones fall off, and they never wither like those in
Europe; and the trees grow so near the shore, that they seem to drink as
it were the water of the sea. The coast is most beautiful, insomuch that
I never saw any thing comparable to it, though I had sailed much both in
the Levant and the western parts of Europe. It is well watered every
where by small rivers, but these are useless for trade, as they do not
admit ships of any size. Beyond this little gulf, the coast is inhabited
by two negro nations, called Barbasini and Serreri, which are not subject
to the king of Senegal, neither have they any king or lord of their own;
but one person is more honoured than another, according to his condition
or quality. They are great idolaters, without laws, and living in almost
a state of nature, and extremely cruel, and refuse to become subjected to
any lord. That their wives and children may not be taken from them and
sold as slaves, as is the custom among all the negro nations which are
under subjection to kings or lords, they use bows and poisoned arrows,
the wounds from which are incurable, if even the smallest blood is drawn,
and the wounded person or animal soon dies. Their colour is jet black,
and their persons are well made. The country is full of woods, lakes,
and streams, from which they derive great security, as they can only be
invaded through narrow defiles, by which means they set the neighbouring
lords at defiance. In former times, the kings of Senegal often attempted
to reduce these two nations under obedience, but were always worsted,
owing to the natural strength of the country, and their arrows. Running
along the coast to the south with a fair wind, we discovered the mouth of
a river about a bow-shot wide, but not deep, to which we gave the name
of the _Barbasini_ river, and have marked it on the chart which I made of
the coast, as sixty miles from Cape Verd[7]. In sailing along the coast,
we only made sail at sun rise, having a man continually on the top, and
two others on the prow or head, to look out for breakers, and always came
to anchor at sun set, about four or five miles from the land, in ten or
twelve fathoms water.

Proceeding on our voyage in this cautious manner, we came to the mouth of
a river which appeared to be as large as the Senegal[8]; and struck by
the fineness of its appearance, and its rich woods which came down to the
very shores, we cast anchor, and determined to send one of our negro
interpreters on shore, to endeavour to establish a friendly intercourse
with the natives. Every ship which sails from Portugal for the coast of
Africa is supplied with some of these negro interpreters, who consist of
slaves that had been sold by the lords of Senegal to the first Portuguese
who touched on the coast, and who have learnt the Portuguese language and
become Christians. These are hired from their masters in Portugal, who
receive, for their hire, a prime slave from the cargo on returning from
the voyage; and when any of these interpreters have thus earned four
slaves for their master, they become free. Having cast lots to determine
which of the three ships should send an interpreter on shore, it fell on
the ship commanded by the Genoese gentleman; on which he sent an armed
boat, ordering the men not to touch the shore, but to push off as soon as
they had landed the interpreter; who was charged to inform himself
respecting the condition and government of the country, and to inquire
whether it produced gold or any other commodity worth coming for. No
sooner was the interpreter landed, and the boat shoved off to some
distance as ordered, than several natives came out of the wood, who had
been in ambush, with bows, arrows, and other weapons, from the time they
saw our ships approach the coast, as if they had been in hopes that some
of our people might land upon the coast. After a short parley with our
interpreter, they furiously assaulted him with their _gomies_, or short
Moorish swords, and slew him; our people in the boat being unable to give
him any assistance. This intelligence was brought to the ships, where it
excited much surprise; and, concluding that these people must be
extremely barbarous, who could treat one of their own race with so much
barbarity, and would consequently use us cruelly if in their power, we
immediately weighed anchor, and stood on our voyage farther to the south,
which improved in the beauty and verdure of the trees as we advanced,
always sailing within sight of the coast, which is everywhere low land
covered with trees.

We came at length to the mouth of a very large river, which is not less
than six or eight miles wide at the entrance, and narrows a little way
within to three or four miles, and finding that it could be safely
entered, we determined to cast anchor for the night; and to endeavour to
learn next day if this were the river and kingdom of Gambra, or Gambia,
of which we were in search[9]. We judged, however, from its noble river,
that we had now attained the so anxiously desired country of Gambia, and
flattered ourselves in the hope of finding a country of vast riches,
where we might make our fortunes at once, by returning laden with gold,
and other rich commodities. Next day, having but little wind, we sent on
the small caravel before, well manned, with directions, as their ship was
small and drew little water, that they were to proceed as far as possible
up the river, observing whether there were any bar or sand banks at its
mouth, and to take the soundings with great care; and if the river were
found navigable, they were to return and make signals to that effect.
Finding four fathoms water at the entrance, the caravel brought to, and
made the concerted signal; on which it was thought proper, as that
caravel was small, to send another boat well armed along with her up the
river, and they were strictly enjoined, in case the natives were hostile,
to enter into no conflict with them, but to return immediately to the
other ships, as the object of our voyage was to cultivate friendship and
trade with the country, which could only be accomplished by policy, not
by force. The boats accordingly proceeded up the river for two miles,
leaving the small caravel at anchor, and found the banks everywhere
beautiful, with sixteen fathoms water. But as the river above this made
several returns or reaches, they did not think it prudent to venture any
higher.

When on their way back, they saw three _almadias_ or canoes near the
mouth of a small river which runs into the large one. These almadias
resemble the skiffs used in Italy which are called _zoppoli_, and are
hollowed out of one large piece of wood. Although our boats were strongly
armed, yet, in obedience to their orders, and for fear of being attacked
with poisoned arrows, which the Negroes of Senegal had told us were used
by all the natives of Gambia, they took to their oars, and made all
possible haste back to the ship. By the time they got on board, the
almadias, which followed them close, were within arrow flight. There were
about twenty-five or thirty negroes in these three almadias, who stopped
for some time gazing at the caravel, which was quite a new sight to them;
but would neither speak nor come nearer, notwithstanding every endeavour
by signs, to induce them to approach, and at length they returned to the
shore. About three next morning, the other three caravels that had
remained at anchor without the river, sailed with the rising tide and a
light breeze, into the river, to rejoin the small caravel, and to proceed
up the river, hoping to meet with a more civilized people than had been
seen in the almadias. In this way we sailed up the river, one after the
other, the small caravel leading; and when we had got about four miles up,
we perceived ourselves to be followed by a number of _almadias_, without
knowing whence they came. On this, we tacked about, and bore down towards
the almadias, having first fortified ourselves in the best manner we
could, to defend us against their poisoned arrows, and made every thing
ready for battle, in case of need, though by no means well provided with
arms. Our order of sailing was now reversed, and my ship was foremost in
going down the river. We soon came to the almadias, which separated into
two divisions, having my ship between them, when I had an opportunity to
count their numbers, as they gave over rowing, raised their oars, and
gazed in wonder at our ship: There were in all fifteen almadias of
considerable length, having from 130 to 150 negroes, all well made, of a
good size, and very black. They wore white cotton shirts, having white
caps, like those worn by the Germans, on their heads; but with a wing on
each side, and a feather in the middle, which I supposed to be a
distinguishing mark of their being soldiers. There stood a negro on the
prow of each almadia, having a round target, apparently of leather, on
his arm; and for some time they neither attacked us, nor we them. When
they saw the other caravels bearing down upon them, they dropped their
oars, and taking up their bows, sent a flight of arrows on board. Seeing
this attack, our ships discharged four pieces of cannon, at them, and
they were so stupified by the report, that they threw down their bows,
and stared about in amazement, at the effect which the stones from the
cannon made on the water around them. They continued in this astonishment
for some time; but seeing that the cannon ceased to fire, they plucked up
courage, and renewed the fight, advancing within a stones throw of the
ship. On this our sailors began to use their cross-bows; and the first
shot, which was made by the natural son of the Genoese gentleman, hit a
negro on the breast, who instantly fell down dead. Those in the almadia
where he fell, took up the dart and gazed at it with wonder; yet they
continued the attack with great vigour, and were courageously opposed by
our caravels, insomuch that many of the Negroes were soon killed, without
the loss of one man on our side. The Negroes now changed their mode of
attack, and made a furious united attack on the stern of our smallest
caravel, which was both ill manned, and insufficiently armed. On
observing this, I brought up my ship to her assistance, and the other
large caravel doing the same, we placed the small one between us, and we
all vigorously plied our cannon and cross-bows against the almadias,
which were at last forced to retire. We now linked all the three caravels
together, and dropped one anchor, which was sufficient for us all, as it
was calm weather, and the current by no means strong.

We next endeavoured to enter into some conversation with the Negroes, and
often hailed them by means of our interpreters. At length one of the
almadias drew near, and on being asked the reason of their hostility to
strangers, who came among them only to trade in a friendly manner, as
they had already done with the Negroes of the kingdom of Senegal, and
were desirous of being on the same friendly terms with them, if they
thought proper, and were come from a far distant country, with presents
for their king or lord, from the king of Portugal, who was desirous of
peace and friendship with them. Our interpreters also entreated the
Negroes to inform us what country we were in, who was their king, and
what was the name of the river; and desired them to come freely on board,
and take what goods they pleased; adding, that they might make a return
in any commodities they thought proper, and in any quantities they
pleased, or might have our goods for nothing. To all this they made
answer, "That they had some intelligence of the Christians already, and
of their dealings with the Negroes of Senegal, who must be very wicked
people for entering into friendship with them; as they were well assured
the Christians were meneaters, who bought the Negroes only to devour them,
and, for this reason, they were resolved to have no correspondence with
them, except to destroy them, and then to send their effects to their
lord, who dwelt three days journey up the country." They added, that the
name of their country was Gambra, but I have forgotten the name they gave
the river[10]. At this time a brisk breeze sprung up, and, as we now
thoroughly knew the hostile dispositions of the Negroes, we bore down
upon their almadias; but they fled to the shore, and we dropt down to the
mouth of the river.

While we remained off the mouth of this river, we only once saw the north
star in clear weather, and it was then so low as hardly to appear above
the height of a lance above the sea[11]. We likewise observed, in about
the same elevation, due south by the compass, a constellation of six
large bright stars, in the figure of a cross, in this form:

                               *
                             * * * *
                               *

We conjectured this to be the _southern chariot_, but could not expect to
observe the principal star, as we had not yet lost sight of the north
pole. In this place, on the _first_ of July, we found the night to be
eleven hours and a half long, and the day twelve hours and a half. The
climate is always hot, and I was told, that even the rain in the inland
parts falls warm, in consequence of the great heat of the air. It is true,
that there is some difference of the heat at different seasons, and when
the heat is a little diminished, the natives call it winter. The rains
begin in July, and continue till the end of October, and fall every day
about noon; at which time certain clouds arise in the N.E. by E. or E.N.E.
which are accompanied by prodigious thunder and lightning, and vast
torrents of rain. In this season, which is in the beginning of July, the
Negroes sow their grain, in the same manner with the people in Senegal.
Their provisions consist of millet, pulse, flesh and milk. There is not
so much dawn at break of day in this southern latitude as with us in
Italy; for, within half an hour after the darkness of the night begins to
dispel, the sun appears, and during all that dawn the atmosphere is
turbid, as if filled with smoke, and the moment the sun appears this mist
is dissipated. I could only account for this phenomenon, by attributing
it to the low and flat surface of this country, which is destitute of
mountains, and my companions were of a similar opinion.

On holding a consultation among the commanders of the three caravels, we
came to a resolution of proceeding about an hundred miles up the river,
in hopes of meeting with a less ferocious, and better disposed people in
the interior, than those we had encountered at the mouth of this river:
But the sailors were impatient to return home, without incurring any
farther dangers, and unanimously and loudly refused their consent to our
determination, declaring that they had already done enough for the
present voyage. Upon this being made known to us, and being well aware
that seamen are of headstrong and obstinate dispositions, we conceded to
their clamours, and steered next day for Cape Verd, on our return to
Portugal[12].

[1] Cape Verd is about 100 miles from the southern mouth of the river
    Senegal; so that the voyagers probably anchored every night within
    sight of the scarcely known coast.--E.

[2] This is erroneous, as it was discovered in 1446 by Denis Fernandez,
    nine years before.--Clarke.

[3] It is necessary to be cautious with respect to these early voyages,
    which, having gone through various transcriptions and translations,
    are liable to numerous errors. In our best charts, this sand bank,
    intermixed with sunk rocks, extends two miles out to sea.--E.

[4] Called the Birds islands, or the Magdalens.--Clarke.

[5] In Ramusio these fish are called Orate vecchis, and in Grynaeus
    Ostreas veteres.--Astl.

[6] This appears to indicate the gulf between Cape Emanuel, near the isle
    of Goree, and the Red Cape.--E.

[7] The river named Barbasini is above eighty-five miles S.S.E. from Cape
    Verd, measuring to its northern entrance, and forms a small island or
    delta at its mouth, having another entrance about eighteen miles
    farther south. There is a small island named _Fetti_, off its northern
    entrance, of which no notice is taken by Cada Mosto. The natives on
    this part of the coast, to the north of the Gambia, are now called
    Barras.--E.

[8] From the sequel, I am apt to conclude that this second river is the
    Barbasini of our charts; and that the river named Barbasini in the
    text of Cada Mosto, is that named _Joall_ in modern charts.--E.

[9] Cada Mosto betrays strange ignorance of the previous discoveries of
    the Portuguese, considering that he had resided some time with Don
    Henry at Sagres. This fine river was discovered in 1447, nine years
    before, by Nuno Tristan, who ascended it some way, and was slain there
    by the poisoned arrows of the Negroes. Perhaps even Don Henry was
    misled by the name of Rio Grande which it then received, and confused
    the Venetian in his search for the Gambia.--Clarke.

[10] From this it would appear, that Gambra or Gambia is the name of the
    country, not of the river. Johnson says that the natives always call
    it _Gee_, which merely signifies the river.--Astl.

[11] The centre of the mouth of the Gambia is in lat. 13° 30' N.--E.

[12] It may be noticed, that during the whole of his narrative, Cada
    Mosto constantly speaks of Spain, and the Spanish language, as if
    forgetting that the ships and crews were Portuguese.--Clarke.

SECTION VIII.

_The Second Voyage of Cada Mosto, in 1456, to the coast of Africa, in
which the Cape de Verd Islands were Discovered_[1].

As I could say little or nothing about the condition of the country of
Gambia, on my return to Portugal, on account of being obliged to leave it
so suddenly; partly owing to the intractable and fierce disposition of
the natives, and partly through the perversity of our sailors, who
refused to proceed in exploring the river; the Genoese gentleman, Antonio,
who had been with me in the former voyage, and I, resolved next season to
fit out two caravels, in order to return to the river Gambia, and Don
Henry, who was much pleased with our intentions, determined to send one
of his caravels along with us. Every thing being made ready for our
voyage, we sailed from Lagos, near Cape St Vincent, with a favourable
wind, in the beginning of May, and steered for the Canaries, which we
made in a few days; but, as the wind continued favourable, we did not
touch there, and continued our course, to the southward; and, as we were
favoured by a current setting to the S. W. we sailed on at a great rate.
At last we came in sight of Cape Branco, keeping well out at sea, and on
the following night we were assailed by a great storm from the S. W.
which occasioned us to steer W. by N. for two days and three nights, in
order to weather the tempest, rather than turn back. On the third day, to
our great joy and surprise, we descried land, being much astonished to
discover land in a quarter where no person could have expected it[2]. Two
men were immediately sent aloft, who cried out that two large islands
were in sight. This news was communicated through the ships, to our great
satisfaction, as we were sensible these islands were unknown in Portugal.
Judging it probable that these islands might be inhabited, and eager to
try our fortune, we steered towards one of them, which we soon came up
with, and sailed round a part of it, till we found safe anchorage. The
weather being now much calmed, we sent our boat on shore, well manned and
armed. The men landed, and having examined some part of the island,
brought back word that they could meet with no signs of inhabitants
whatever.

Next morning, to clear up all doubts, I sent ten men to land on the
island, well armed with guns and cross-bows, whom I ordered to go to the
top of some mountains within sight, and to look from thence, not only for
people, but for more islands. These men executed my commands, but found
no appearance of any inhabitants. They found, however, an incredible
number of pigeons, which were so tame, being strangers to man, that they
readily allowed themselves to be caught, and our people brought great
numbers of them to the caravels. But, what was of much more importance,
they brought intelligence of having discovered three other islands; one
of which being to leeward, towards the north, could not be seen from the
ships, while the other two lay to the south, all within sight of each
other. These men likewise noticed something resembling islands towards
the west, but at so great a distance that they could not be clearly
distinguished, neither did I think proper to sail in that direction, lest
I should lose time in visiting uninhabited islands, like this at which we
had touched. The fame of my discovery of these four islands, brought
other navigators afterwards to explore this group; who round them to be
ten in number, both large and small included, and altogether uninhabited,
except by pigeons and other birds, and having a fine fishery[3].

Leaving the first island, we came in sight of the other two, and searched
for an anchoring place near one of them, which was full of trees.
Discovering the mouth of a river, and being in want of water, we came to
anchor, and sent our boats on shore to supply our wants. Some of our
people went a little way up the river, where they found some small lakes
containing remarkably fine white salt, of which they brought large
quantities to the ships, laying in what store was thought necessary, as
we did likewise of water. We found here great numbers of tortoises, or
turtle, the shells of which were larger than a target. The sailors cooked
these into different dishes, as they had done before in the gulf of
Arguin, where these animals are found in plenty, but not so large as here.
Out of curiosity I eat some of the flesh of these tortoises, which seemed
very good, having a good smell and taste, and was not inferior to veal.
We salted a great number of them, which proved a valuable addition to our
stock of provisions during the voyage. We caught likewise a prodigious
quantity of fish, both off the mouth of the river and in the stream; and,
though we knew not the kinds, they were large and well-flavoured. The
mouth of this river is a good arrow-shot across, and it is deep enough to
admit a vessel of 150 tons. We remained two days in this place for
refreshments, taking in a good stock of tortoises and fish, and large
quantities of pigeons, which we killed without number. To the first
island at which we anchored we gave the name of _Bona Vista_, as being
the first we got sight of; and to this other, which seemed the largest of
the four, the name of St Jago, having cast anchor there on the day of St
Philip and St James. Every thing being in readiness for pursuing our
voyage, we took our departure from these islands, and shaped our course
for Cape Verd. We arrived at _Spedegar_, and keeping within sight of land,
we came to a place named the _Two Palms_, which is between Cape Verd and
the river Senegal. Being perfectly acquainted with the coast, we doubled
the Cape next day, and came once more to the river Gambia, into which we
immediately entered; and, finding no opposition from the Negroes or their
almadias, we sailed up the river, always by day, and continually sounding.
Such of the almadias as we saw on the river kept at a distance, close to
the banks of the river, and never ventured to approach. About ten miles
up the river we cast anchor on a Sunday morning, at an island where one
of our sailors was buried who had died of a fever; and as his name
happened to be Andrew, we called it the island of St Andrew[4].

Leaving this island we proceeded up the river, followed by some of the
Negroes in their almadias, yet always keeping at a considerable distance.
Our interpreters often hailed them, and shewed them various trinkets,
which were offered for their acceptance, and endeavoured to entice them to
come near, by telling them that we were good-natured civilized people,
from whom they had nothing to fear. Wrought upon by these representations,
the Negroes at length approached, and came up with my caravel; and at last
one of them, who understood the language of our interpreter, came on board.
He was greatly surprized at every thing he saw in and about the caravel,
especially with the sails and rigging, having no other idea of moving a
vessel on the water but by means of oars. He was no less amazed at our
colour and dress, as his nation mostly go stark naked, or with a single
white cotton shirt as their sole dress. We were exceedingly kind and
attentive to this Negro, and made him many presents of trinkets, and other
things of small value, with which he was much delighted. I asked him many
questions respecting the country, through our interpreter, and at length
learnt that we were in the country of Gambia, of which Forosangoli was
chief lord; and, by what we could learn from him, the residence of
Forosangoli was at the distance of nine or ten days journey, in a
direction between the south and the southwest. He said that Forosangoli
was tributary to the king of Melli, who is the great emperor of the
Negroes; that there were many inferior lords, who dwelt near the river on
both sides, and, if we pleased, he would conduct us to the residence of
one of these lords, named Battimansa, and would endeavour to negociate a
treaty of peace and friendship between him and us. Being much pleased with
this offer, we carried this Negro along with us, and treated him with much
attention; and, sailing up the river, we came to the place where
Battimansa resided, which, in my opinion, was above forty miles from the
mouth of the river. In going up the river, into which several lesser
rivers fall, we sailed to the eastwards, and at the place where we came to
anchor, we found it much narrower than at the mouth, being not above a
mile in breadth, by our estimation[5]. On coming to this place, we sent
one of our interpreters and the native Negro to Battimansa, with a present
of a handsome garment, called an _alzimba_, made of Moorish silk, in the
form of a shirt; and they were desired to inform him of the reason of our
coming into his country, signifying, "That the Christian king of Portugal
had sent us thither, to enter into a treaty of friendship and peace with
him, and that if he had any call for our commodities, our king would
supply him with them every year."

As soon as our messengers had discharged their commission, Battimansa sent
some of his Negroes to the caravel, with whom we entered into friendship,
and bartered several things for Negro slaves and some gold; but gold was
by no means to be had in any thing like the plenty we expected, from the
account given of this country by the natives of Senegal, who, being
themselves extremely poor, consider that to be a large quantity which we
think very trifling. The Negroes value their gold as a very precious thing,
even at a higher rate than the Portuguese, yet we got it in barter very
reasonably for things of very small value. We continued here eleven days,
during which the caravels were continually resorted to by great numbers of
Negroes from both sides of the river, who came to see the novelties, and
to sell their goods, among which there were a few gold rings. Part of
their commodities consisted of cotton cloth and cotton yarn; some of the
pieces being all white, some striped blue and white, and others again with
red, blue, and white stripes, all very well wrought and coloured. They
likewise brought civet for sale, the skins of civet-cats, monkies, large
and small baboons of various sorts; and these last being very plenty they
sold them cheap, or for something not exceeding ten _marquets_ in value,
for each; and the ounce of civet for what was not worth more than forty or
fifty marquets; not that they sold their commodities by weight, but I
judged the quantity to be about an ounce. Other Negroes brought various
sorts of fruit for sale, among which were many small wild dates, which
they seemed to think much of, but which our people thought not good, as
the taste was different from those of Europe: As for me, I would not
venture to eat any of them, lest they might have given me the flux, or
some other distemper. Our ships were every day crowded with people of
different aspects and languages[6], and the natives were continually going
up and down the river from one place to another, both men and women, in
their almadias. They have no sails, and propel their almadias entirely
with oars, which they use on both sides, all the rowers standing up. One
man stands at the stern, who rows sometimes on one side, sometimes on the
other, to keep the almadia steady in her course. They have no pins or row-
locks to steady their oars, but hold them fast with both hands; their oar
being a pole, like a half lance, seven feet and a half long, with a round
board like a trencher fastened to one end, and with these they row with
great safety and swiftness, in the mouths of their rivers, which are very
numerous; but they seldom go out to sea, or to any distance from their own
coasts, lest they should be taken by their neighbours and sold for slaves.

[1] There is some difficulty respecting the date of this second voyage. In
    the former, Cada Mosto sailed from Portugal in March 1455. In the
    course of his proceedings, the month of November is mentioned, and
    some subsequent transactions are said to have happened in July, which,
    on this arrangement, must necessarily have been of the year 1456. If,
    therefore, the dates of the former voyage be accurate, the second
    ought to have been dated in 1457.--E.

[2] This part of the narrative is involved in difficulty, and most be
    erroneous. A storm from the S. W. off Cape Branco, almost in lat. 21°
    N. and a N. W. course, could not possibly lead to the discovery of the
    Cape Verd islands, almost six degrees farther south, and at least six
    degrees farther west. This difficulty may be solved, by supposing the
    storm from the N.E. and that the ships drove to the S.W. from off Cape
    Branco.--E.

[3] This passage alludes to the voyage of Antonio de Noli in 1462. And it
    may be remarked, that de Faria, who mentions the discovery of these
    islands by Noli, takes no notice of the actual discovery by Cada Mosto.
    --Astl.

[4] The editor of Astleys Collection considers this as having been St
    Jameses island, which is about twenty miles up the Gambia: But there
    is a small island near the northern bank, now called Charles I. which
    exactly corresponds with the distance in the text.--E.

[5] According to our best maps or charts of the Gambia, this river is
    never less than four miles broad, and generally above five, till we
    get near 100 miles up the river, to the reach which encircles the
    Devils Point, where it still is two miles wide. It is possible that
    the original journal of Cada Mosto may have had leagues of three
    marine miles each, in which case the residence of Battimansa may have
    been at or near the Devils Point, above 100 miles up the river.--E.

[6] Though this country will be amply described in other voyages in our
    Collection, it may be proper to remark, that both sides of the river
    Gambia are inhabited by a mixed population of three nations, the
    Feloops, Foleys, and Mandingoes, each of whom have their own separate
    villages interspersed. This population is divided into many states,
    lordships, or little kingdoms; as Joalli, Barrah, Kolar, Badibu,
    Barsalli, &c. on or near the northern bank; Kumbo, Fonia, Kaen, Jagra,
    Yamini, &c. on the southern.--E.

SECTION IX.

_Some Account of the Manners and Customs on the Gambia, and of the
Elephant and Hippopotamus._

It now remains for me to relate what I observed and was informed of
concerning this country, during my short stay. The religion of the Negroes
of Gambia consists of various kinds of idolatry; they place great reliance
on sorcery and other diabolical things, yet all believe in God. There are
many Mahometans among them, who trade to many countries, yet are not
settled in houses, because the natives are ignorant[1]. They live very
much in the same manner with the natives of Senegal, and have the same
kinds of provisions; but they cultivate more sorts of rice. They eat dogs
flesh, which I never heard of being used anywhere else. They are clothed
in cotton garments, and have great abundance of cotton in their country,
which may be the reason of the Gambians not going naked, as those of
Senegal do, where cotton is very scarce. The women dress in the same
manner; and, when they are very young, take great delight in delineating
figures on their necks, breasts, and arms, with the point of a hot needle,
which are never obliterated, and which resemble the flowers and ornaments
which are wrought on silk handkerchiefs. The country is excessively hot,
and the heat increases as we go to the south; besides which, we found it
much hotter up the river than at sea, owing to the immense number of trees
with which the country everywhere abounds. Some of these trees are of very
great dimensions. Near a spring where our sailors were in use to fill our
water casks, not far from the banks of the river, there grew an
exceedingly large tree, but its height was by no means proportional to its
thickness; for, though it measured seventeen cubits in girth near the
ground, its height, by estimation, was only twenty paces. This tree was
hollow, but the branches were very large, avid extended to a great
distance, forming a thick and ample shade. But there were many other trees
much larger than this, by which the richness and fertility of the soil may
be easily conceived; and the country is intersected by numerous streams.

There are many elephants in this country, but the natives are ignorant of
the art of taming these animals, as is practised in other countries. One
day, while we lay at anchor in the middle of the river, we observed three
elephants come out from the wood and walk by the river side, on which we
sent our boat with some of the people towards them, but they immediately
returned into the wood. These were all I ever saw alive; but, sometime
afterwards, Guumi-mensa[2], one of the Negro lords, shewed me a dead young
elephant, which he had killed after a chase of two days. The Negroes hunt
on foot in the woods, using only arrows and assagays, or javelins, which
are all poisoned. When they hunt the elephant they conceal themselves
behind trees, and even sometimes mount to their tops, leaping from one
tree to another in pursuit of the elephant, which, being a large unweildy
animal, is often wounded in many places before it can turn round, or place
itself in a posture of defence; but, in an open field, no person dare
attack one, nor could even the swiftest escape from their pursuit, as I
have been informed by many of the Negroes. The teeth of this dead elephant,
which was shewn me by Guumi-Mensa, one of which still remained in the jaw,
did not exceed three spans long, which distinctly shews that it was quite
young in comparison of those whose teeth are from ten to twelve spans in
length; yet, small as it was for an elephant, we computed that the weight
of its carcass was equal to five or six oxen. Guumi-Mensa made me a
present of what part of this elephant I liked best, and gave the remainder
to his huntsmen to feast on. Understanding that elephants flesh was eaten
by the Negroes, I had some both roasted and boiled, of which I tasted,
that I might be able to say that I had fed upon the flesh of an animal
which had never been eaten by any of my countrymen; but I found it hard,
and of an unpleasant relish. I brought one of the legs and a part of the
trunk on board our caravel, together with some of the hair from its body,
which was a span and a half long, of a black colour, and very thick. On my
return to Portugal, I presented this hair to Don Henry, together with a
part of the flesh salted up for that express purpose, which he received
with much satisfaction, as it was the first of the kind that had been
brought from the countries that were discovered under his auspices. The
foot of the elephant is round, like that of a horse, but without hoofs;
instead of which it is covered by a very thick, hard, black skin, and
defended by five nails on the fore part, which are round and of the size
of a _grossone_[3]. Though young, the foot of this elephant measured a
span and a half in diameter. From the same Negro lord I received the foot
of a full-grown elephant, the sole of which was three spans and an inch in
diameter; which, together with a tooth of twelve spans long, I presented
to Don Henry on my return, who sent it afterwards as a great curiosity to
the Dutchess of Burgundy.

In the river Gambia, and in other rivers on this coast, besides the
_Calcatrici_[4] and other animals, there is one called the _river horse_,
or hippopotamus, of the same nature almost with the sea cow, and which
lives both on land and in the water. This animal is as large in the body
as a cow, with very short legs and cloven feet, having a large head like
that of a horse, and two huge teeth like the tusks of a wild boar, some of
which I have seen upwards of two spans long. This animal, when it gets out
of the river, walks on the land like any other fourfooted beast; and, so
far as I know, was never before discovered by any Christian traveller,
except perhaps in the Nile. We saw likewise a number of bats, or rather
owls, upwards of three spans long; and many other birds, quite different
from those of our country, both in appearance and taste, yet very good to
eat.

[1] The meaning of this expression is obscure. Perhaps it implies that
    their Mahometan teachers had no mosques, because the Negroes were
    ignorant of the means and method of construction. The knowledge of God
    among the northern Negroes was assuredly due exclusively to the
    Mahometan missionaries.--E.

[2] Called Gnumi-Mensa in Grynaeus. According to Jobson, Mensa, or Mansa,
    signifies a king in the Mandingo language.--Astl.

[3] A Venetian silver coin, not exceeding a silver penny.--Astl.

[4] This animal is nowhere explained. Perhaps the crocodile or
    alligator.--E.

SECTION X.

_Continuation of the Voyage from the Gambia to the river Kasa-Mansa, Cape
Roxo, the rivers of St Ann and St Domingo, and the Rio Grande._

Having continued eleven days in the river Gambia, and many of our people
becoming affected by acute fevers, we dropt down the river on the evening
of the eleventh day, departing from the country of Batti-Mansa[1], and
got out of the river in a few days, so stocked with commodities as to
encourage us to proceed farther; and indeed, having been so far
successful, and having a plentiful supply of provisions, and every thing
necessary for prosecuting the voyage, we considered as incumbent on us to
attempt some farther discoveries towards the south. We accordingly
steered southwards with a favourable wind; but finding the land to run a
considerable way to the S.S.W. from the mouth of the Gambia, to a certain
point which we took for a cape[2], we stood out to the west to gain the
open sea, the whole coast to the south of the Gambia being low, and
covered with trees to the waters edge. On gaining an offing, we found
that the beforementioned point was no actual cape or promontory, as the
shore appeared perfectly straight on the other side; yet we kept at some
distance out to sea, as we observed breakers for several miles out to
sea[3]. On this account we had to proceed with great caution, keeping
always two men at the head of the ship, and one in the main-top, to look
out for shoals and breakers; and as a farther precaution, we sailed only
during the day, and came to anchor every night. In this cautious progress,
our caravels sailed always one before the other, having fixed the order of
sailing by lot, and changed the leader every day, in order to avoid all
disputes.

At the end of two days sail in this manner, always in sight of land, we
discovered on the third day the mouth of a river about half a mile wide[4],
and towards evening we observed a little gulf or inlet, which we
supposed might be the entrance of another river; but as it grew late, we
came to anchor for the night. Next morning we sailed into this gulf, and
found that it was the mouth of a large river, not a great deal less in my
opinion than the Gambia, and both its banks were full of very beautiful
tall trees. We cast anchor within the mouth of this river, and agreed to
send two armed boats on shore with our interpreters to get intelligence
respecting the country, according to our usual practice. This was done
accordingly, and our interpreters, brought back word that the river was
called Kasamansa, from a Negro lord of that name who resided at a place
about thirty miles up the river; but who was absent from his residence,
on a warlike expedition against the lord of a neighbouring territory.

On receiving this intelligence, we sailed from this river next day,
without attempting any traffic with the natives. This river of Kasamansa
is twenty-five leagues, or 100 miles to the south of the Gambia[5].
Standing on about twenty-five miles farther, we came to a cape which is a
little more elevated than the rest of the coast, and as its front had a
red colour, we named it Cape _Roxo_, or _Rosso_. Proceeding forwards, we
came to the mouth of a pretty large river about a crossbow-shot wide,
which we did not enter, but to which we gave the name of the river of St
Ann. Farther on still, we came to the mouth of another river, not less
than the former, which we named St Dominic, or St Domingo[7]; distant
from Cape Rosso, by our estimation, between fifty-five and sixty miles.
In another days sailing, we came to a very large river, which at first
appeared to be a gulf, and was judged to be about twenty miles in breadth;
but we could observe the beautiful trees on the south side, and it took
us a considerable time to sail across to that side. On getting over to
that side, we observed several islands in the sea, and as we wished to
procure some intelligence concerning the country, we came to an anchor.
Next morning two almadias came off to us from the land, one of which was
as long as a caravel, and carried about thirty hands; the other was
smaller, and was manned by sixteen Negroes. They came towards us with
great eagerness; and, not knowing what might be their design, we took
to our arms and waited their approach. As they drew near, they fixed a
white cloth to the end of an oar, which they held up as a signal of peace,
and we answered them in a similar manner. The Negroes then came alongside
of our ships, the largest of the almadias coming up to the caravel in
which I was. They gazed at every thing they saw, examining the form of
the ship, the masts, yards, sails, and rigging with much attention, and
they seemed astonished at seeing the white colour of our people. Our
interpreters spoke to them, in order to learn the name of the country,
but could not understand a word of their language, which was a great
mortification to us, as we were obliged to leave the place without
getting any intelligence; but we purchased a few gold rings from one of
the Negroes, agreeing about the price by signs.

Finding ourselves in a country where our interpreters were of no use, and
considering therefore that it would be to no purpose for us to proceed
any farther, we determined to return. We stayed two days in the mouth of
this large river, which we therefore named Rio Grande[8], and where we
found the north pole very low[9]. In this place we found great
irregularity in the tides; for, whereas at Venice, and all other places
in Europe, the flux and reflux are each of six hours continuance, the
tide here only flows four hours, and ebbs eight, and the violence of the
flowing tide is quite incredible, insomuch that we had great difficulty
to stem it with three anchors a-head. Nay, such was its impetuosity, that
we were sometimes obliged to hoist our sails, and even then it exceeded
the force of the wind.

Taking our departure from the mouth of this vast river, on our way back
to Portugal, we directed our course to two large islands and some small
ones, which lay about thirty miles distance from the continent, which we
found quite low, yet full of large and beautiful green trees, and
inhabited by Negroes[10]. Encountering here the same difficulty of
intercourse, for want of knowing their language, we made no stop, but
took our departure for Portugal, where we arrived in safety.

[1] At this place Grynaeus calls him Batrinense; though he had named him
    rightly Bati-mansa before.--Astl.

[2] This is now called Cape St Mary.--E.

[3] This seems to allude to what is now called Bald Cape, about twenty
    miles south from Cape St Mary, and stretching somewhat farther west;
    from which there extends breakers or sunken rocks a considerable
    distance from the land.--E.

[4] Between the mouth of the Gambia and that of the Casamansa, there are
    three inlets, which appear to be smaller mouths of the latter river.
    The most northern of these is named St Peter, the most southerly
    Oyster river; the intermediate one has no name.--E.

[5] The actual distance is barely a degree of latitude, or less than
    seventy English miles. Cada Mosto probably estimated by the log, the
    more circuitous track by sea.--E.

[6] Cada Mosto does not mention the remarkable change which takes place
    here in the direction of the coast. From the Gambia to Cape Rosso, the
    coast runs direct south; after which its direction is E.S.E. to the
    mouth of the river St Ann.--E.

[7] Called in modern charts, Rio S. Dominica.--E.

[8] According to de Faria, Rio Grande was discovered by Nunez Tristan in
    1447, nine years before it was visited by Cada Mosto.--Astl.

[9] Cada Mosto is exceedingly superficial in his account of the Rio Grande;
    and it even seems dubious if he ever saw or entered this river, as he
    appears to have mistaken the navigable channel between the main and
    the shoals of the Rio Grande for the river itself; which channel
    extends above 150 English miles, from the island of Bulam in the E.S.E.
    to the open sea in the W.N.W. This channel agrees with his description,
    in being twenty miles wide, whereas the real Rio Grande is greatly
    smaller than the Gambia.--E.

[10] These may be the island of Waring and the Marsh islands, at the
    north-western entry of the channel of the Rio Grande, forming part of
    the Bissagos islands.--E.

SECTION XI.

_The Voyage of Piedro de Cintra to Sierra Leona, and the Windward coast of
Guinea; written by Alvise da Cada Mosto._

The two voyages to the coast of Africa in which Cada Mosto was engaged,
and which have, been narrated in the foregoing Sections of this Chapter,
were followed by others; and, after the death of Don Henry, two armed
caravels were sent out upon discovery by orders from the king of Portugal,
under the command of Piedro de Cintra, one of the gentlemen of his
household, with injunctions to proceed farther along the coast of the
Negroes than had hitherto been effected, and to prosecute new discoveries.
In this expedition, Piedro de Cintra was accompanied by a young
Portuguese who had formerly been clerk to Cada Mosto in his two voyages;
and who, on the return of the expedition to Lagos, came to the house of
his former employer, who then continued to reside at Lagos, and gave him
an account of the discoveries which had been made in this new voyage, and
the names of all the places which had been touched at by Piedro de Cintra,
beginning from the Rio Grande, the extreme point of the former voyage[1].

De Cintra first went to the two large inhabited islands at the mouth of
the Rio Grande which I had discovered in my second voyage, where he
landed, and ordered his interpreters to make the usual inquiries at the
inhabitants; but they could not make themselves understood, nor could
they understand the language of the natives. Going therefore into the
interior, they found the habitations of the Negroes to consist of poor
thatched cabins, in some of which they found wooden idols, which were
worshipped by the Negroes. Being unable to procure any information in
this place, Cintra proceeded, in his voyage along the coast, and came to
the mouth of a large river between three and four miles wide, which he
called Besegue, from a lord of that name who dwelt near its mouth, and
which he reckoned to be about forty miles from the mouth of the Rio
Grande[2]. Proceeding about 140 miles from the river Besegue, along a
very hilly coast; clothed with high trees, and having a very beautiful
appearance, they came to a cape to which they gave the name of Verga[3].
Continuing along the coast, they fell in with another cape, which, in the
opinion of all the seamen, was the highest they had ever seen, having a
sharp conical height in the middle like a diamond, yet entirely covered
with beautiful green trees. After the name of the fortress of Sagres,
which was built by the deceased Don Henry on Cape St Vincent, the
Portuguese named this point Cape Sagres of Guinea. According to the
account of the Sailors, the inhabitants of this coast are idolaters,
worshipping wooden images in the shape of men, before which they make
offerings of victuals as often as they eat or drink. These people are
more of a tawny colour than black, having marks on their faces and bodies
made with hot irons. They go almost entirely naked, except that they wear
pieces of the bark of trees before them. They have no arms, as there is
no iron in their country. They live on rice, millet, beans, and kidney
beans, larger than ours; and have also beef and goats flesh, but not in
any great abundance. Near to Cape Sagres there are several very small
uninhabited islands.

The inhabitants of this river have large almadias, carrying from thirty
to forty men, who row standing, without having their oars fixed to any
thing, as formerly noticed. They have their ears pierced with many holes,
in which they wear a variety of gold rings. Both men and women have also
a hole through the cartilage of the nose, in which they wear a gold ring,
just like that of iron in the noses of our buffalos, which they take out
when eating. The ladies belonging to the kings and great men, by way of
extraordinary grandeur, have gold rings on other parts of their body,
which decorum prevents us from particularizing.

Passing Cape Sagres, they sailed about forty miles farther along the coast,
and came to the Rio de San Vincents, which is about four miles wide; and
about five miles farther they found another, which they called Rio Verde,
larger at the mouth than the former[5]. Both of these rivers were so named
by the sailors in the caravels. About twenty-four miles beyond the Rio
Verde, they came to another cape which they called _Cape Liedo_,
signifying the _cheerful_, because of the beautifully verdant country in
its neighbourhood[6]. From Cape Liedo there extends a large mountain for
about fifty miles along the coast, all of which is very high, and covered
with tall verdant trees. At the end of this mountain, and about eight
miles from the shore, there are three small islands, the largest of which
does not exceed ten or twelve miles in circumference. To these the sailors
gave the name of _Saluezze_[7]; and they named the mountain _Sierra Leona_,
or the Lion Mountain, on account of the continual roaring of thunder on
its summit, which is always enveloped in clouds.

Proceeding beyond Sierra Leona, the coast was quite low, and the shore
full of sand banks running out into the sea. About thirty miles from the
southern extremity of the mountain, they found a river near three miles
wide at the entrance, and because the water had a red colour, they called
it Rio Roxo[8]. And farther on they found a cape, likewise of a red colour,
which they named Cape Roxo[9]. And they gave the same name of Roxo to a
small uninhabited island, about ten miles off at sea, where the north
polar star seemed only the height of a man above the horizon. Beyond Cape
Roxo, the sea forms a gulf, about the middle of which there enters a river,
which the seamen called St Mary del Nievos, or of the snow, as having been
discovered on the day of that Saint. On the other side of the river there
is a cape, with an island close beside it[10]. This gulf is full of sand
banks, running ten or twelve miles along the coast, on which the sea
breaks with considerable violence, and has a strong current both in the
ebb and flow of the tide; and the little island just mentioned is named
_Scauni_, on account of these sand banks. Twenty-four miles distant from
this river is a large cape called St Ann, having been discovered on the
day of that saint; and the whole coast between is low, with very shallow
water. Twenty-four miles beyond this cape is the river of _Palms_, so
named from the abundance of these trees which were seen there. The mouth
of this river, though of sufficient width, is so full of shoals; and sand
banks as to render its entrance very dangerous. About seventy miles
farther on, there is another small river called _Rio de Fumi_, or Smoke
River; so named, because at the time of its discovery, they saw nothing
but smoke along this coast, made by the Negroes[11]. Beyond this river,
about twenty-four miles, there is a cape which runs a great way out into
the sea, on which stands a high mountain, on which account it was called
_Cabo del Monte_, or Cape Mount About sixty miles still farther on, to the
S. E. there is another and smaller cape, on which is a small mountain or
hill, which was named Cape _Cortese_, or _Misurado_. The first night after
their arrival at this place, the voyagers saw many fires among the trees,
made by the Negroes on seeing the ships, as they had never seen such
objects before.

About sixteen miles beyond Cape Misurado, there is a large forest of trees
close to the shore, to which they gave the name of St Mary's Grove. The
caravels came to anchor beyond this wood, and several almadias came off
from the shore towards them. There were two or three naked negroes in each,
having sharp pointed sticks in their hands, which our seamen supposed to
be darts; some of them had small knives, and they had only two targets and
three bows among them all. These Negroes, had their ears and noses pierced,
from which hung some strange ornaments resembling human teeth. The
interpreters spoke to them, but could not understand their language. Three
of these Negroes ventured on board one of the caravels, one of whom was
detained by the Portuguese, and the other two allowed to go away; for
Cintra had been ordered by the king, in case of discovering any country
where the interpreters did not understand the language, that he was to
bring away one of the natives either by force or fair means, that he might
be able to give an account of his country, either by some of the Negroes
in Portugal happening to understand his language, or after he had acquired
the Portuguese.

Piedro de Cintra, having determined to proceed no farther, returned back
to Portugal from Cape Misarado, to which he had traced the coast of Africa
from the Rio Grande. Upon his return, this negro who had been detained off
Cape Misurado, was examined by several Negroes, and at length was
understood by a Negress who belonged to an inhabitant of Lisbon; not
indeed by his own proper language, but by means of another which was known
to them both. Whatever intelligence may have been procured on this
occasion, was not made public, except that there were unicorns in his
country. After this Negro had been kept for some months in Lisbon, and had
been shewn many of the curiosities of Portugal, the king ordered him to be
supplied with clothes, and sent him back in a caravel to his own country.
But from that coast no other ship had arrived before my departure, which
was on the first of February 1463[12].

[1] For this exordium or introduction, we are indebted to the editor of
    Astley's Collection of Voyages and Travels, said to have been a Mr
    John Green. The infant Don Henry of Portugal died in 1463; so that
    there must have been an interval of six or seven years between the
    second voyage of Cada Mosto and this of Piedro de Cintra: Though de
    Faria seems to put this voyage as having been executed before the
    death of that excellent prince, yet Cada Mosto, who then actually
    resided at Lagos, could not be mistaken is this important particular.--
    Astl.

[2] In a note to the second voyage of Cada Mosto, it has been already
    noticed that he seems to have given the name of Rio Grande to the
    channel between the Bissagos islands, or shoals of the Rio Grande and
    the Main. This river Besegue, may possibly be the strait or channel
    which divides the island named particularly Bissagos, or more properly
    Bissao, from that of Bassis or Bussi. Yet, this river Besegue may even
    have been that now called Rio Grande, in which, about twenty-four
    leagues above its mouth, there is an island called Bissaghe.--E.

[3] It is strange that the Rio de Nuno, close by this cape, the estuary
    of which is not less than seven or eight miles wide, should be here
    omitted; but the present voyage is very superficially narrated
    throughout.--E.

[4] The text is here obviously defective, as no river is mentioned before;
    but the allusion must be to the river Pongo, Pongue, or Pougue, at the
    mouth of which Cape Sagres is situated; indeed that cape seems to be
    formed by one of the islands off the mouth of the river.--E.

[5] There are a number of small rivers on the coast, between Cape Sagres
    and Cape Tagrin, such as Tofali, Dania, Buria, Berrea, Tanna, Pogone,
    Cagrance, dos Casas; but our modern charts have none named as in the
    text on this part of the coast.--E.

[6] This is now called Cape Tagrin, and forms the northern point at the
    entrance of the Sierra Leone river, otherwise called the Mitomba or
    Tagrin river. The southern point is named Cape Sierra Leone; and in
    some maps is likewise named Liedo very improperly. It is necessary to
    distinguish carefully between the _Cape_ of Sierra Leone, and the
    mountainous ridge of the same name, which appears to extend a
    considerable way along the coast to the S. E. near fifty miles, to the
    river Kates, or Sa. Ma. della Neue. But, from the baldness of the
    narrative, there is great difficulty in tracing out this voyage.--E.

[7] These are now called Bananas islands, in lat. 8° N.--E.

[8] Perhaps the Camaranca.--E.

[9] Probably that now called Tassa Point, or Cabo de S. Anna.--E.

[10] This account seems again to refer to the river Camaranca and Tassa
    Point; otherwise called Cape St Ann; yet this cape is brought in
    immediately afterwards. Indeed this voyage is inextricably confused,
    probably incorrect or corrupt.--E.

[11] The large island of Sherbro, with Sherbro Strand and Shoals, a very
    prominent feature of this part of the African coast, is here entirely
    overlooked; unless we suppose de Cintra to have gone on the outside of
    that island, considering the sound as a river, and naming the N. W.
    point of Sherbro island Cape St Ann.--E.

[12] We have already seen that Don Henry died in this year, which must,
    therefore, be here an error of the press, either in the original
    publication by Cada Mosto, or in some of the after editions.--E.

CHAPTER V.

CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES ALONG THE COAST OF AFRICA,
FROM THE DEATH OF DON HENRY IN 1463, TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE CAPE OF GOOD
HOPE IN 1486[1].

SECTION I.

_Progress of Discovery from Cape Verga to Cape St Catherine; from the
Death of Don Henry to that of King Alphonzo V_.

After the decease of Don Henry, the illustrious father of maritime
discovery, the progress of the Portuguese along the coast of Africa
received a considerable check, as the military ardour of Alphonzo the
Fifth was principally directed to the support of his pretensions to the
throne of Castile, the circumstances of which are unconnected with the
plan of this work. King Alphonzo was not however entirely inattentive to
the trade for gold and slaves, which his illustrious uncle Don Henry had
commenced with that part of Africa which is now called Guinea. The origin
of this name of Guinea, or _Ghinney_, is unknown. It is not in use among
the natives, and seems to have been imposed by the Portuguese from the
appellation of _Ghenchoa_, given to a country on the south side of the
Senegal, us first mentioned by Leo and afterwards by Marmol. Ever since
the year 1453, as already mentioned, considerable importations of gold
had been made to Portugal from the coast of Africa; but little or no
progress had been made in extending the discoveries farther south, for
some time previous to the decease of Don Henry. In 1470, King Alphonzo
sailed with a considerable army, in a fleet of above 300 ships, and
carried the strong fort of _Arzila_ on the Atlantic coast of Africa, a
little way to the south of the Straits of Gibraltar. But of his military
exploits in Africa, from which he acquired the appellation of _Africanus_,
and assumed the additional title of _Lord of the coasts on both seas_,
our present purpose does not call for any recital. In 1479, the disputes
between the crowns of Portugal and Castile were compromised by a treaty
entered into by Alphonzo V. king of Portugal, and Ferdinand king of
Castile; by which the trade of Guinea, and the navigation of its coast,
with the proposed conquest of _Fez_, were guaranteed to Portugal, and the
Canary islands were annexed to the crown of Castile.

From the want of any accurate history of the progress of the Portuguese
discoveries, it is utterly impossible to determine the dates or
circumstances of many of the progressive discoveries along the western
coast of Africa, and of its islands. In 1469, Alphonzo farmed the Guinea
trade for five years to Fernando Gomez, for the yearly rent of 500 ducats,
or about 138 pounds; taking, him bound at the same time, to extend the
discoveries for 500 leagues to the southwards during the period of his
exclusive privilege. In 1471, according to Marmol, Juan de Santareu and
Pedro de Escobar, discovered the _Oro de la Mina_, or the _Gold coast_;
and advancing still farther, under the guidance of two experienced pilots,
Martin Fernandez and Alvaro Esteves, they discovered _Cabo Catalina_, or
Cape St Catherine, in lat. 1° 40' S. This promontory, which is thirty-one
leagues to the south of Cabo de Lope Gonzales, derived its name from the
day of the saint on which it was first seen, and forms the northern
boundary of the great kingdom of Congo. The discovery of this cape is
assigned by some writers to Sequiera, a knight belonging to the royal
household.

The celebrated Portuguese historian, Emanuel de Faria, in his _Asia
Portuguesa_, has recorded all the Portuguese voyages, from their first
attempts under Don Henry, to their developement of China and Japan, and
has even left an account of all the ships that sailed from Lisbon for
Africa and Asia, down to the year 1600; but was unable to ascertain the
dates of many important events. Neither he nor De Barros have been able
to remove the uncertainty respecting the first discovery of the island of
St Thomas on the coast of Africa, the south end of which touches the
equinoctial. During the remainder of the reign of Alphonzo, the line of
coast, from Cape Verga in lat. 10° N. to Cape St Catherine in 1° 40' S.
was much frequented by the Portuguese. Of this coast an ample account has
been given by Dapper and Barbot, chiefly following a tract published by
Gotard Artus of Dantzick, which is to be found in De Bry's Collection,
and that of David von Nyendael and others. This was the work of a Dutch
navigator, which was first translated in to German, and thence by Artus
into Latin. But our peculiar department is confined to actual voyages and
travels, and the progress of discovery; and it would both much exceed our
proper limits, and would be an entire deviation from our plan of
arrangement, to admit lengthened geographical and topographical
disquisitions; which, so far as they are at all admissible, must be
reserved for the more particular voyages and travels, after those of
general discovery have been discussed.

There are four principal islands in the Gulf of Guinea, or Bight of
Biafra, as it is usually called by English navigators, Ferdinand Poo,
Princes isle, St Thomas, and Annobon, the discovery of which have been
related as follows by Barbot, and his account seems the most probable[2].
Fernando Lopez discovered the first of these in 1471, in lat. 3° 40' N.
giving it the name of _Ilha formosa_, or the Beautiful Island, which was
afterwards changed to that of _Fernando Poo_, which it still retains. In
an account of the kingdom of Congo, in Churchill's Collection, viii. 527,
more properly named the Oxford Collection, or that of Osborne, v. 2. This
island, and a river on the coast of the continent of Africa, directly
east, now called Cameroon River, are said to have taken their names of
Fernando Poo from their first discoverer. Some writers assign the
discovery of these four islands, and that of St Matthew, to Fernando
Gomez, who formed the Guinea trade. Perhaps they were discovered under
his auspices, by the navigators whom he employed. This island is composed
of very high land, easily seen at a great distance, and the Portuguese
had formerly sugar plantations upon it. The _Ilha do Principe_, or
Princes Island, in lat. 1° 30' N. was either discovered by Fernando Lopez,
or by Santaren and Escobar, about the same period, and probably received
its name in honour of the illustrious prince, Don Henry. This island is
described as consisting of high table mountains, pyramidal at their bases,
and visible at the distance of twenty leagues; being about nine leagues
long by five leagues broad. It is said to abound in oranges, lemons,
bananas, cocoa-nuts, sugar-canes, rice, many species of sallad herbs, and
to be susceptible of producing the European grains. The mandioca, or root
of the cassada plant, is generally used for bread, of which the juice
while raw is said to be a virulent poison; while its meal, or rasped root,
after the malignant juice is carefully pressed out, is used for bread.
The inhabitants also, have sheep, hogs, goats, and an immense number of
poultry; but these have probably been introduced by the Portuguese.

The _Ilha de San Thome_, or island of St Thomas, which is said to have
received its name from the saint to whom the chapel of the great
monastery of _Thomar_ is dedicated, and to which all the African
discoveries are subjected in spirituals, has its southern extremity
almost directly under the equinoctial, and is a very high land of an oval
shape, about fifteen leagues in breadth, by twelve leagues long.

The most southerly of these islands, in lat. 1° 30' S. now called Annobon,
was originally named Ilha d'Anno Bueno, or Island of the Happy Year,
having been discovered by Pedro d'Escovar, on the first day of the year
1472. At a distance, this island has the appearance of a single high
mountain, and is almost always topt with mist. It extends about five
leagues from north to south, or rather from N. N. W. to S. S. E. and is
about four leagues broad, being environed by several rocks and shoals. It
has several fertile vallies, which produce maize, rice, millet, potatoes,
yams, bananas, pine-apples, citrons, oranges, lemons, figs, and tamarinds,
and a sort of small nuts called by the French _noix de medicine_, or
physic nuts[3]. It also furnishes oxen, hogs, and sheep, with abundance
of fish and poultry; and its cotton is accounted excellent.

Including the voyages of Cada Mosto and Pedro de Cintra, which have been
already detailed, as possibly within the period which elapsed between the
death of Don Henry in 1463, and King Alphonzo, which latter event took
place on the 28th August 1481, and the detached fragments of discovery
related in the present Section, we have been only able to trace a faint
outline of the uncertain progress of Portuguese discovery during that
period of eighteen years, extending, as already mentioned, to Cape St
Catherine and the island of Annobon. A considerable advance, therefore,
had been made since the lamented death of the illustrious Don Henry;
which comprehended the whole coast of Guinea, with its two gulfs, usually
named the _Bights_ of Benin and Biafra, with the adjacent islands, and
extending to the northern frontier of the kingdom of Congo[4]. If the
following assertion of de Barros could be relied on, we might conclude
that some nameless Portuguese navigators had crossed the line even before
the death of Don Henry; but the high probability is, that the naval
pupils of that illustrious prince continued to use his impress upon their
discoveries, long after his decease, and that the limits of discovery in
his time was confined to Cape Vergas. Some Castilians, sailing under the
command of Garcia de Loaysa, a knight of Malta, landed in 1525 on the
island of St Matthew, in two degrees of southern latitude[5]. They here
observed that it had been formerly visited by the Portuguese, as they
found an inscription on the bark of a tree, implying that they had been
there eighty-seven years before[6]. It also bore the usual motto of
that prince, _talent de bien faire_.

In the paucity of authentic information respecting these discoveries, it
seems proper to insert the following abstract of the journal of a
Portuguese pilot to the island of St Thomas, as inserted by Ramusio,
previous to the voyage of Vasco de Gama, but of uncertain date; although,
in the opinion of the ingenious author of the Progress of Maritime
Discover, this voyage seems to have been performed between the years 1520
and 1540. In this, state of uncertainty, it is therefore made a section
by itself, detached in some measure from the regular series of the
Portuguese discoveries.

[1] Astley, I. 15. Clarke, I. 290. Purchas, I. Harris, I. 664.

[2] Clarke, I. 295.

[3] These may possibly be the nuts of the Ricinus Palma Christi, from
    which the castor oil is extracted.--E.

[4] Strictly speaking the northern limits of Loango, one of the divisions
    of the extensive kingdom of Congo, is at the Sette river, ten leagues
    S.S. E. from Cape St Catherine.--E.

[5] There is no island of that name in this position; so that the island
    of St Matthew of de Barros must refer to Annobon.--E.

[6] These dates would throw back the discovery of this island, and the
    passage of the line by the mariners of Don Henry, to the year 1438, at
    a time when they had not reached the latitude of 25° N. which is quite
    absurd.--E.

SECTION II.

Voyage of a Portuguese Pilot from Lisbon to the Island of St Thomas[1].

Before I left Venice, I was requested by letter from Signior Hieronimo
Fracastro of Verona, that, on my arrival at Conde, I would send, him an
account of my voyage to San Thome, to which island our ships often sail
for cargoes of sugar. The passage of the equinoctial line, under which
that island, is situated, appeared to that gentleman so extraordinary a
circumstance as to merit the attention of men of science; and you
likewise made me a similar request. I began, therefore, immediately after
my return, to draw up an account of my voyage, from those notes which we
pilots usual keep of all occurrences, and I compared it in my progress
with the journals of some friends who had formerly made the same voyage.
When I afterwards attentively perused my manuscript, it did not appear to
me worthy of being communicated to a gentleman of such scientific
character as Signor Hieronimo, whose talents I had duly appreciated, by
the perusal of his publications, which I received from you before my
departure from Venice. I therefore laid my manuscript aside, not wishing
that any one might peruse it; but as you have again urged the performance
of my promise, I now anxiously obey a request, which, as coming from you,
I must always consider a command. Apprehensive, likewise, of appearing
forgetful of your polite attentions, I prefer the danger of exposing my
ignorance, to the possibility of being charged with ingratitude or want
of attention. Being a sailor, and unused to composition, I pretend to
little more than copying the remarks of those who have sailed from our
continent to _Ethiopia_, without attempting to reduce my narrative into
lucid order, or to embellish it with fine writing. You will therefore
have the goodness to destroy this account, after its perusal, that the
errors I have committed, by compliance with your commands, may not draw
upon me the imputation of presumption.

The Portuguese ships which sail to the island of St Thomas from Lisbon,
for cargoes of sugar, usually put to sea in February, though some vessels