an hour they entered the village and captured it. They discovered
food there, which was the thing they were most in need of. After this
the whole province was at peace.

  [354] This was the Zuñi Indian pueblo of Hawikuh, one of their
  seven villages, from which Coronado wrote to the Viceroy Mendoza,
  dating his letter "from the province of Cevola, and this city of
  Granada, the 3d of August, 1540." (See Winship's translation in
  _Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, pp. 552-563.)
  Hawikuh, or "Granada," was situated about fifteen miles southwest
  of the present Zuñi, near the Zuñi River, in New Mexico, and its
  ruins are still to be seen. This was the pueblo in which Estévan
  doubtless lost his life the year before, and which was viewed
  from an adjacent height by Fray Marcos. Hawikuh was the seat of a
  mission established by the Franciscans in 1629; it was abandoned
  in 1670 after having been raided by the Apaches and its priest
  killed. The name "Cibola," now and later applied to Hawikuh, is
  believed to be a Spanish form of _Shiwina_, the Zuñi name for
  their tribal range. _Cibolo_ later became the term by which the
  Spaniards of Mexico designated the bison.

  [355] The houses were built in terrace fashion, one above the
  other, the roof of one tier forming a sort of front yard for the
  tier of houses next above it.

  [356] The war cry or "loud invocation addressed to Saint James
  before engaging in battle with the Infidels."--Captain John
  Stevens's _Dictionary_.

The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started to
follow their general, all loaded with provisions, with lances on
their shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded.
With no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which
Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people here
offered him many hearts of animals.[357] He founded a town here and
named it San Hieronimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the Hearts).
After it had been started, it was seen that it could not be kept up
here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which had been
called Señora. The Spaniards call it Señora,[358] and so it will be
known by this name.

  [357] See Cabeza de Vaca's narrative in the present volume. The
  place was at or near the present Ures, on the Rio Sonora in
  Sonora, Mexico.

  [358] Whence the name of the present state of Sonora.

From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the
harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who
was captain of those who went in search of the ships, did not find
them, but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that
the best man in the army reached only to his chest.[359] It was said
that other Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains
ceased the army went on to where the town of Señora was afterward
located,[360] because there were provisions in that region, so that
they were able to wait there for orders from the general.

  [359] Evidently a Seri Indian. The Seri are a wild tribe speaking
  an independent language and occupying the island of Tiburon and
  the adjacent Sonora coast of the Gulf of California. They are
  noted for their stature. For an account of this people, see McGee
  in _Seventeenth Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology_, pt.
  1 (1898).

  [360] Believed to be in the present Sonora valley, where it opens
  out into a broader plain a number of miles above Ures.

About the middle of the month of October,[361] Captains Melchior Diaz
and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego[362] on his way to
New Spain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in
command of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast
in search of the ships.

  [361] This should be September.

  [362] It is not without interest to record here the finding, in
  1886, in western Kansas, of a sword-blade, greatly corroded,
  but still bearing sufficient trace of the name "Juan Gallego"
  to enable its determination, as well as the inscription "_No me
  saques sin razon. No me embaines sin honor_." See W. E. Ritchey
  in _Mail and Breeze_, Topeka, Kansas, July 26, 1902.

Chapter 10

     _Of how the army started from the town of Señora, leaving it
     inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to
     Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships
     and how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) River._

After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of
Señora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola;
that Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with eighty
men; that Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the
viceroy, and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because he
did not think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that his
report had turned out to be entirely false, because the kingdoms that
he had told about had not been found, nor the populous cities, nor
the wealth of gold, nor the precious stones which he had reported,
nor the fine clothes, nor other things that had been proclaimed
from the pulpits. When this had been announced, those who were to
remain were selected and the rest loaded their provisions and set off
in good order about the middle of September on the way to Cibola,
following their general.

Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest
men, and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and
strife, because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took
twenty-five of the most efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego
de Alcaraz, a man unfitted to have people under his command. He took
guides and went toward the north and west in search of the seacoast.
After going about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceedingly
tall and strong men--like giants. They are naked and live in large
straw cabins built underground like smoke-houses, with only the
straw roof above ground. They enter these at one end and come out at
the other. More than a hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one
cabin. When they carry anything, they can take a load of more than
three or four hundred weight on their heads. Once when our men wished
to fetch a log for the fire, and six men were unable to carry it, one
of these Indians is reported to have come and raised it in his arms,
put it on his head alone, and carried it very easily. They eat bread
cooked in the ashes, as big as the large two-pound loaves of Castile.
On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand (_tison_) in
the hand when they go from one place to another, with which they
warm the other hand and the body as well, and in this way they keep
shifting it every now and then.[363] On this account the large river
which is in that country was called Rio del Tison (Firebrand River).
It is a very great river and is more than two leagues wide at its
mouth; here it is half a league across. Here the captain heard that
there had been ships at a point three days down toward the sea. When
he reached the place where the ships had been, which was more than
fifteen leagues up the river from the mouth of the harbor, they found
written on a tree: "Alarcon reached this place; there are letters at
the foot of this tree." He dug up the letters and learned from them
how long Alarcon had waited for news of the army and that he had gone
back with the ships to New Spain, because he was unable to proceed
farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed by the Isle of
the Marquis, which is called California, and it was explained that
California was not an island, but a point of the mainland forming the
other side of that gulf.[364]

  [363] These were evidently the Cocopa, a Yuman tribe, whose
  descendants still inhabit the lower Rio Colorado, which is the
  Rio del Tison of this narrative. The Cocopa now number perhaps
  800.

  [364] It had been supposed that Lower California, the "Isle of
  the Marquis" (Cortés), was an island, yet notwithstanding its
  determination as a peninsula it appeared as an island on maps of
  a much later period.

After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river,
without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to
the other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone
five or six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts.
For this purpose they called together a large number of the natives,
who were waiting for a favorable opportunity to make an attack on
our men, and when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they
helped make the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch
them in this way on the water and drown them or else so divide them
that they could not help one another. While the rafts were being
made, a soldier who had been out around the camp saw a large number
of armed men go across to a mountain, where they were waiting till
the soldiers should cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian
was quietly shut up, in order to find out the truth, and when they
tortured him he told all the arrangements that had been made. These
were, that when our men were crossing and part of them had got over
and part were on the river and part were waiting to cross, those who
were on the rafts should drown those they were taking across and the
rest of their force should make an attack on both sides of the river.
If they had had as much discretion and courage as they had strength
and power, the attempt would have succeeded.[365]

  [365] The rafts, or _balsas_, referred to, were made by tying
  together a large number of reeds. The vessel was wide at the
  middle and pointed at the ends, and was very buoyant.

When he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had confessed
the affair killed secretly, and that night he was thrown into the
river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect that they
were found out. The next day they noticed that our men suspected
them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but
when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded
them without mercy and the musketeers likewise made good shots, they
had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of
them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right,
the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and
the horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to
continue their journey.

To relate how the army that was on its way to Cibola got on:
Everything went along in good shape, since the general had left
everything peaceful, because he wished the people in that region
to be contented and without fear and willing to do what they were
ordered. In a province called Vacapan there was a large quantity
of prickly pears, of which the natives make a great deal of
preserves.[366] They gave this preserve away freely, and as the men
of the army ate much of it, they all fell sick with a headache and
fever, so that the natives might have done much harm to the force if
they had wished. This lasted regularly twenty-four hours. After this
they continued their march until they reached Chichilticalli. The
men in the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one day after leaving
this place. I myself saw and followed them. They had extremely large
bodies and long wool; their horns were very thick and large, and when
they run they throw back their heads and put their horns on the ridge
of their back. They are used to the rough country, so that we could
not catch them and had to leave them.[367]

  [366] Vacapan was apparently an Opata pueblo, or rather two
  pueblos, on a branch of the Rio Yaqui, which the Spaniards passed
  through shortly before reaching Corazones (Ures) on the Rio
  Sonora. The preserved cactus fruit is regarded highly by all the
  Indians of the general region even to-day, and in season they
  subsist largely upon it. The saguara (_Cereus giganteus_), or
  great columnar cactus, furnishes the chief supply.

  [367] The well-known Rocky Mountain sheep. As late as twenty
  years ago some of the mountain ranges of southeastern Arizona,
  especially the Catalina Mountains, were noted for this animal.

Three days after we entered the wilderness we found a horn on the
bank of a river that flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully,
which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see,
for it was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man's thigh.
It seemed to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other
animal. It was something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was
about a day's march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in
the afternoon, followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad
combination for the carriers. The army went on till it reached some
caves in a rocky ridge, late in the evening. The Indian allies, who
were from New Spain, and for the most part from warm countries, were
in great danger. They felt the coldness of that day so much that it
was hard work the next day taking care of them, for they suffered
much pain and had to be carried on the horses, the soldiers walking.
After this labor the army reached Cibola, where their general was
waiting for them, with their quarters all ready, and here they were
reunited, except some captains and men who had gone off to discover
other provinces.

Chapter 11

     _Of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or Tutahaco[368]
     and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand River, and
     the other things that had happened._

  [368] Compare Chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not
  the same.

While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being
at peace, the general, Francisco Vazquez, found out from the people
of the province about the provinces that lay around it, and got them
to tell their friends and neighbors that Christians had come into
the country, whose only desire was to be their friends, and to find
out about good lands to live in, and for them to come to see the
strangers and talk with them. They did this, since they know how to
communicate with one another in these regions, and they informed him
about a province with seven villages of the same sort as theirs,
although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these
people. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues
from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike.

The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with
seventeen horsemen and three or four foot-soldiers.[369] Juan de
Padilla, a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his
youth, went with them. When they reached the region, they entered the
country so quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no
settlements or farms between one village and another and the people
do not leave the villages except to go to their farms, especially
at this time, when they had heard that Cibola had been captured
by very fierce people, who travelled on animals which ate people.
This information was generally believed by those who had never seen
horses, although it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men
arrived after nightfall and were able to conceal themselves under
the edge of the village, where they heard the natives talking in
their houses. But in the morning they were discovered and drew up
in regular order, while the natives came out to meet them, with
bows, and shields, and wooden clubs, drawn up in lines without any
confusion. The interpreter was given a chance to speak to them and
give them due warning, for they were very intelligent people, but
nevertheless they drew lines and insisted that our men should not
go across these lines toward their village.[370] While they were
talking, some men acted as if they would cross the lines, and one of
the natives lost control of himself and struck a horse a blow on the
cheek of the bridle with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the time
that was being wasted in talking with them, said to the captain:
"To tell the truth, I do not know why we came here." When the men
heard this, they gave the Santiago so suddenly that they ran down
many Indians and the others fled to the town in confusion. Some
indeed did not have a chance to do this, so quickly did the people
in the village come out with presents, asking for peace. The captain
ordered his force to collect, and, as the natives did not do any
more harm, he and those who were with him found a place to establish
their headquarters near the village. They had dismounted here when
the natives came peacefully, saying that they had come to give in
the submission of the whole province and that they wanted him to be
friends with them and to accept the presents which they gave him.
This was some cotton cloth, although not much, because they do not
make it in that district.[371] They also gave him some dressed skins
and cornmeal, and pine nuts[372] and corn and birds of the country.
Afterward they presented some turquoises,[373] but not many. The
people of the whole district came together that day and submitted
themselves, and they allowed him to enter their villages freely to
visit, buy, sell, and barter with them.

  [369] Castañeda speaks as a member of the "army," not of the
  advance guard. See the preceding chapter.

  [370] These lines were drawn in corn meal and must not be
  crossed. To this day similar lines of meal are made across a
  trail when certain ceremonies are being performed. The Spaniards
  were now at the pueblo of Awatobi, the first village of the Hopi
  (Moqui) people of Tusayan, in northeastern Arizona, reached
  in coming from the southward. It was destroyed by the other
  Hopi villagers in 1700, because the Awatobi people favored the
  re-establishment of the Spanish mission that had been destroyed
  in the great Pueblo revolt of 1680.

  [371] Castañeda, speaking from hearsay with respect to the
  Tovar expedition, errs in this statement, as the Hopi were the
  principal cotton growers and weavers of all the Pueblos. Later
  Spanish accounts all agree on this point. Indeed, even now the
  Hopi cotton kilts, sashes, and ceremonial robes are bartered
  throughout the Pueblo region.

  [372] Piñon nuts.

  [373] Obtained by trade with the Rio Grande Pueblos, who mined
  them in the Cerillos, southeast of Santa Fé, New Mexico. It is
  from the same deposits that much of the "matrix turquoise" of our
  present-day commerce is derived.

It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They
have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the
information about a large river, and that several days down the river
there were some people with very large bodies.[374]

  [374] See the reference to the Cocopa Indians met by Melchior
  Diaz, in Chapter 10.

As Don Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he returned
from there and gave this information to the general, who dispatched
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about twelve companions to go to
see this river. He was well received when he reached Tusayan and was
entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his journey.
They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to go
through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region, which
the Indians said was more than twenty days' journey. After they had
gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which seemed
to be more than three or four leagues in an air line across to the
other bank of the stream which flowed between them.[375] This country
was elevated and full of low twisted pines, very cold, and lying
open toward the north, so that, this being the warm season, no one
could live there on account of the cold. They spent three days on
this bank looking for a passage down to the river, which looked from
above as if the water was six feet across, although the Indians said
it was half a league wide. It was impossible to descend, for after
these three days Captain Melgosa and one Juan Galeras and another
companion, who were the three lightest and most agile men, made an
attempt to go down at the least difficult place, and went down until
those who were above were unable to keep sight of them. They returned
about four o'clock in the afternoon, not having succeeded in reaching
the bottom on account of the great difficulties which they found,
because what seemed to be easy from above was not so, but instead
very hard and difficult. They said that they had been down about a
third of the way and that the river seemed very large from the place
which they reached, and that from what they saw they thought the
Indians had given the width correctly. Those who stayed above had
estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the cliffs seemed to
be about as tall as a man, but those who went down swore that when
they reached these rocks they were bigger than the great tower of
Seville.[376] They did not go farther up the river, because they
could not get water. Before this they had had to go a league or two
inland every day late in the evening in order to find water, and the
guides said that if they should go four days farther it would not be
possible to go on, because there was no water within three or four
days, for when they travel across this region themselves they take
with them women loaded with water in gourds, and bury the gourds of
water along the way, to use when they return, and besides this, they
travel in one day over what it takes us two days to accomplish.

  [375] The Grand Cañon of the Colorado, now visited and described
  by white men for the first time.

  [376] The Giralda, or celebrated bell-tower of the Cathedral of
  Seville, which is 275 feet high.

This was the Tison (Firebrand) River, much nearer its source than
where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the same
kind of Indians, judging from what was afterward learned. They came
back from this point and the expedition did not have any other
result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and
learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were
hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this
and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were
there. They gave the general a written account of what they had seen,
because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez [de
Cardenas] as chronicler for the army. The villages of that province
[of Tusayan] remained peaceful, since they were never visited again,
nor was any attempt made to find other peoples in that direction.

Chapter 12

     _Of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the Christians,
     and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows._

While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to Cibola
from a village which was seventy leagues east of this province,
called Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes
(Whiskers) by our men, because he wore a long mustache. He was a
tall, well-built young fellow, with a fine figure. He told the
general that they had come in response to the notice which had been
given, to offer themselves as friends, and that if we wanted to go
through their country they would consider us as their friends. They
brought a present of tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which
were very gladly received, and the general gave them some glass
dishes and a number of pearls and little bells which they prized
highly, because these were things they had never seen. They described
some cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his
skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem
possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could
not tell what sort of skins they had. The general ordered Hernando de
Alvarado to take twenty companions and go with them, and gave him a
commission for eighty days, after which he should return to give an
account of what he had found.[377]

  [377] The report of Alvarado, translated by George Parker
  Winship, is published in the _Fourteenth Annual Report of the
  Bureau of Ethnology_ (Washington, 1896).

Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a
village which was on a rock called Acuco[378] having a population of
about two hundred men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole
country round about. The village was very strong, because it was up
on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so
high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high.
There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began
at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock.[379]
There was a broad stairway for about two hundred steps, then a
stretch of about one hundred narrower steps, and at the top they had
to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the
rock, in which they put the points of their feet, holding on at the
same time by their hands. There was a wall of large and small stones
at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so
that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village.
On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn,
and cisterns to collect snow and water.[380] These people came down
to the plain ready to fight, and would not listen to any arguments.
They drew lines on the ground and determined to prevent our men from
crossing these, but when they saw that they would have to fight
they offered to make peace before any harm had been done. They went
through their forms of making peace, which is to touch the horses and
take their sweat and rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with
the fingers of the hands. But to make the most secure peace they put
their hands across each other, and they keep this peace inviolably.
They made a present of a large number of [turkey-] cocks with very
big wattles, much bread, tanned deerskins, pine [piñon] nuts, flour
[cornmeal], and corn.

  [378] This is the pueblo of Acoma, about fifty miles east of
  Zuñi. It occupies the summit of the same rocky mesa, 357 feet
  high, that it did in Coronado's time. The name here given is
  doubtless an attempt to give the Zuñi designation, _Hákukia_,
  from _Ako_, the name by which it is known to the Acoma people.
  The present population is 650. Acoma has the distinction of being
  the oldest continuously occupied settlement in the United States.

  [379] The slope referred to is an immense sand-dune. The horse
  trail did not exist in Coronado's time, having been built by Fray
  Juan Ramirez, who established a mission at Acoma in 1629.

  [380] The Acomas still obtain their water supply from this source.

From here they went to a province called Triguex,[381] three days
distant. The people all came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers
was with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces.
Alvarado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come
and winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to
hear that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came
to Cicuye,[382] a very strong village four stories high. The people
came out from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de
Alvarado and their captain, and brought them into the town with drums
and pipes something like flutes, of which they have a great many.
They made many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are
quantities in that region.[383] The Spaniards enjoyed themselves
here for several days and talked with an Indian slave, a native of
the country toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de
Soto discovered. This fellow said that there were large settlements
in the farther part of that country. Hernando de Alvarado took him
to guide them to the cows; but he told them so many and such great
things about the wealth of gold and silver in his country that they
did not care about looking for cows, but returned after they had
seen some few, to report the rich news to the general. They called
the Indian "Turk," because he looked like one. Meanwhile the general
had sent Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men to get
lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Señora about this
time, before taking them there for the winter; and when Hernando de
Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye, he found Don
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was no need for him to
go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should give the
Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to abandon
it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took with
them nothing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Information
was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and I believe
that it would have been much better to follow this direction than
that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which
followed.

  [381] Tiguex. See p. 317, note.

  [382] Pecos. See p. 329, note 2.

  [383] See p. 308, note 3.

Chapter 13

     _Of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men and left
     the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex._

Everything already related had happened when Don Tristan de Arellano
reached Cibola from Señora. Soon after he arrived, the general,
who had received notice of a province containing eight villages,
took thirty of the men who were most fully rested and went to see
it, going from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides
who conducted him. He left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to
proceed to Tiguex by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty
days. On this journey, between one day when they left the camping
place and mid-day of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered
mountains, toward which they went in search of water, neither the
Spaniards nor the horses nor the servants drank anything. They were
able to stand it because of the severe cold, although with great
difficulty. In eight days they reached Tutahaco,[384] where they
learned that there were other towns down the river. These people
were peaceful. The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and
of the same style. The general went up the river from here, visiting
the whole province, until he reached Tiguex, where he found Hernando
de Alvarado and the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news,
because the Turk said that in his country there was a river in the
level country which was two leagues wide, in which there were fishes
as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more
than twenty rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that
their lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had
a great golden eagle. He said also that the lord of that country
took his afternoon nap under a great tree on which were hung a great
number of little gold bells, which put him to sleep as they swung in
the air. He said also that everyone had their ordinary dishes made of
wrought plate, and the jugs and bowls were of gold. He called gold
_acochis_. For the present he was believed, on account of the ease
with which he told it and because they showed him metal ornaments and
he recognized them and said they were not gold, and he knew gold and
silver very well and did not care anything about other metals.[385]

  [384] This name has always been a problem to students of the
  expedition, and various attempts have been made to determine
  its application. Jaramillo, one of Coronado's captains, applies
  the name to Acoma, and indeed its final syllables are the same
  as the native name of Acoma. In the heading to Chapter 11
  Castañeda erroneously makes Tutahaco synonymous with Tusayan. The
  description indicates that the Tigua village of Isleta and others
  in its vicinity on the Rio Grande in the sixteenth century were
  intended.

  [385] This Eldorado is seemingly a combination of falsehood and
  misinterpretation. The Turk's only means of communication were
  signs; and we shall see later on that he deliberately deceived
  the Spaniards for the purpose of leading them astray. The name
  _acochis_ here given is an aid in the identification of the
  mysterious province of Quivira. See p. 337, note 1.

The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to Cicuye to demand some
gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at the
time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a friend
at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said they
knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving him and
was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other means,
got the captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and
when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to
fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and
saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship.
Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general
kept them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of
confidence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of
peace from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward.

Chapter 14

     _Of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what happened to
     them on the way, on account of the snow._

We have already said that when the general started from Cibola,
he left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days
later. He did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and
provided with food and eager to start off to find their general. He
set off with his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made
their camp in the best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola)
province.[386] This is the only village that has houses with seven
stories. In this village certain houses are used as fortresses; they
are higher than the others and set up above them like towers, and
there are embrasures and loopholes in them for defending the roofs
of the different stories, because, like the other villages, they
do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height and are
used in common. The roofs have to be reached first, and these upper
houses are the means of defending them. It began to snow on us there,
and the force took refuge under the wings of the village, which
extend out like balconies, with wooden pillars beneath, because they
generally use ladders to go up to those balconies, since they do not
have any doors below.[387]

  [386] This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder
  Mountain, about three miles east of the present Zuñi and eighteen
  miles northeast of Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped.
  The ruins may still be seen, but no standing walls are visible.

  [387] The first-story rooms were entered by means of hatchways
  through the roof. As the necessity for defence no longer exists,
  the rooms of the lower stories of Zuñi houses are provided with
  doors and windows.

The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and
as the season had already advanced into December, during the ten
days that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the
evenings and nearly every night, so that they had to clear away a
large amount of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a
camp. The road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it,
as they knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the
country, which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke
and heat of which melted the snow from two to four yards all around
the fire. It was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage,
and covered it for half a man's height, it did not hurt it. It fell
all night long, covering the baggage and the soldiers and their beds,
piling up in the air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the
army nothing would have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses
stood half buried in it. It kept those who were underneath warm
instead of cold. The army passed by the great rock of Acuco,[388] and
the natives, who were peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them
provisions and birds, although there are not many people here, as I
have said. Many of the gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and
they had great difficulty in going up the steps in the rock, because
they were not used to them, for the natives go up and down so easily
that they carry loads and the women carry water, and they do not seem
even to touch their hands, although our men had to pass their weapons
up from one to another.

  [388] The army passed from Cibola by way of the present farming
  village of Pescado, Inscription Rock or El Morro (thirty miles
  east of Zuñi), and over the Zuñi Mountains to Acoma. Alvarado
  followed an almost impassable trail eastward from Hawikuh, across
  a great lava flow, to reach Acoma.

From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received and
taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little joy
and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army arrived
we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasons which
were not slight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had also
burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to the
camp.

Chapter 15

     _Of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished, without
     being to blame for it._

It has been related how the general reached Tiguex,[389] where he
found Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how
he sent the latter back to Cicuye, where he took the captain Whiskers
and the governor of the village, who was an old man, prisoners. The
people of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure. In addition
to this, the general wished to obtain some clothing to divide among
his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one of the chief
Indians of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much intercourse
and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan Aleman by
our men, after a Juan Aleman who lived in Mexico, whom he was said
to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish about three
hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give his people.
He said that he was not able to do this, but that it pertained to
the governors; and that besides this, they would have to consult
together and divide it among the villages, and that it was necessary
to make the demand of each town separately. The general did this, and
ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go and make the
demand; and as there were twelve villages, some of them went on one
side of the river and some on the other. As they were in very great
need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult about it, but
when they came to a village they demanded what they had to give, so
that they could proceed at once. Thus these people could do nothing
except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up the number
demanded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in these parties,
when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks which were not
such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a better one on,
they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping to find out
the rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not a little
hard feeling.

  [389] Tiguex (pronounced Tee-guaysh') is the name of a group
  of Pueblo tribes, now consisting of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and
  Picuris, speaking the Tigua language, as it is now designated.
  Their principal village in Coronado's time was also called Tiguex
  by the Spaniards; this was the Puaray of forty years later
  (1583), the first time the native name was recorded. It was
  situated at the site of Bernalillo, on the Rio Grande, and was
  inhabited up to the time of the Pueblo rebellion of 1680, when it
  contained two hundred Tiguas and Spaniards.

Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of
regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to
another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman
there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle
while he went up; and as the village was entered by the upper story,
the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he
was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard
came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and
learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and so
he came with the important men of the town to complain that a man had
violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the general made
all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come together, the
Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had changed his
clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been, but he said
that he could tell the horse, because he had held his bridle, and
so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and said that
the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing it, seeing
that he had not been recognized, and it may be that the Indian
was mistaken in the horse; anyway, he went off without getting any
satisfaction. The next day one of the Indians, who was guarding the
horses of the army, came running in, saying that a companion of his
had been killed, and that the Indians of the country were driving
off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards tried to collect
the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven of the general's
mules.[390]

  [390] Antonio de Espejo learned of this occurrence at "Puala"
  (Puaray) when the place was visited by him in 1583 (see
  _Documentos Inéditos de Indias_, XV. 175).

The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages
and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades
and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight
and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could
be done, because they would not come down on to the plain and the
villages are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them.
The general then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and
surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was
the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair
with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in
advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego
Lopez and Melgosa, took the Indians so much by surprise that they
gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many of
our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses
in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and
they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The
horsemen on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain
smoked them out from the cellars[391] into which they had broken, so
that they begged for peace. Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the
alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the Indians
with the same signs they were making for peace, which was to make a
cross. They then put down their arms and received pardon. They were
taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he said, did
not know about the peace and thought that they had given themselves
up of their own accord because they had been conquered. As he had
been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but to make an
example of them so that the other natives would fear the Spaniards,
he ordered two hundred stakes to be prepared at once to burn them
alive. Nobody told him about the peace that had been granted them,
for the soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should have
told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any of
their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were
binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who
were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what
there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who
were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great
confusion around it, and then the horsemen chased those who escaped.
As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it
was some who remained hidden in the village and escaped that night
to spread throughout the country the news that the strangers did
not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great
misfortune. After this was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned
the village and returned to the camp just as the army came from
Cibola.

  [391] The pueblos are not provided with cellars. The underground
  ceremonial chambers, or _kivas_, are doubtless here meant.

Chapter 16

     _Of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what happened
     during the siege._

As I have already related, it began to snow in that country just
after they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the
next two months[392] it was impossible to do anything except to go
along the roads to advise them to make peace and tell them that
they would be pardoned and might consider themselves safe, to which
they replied that they did not trust those who did not know how to
keep good faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards
should remember that they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that
they did not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered
in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who
went to give this notice. He started out with about thirty companions
and went to the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although
they were hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished
to talk with them he must dismount and they would come out and talk
with him about a peace, and that if he would send away the horsemen
and make his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would
come out of the village and meet him. Everything was done as they
required, and then when they approached they said that they had no
arms and that he must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in
order to give them confidence, on account of his great desire to get
them to make peace. When he met them, Juan Aleman approached and
embraced him vigorously, while the other two who had come with him
drew two mallets[393] which they had hidden behind their backs and
gave him two such blows over his helmet that they almost knocked him
senseless. Two of the soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go
very far off, even when he ordered them, and so they were near by and
rode up so quickly that they rescued him from their hands, although
they were unable to catch the enemies because the meeting was so near
the village that of the great shower of arrows which were shot at
them one arrow hit a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen
all rode up together and hurriedly carried off their captain, without
being able to harm the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously
wounded. They then withdrew, leaving a number of men to continue the
attack. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force
to another village about half a league distant, because almost all
the people in this region had collected into these two villages. As
they paid no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting
arrows from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of
peace, he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the
attack on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and
our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the
enemy on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of
their leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the
captain returned to his camp.

  [392] The altitude of Bernalillo is 5260 feet, and snowstorms are
  sometimes severe.

  [393] Wooden war-clubs.

After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround
the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with
several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his
force near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had
several days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such
quantities of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and
they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward
died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was
with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several
assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the Indians
most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were not able
to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and killed
thirty persons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights. One
day when there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando, a
captain who had been army-master all the time that Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas was away making the discoveries already described, and
also Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to
prevent them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village,
which was regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished
person, besides being honored on his own account, affable and much
beloved, which was noticeable. One day, before the capture was
completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew
we would not harm the women and children, they wished to surrender
their women and sons, because they were using up their water. It
was impossible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that
the Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they
gave up about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to
leave them. Don Lope de Urrea rode up in front of the town without
his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all
of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace,
giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to
go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had
no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As
he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow
ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went
off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling
to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed
there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot
and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then
put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away
he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode
back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from
them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot
arrows in showers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not
want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be
brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider.

Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night,
and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about
the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the
cavalry was. The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don Rodrigo
Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one Spaniard and a
horse and wounded others, but they were driven back with great
slaughter until they came to the river,[394] where the water flowed
swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as the
men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry,
there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the
camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had
been overcome by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them,
and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was
captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the
town and were captured a few days later.

  [394] The Rio Grande, which is near by.

Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had captured
the other large village after a siege. Having started out very early
one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some warriors
who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our camp,
the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they were
coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the country. The
soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw the
people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them. At the
same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town, and
they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were found
in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This siege
ended the last of March, in the year '42 [1541]. Other things had
happened in the meantime, which would have been noticed, but that it
would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will relate them
now, so that it will be possible to understand what follows.

Chapter 17

     _Of how messengers reached the army from the valley of Señora,
     and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the
     Firebrand River._

We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the
Firebrand River [Rio Colorado] on rafts, in order to continue his
discoveries farther in that direction. About the time the siege
ended, messengers reached the army from the city of San Hieronimo
with letters from Diego de Alarcon,[395] who had remained there in
the place of Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior
Diaz had died while he was conducting his search, and that the force
had returned without finding any of the things they were after. It
all happened in this fashion:

After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the
coast, which here turned back toward the south,[396] or between south
and east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north, and
this river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing
toward the south, enters the head of the gulf.[397] Continuing in
the direction they had been going, they came to some sandbanks of
hot ashes which it was impossible to cross without being drowned as
in the sea. The ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet
of paper, so that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them.
It seemed wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to
bubble up here in several places. After they had gone away from this
place, on account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the
lack of water, one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers
chased some sheep which they were taking along for food. When the
captain noticed this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse
was running, so that it stuck up in the ground, and not being able to
stop his horse he went over the lance so that it nailed him through
the thighs and the iron came out behind, rupturing his bladder.
After this the soldiers turned back with their captain, having to
fight every day with the Indians, who had remained hostile. He lived
about twenty days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty
on account of the necessity of carrying him. They returned in good
order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they were
relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Señora,
Alcaraz despatched the messengers already referred to, so that the
general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers
were ill-disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had
sentenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped
from the prison.

  [395] Should be Alcaraz. See Chapter 10.

  [396] That is, the west coast of the Gulf of California.

  [397] During 1905 the waters of the Rio Colorado were diverted
  westward below Yuma and are now (1906) flowing into the Salton
  Sink, or Imperial Valley, in southern California, forming an
  immense lake.

When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that
city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers
whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with
an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by
the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the
natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow,
which had made only a very little wound in one hand.[398] Several
soldiers went to the place where this happened to see about it, and
they were not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de
Alcaraz with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in
what they call the Valley of Knaves (_de los Vellacos_), which is in
the hills. After getting there and getting these men prisoners, Diego
de Alcaraz decided to let them go in exchange for some thread and
cloth and other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves
free, they renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong
and had poison, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so
that they died on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if
they had not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it
would have gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving
seventeen soldiers dead from the poison. They would die in agony from
only a small wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable
pestilential stench. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and
as it seemed to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he
moved forty leagues toward Cibola into the valley of Suya,[399] where
we will leave them, in order to relate what happened to the general
and his army after the siege of Tiguex.

  [398] Doubtless the Opatas, whose poisoned arrows are often
  alluded to by later Spanish writers. See, for example, the
  _Rudo Ensayo_ (ca. 1762), (San Augustin, 1863); also Guiteras's
  translation in _Records of the American Catholic Historical
  Society_, V. No. 2 (Philadelphia, June, 1894).

  [399] The upper part of the Rio San Pedro (which rises in
  northern Sonora), according to recent studies by Mr. James Newton
  Baskett.

Chapter 18

     _Of how the general managed to leave the country in peace so as
     to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the
     most wealth._

During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and
take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and
to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave
him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was
received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village
with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy
and gratitude. After looking over the village and speaking with the
natives he returned to his army, leaving Cicuye at peace, in the hope
of getting back their captain Whiskers.

After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a
captain to Chia,[400] a fine village with many people, which had sent
to offer its submission. It was four leagues distant to the west
of the river.[401] They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze
cannon, which were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen
also went to Quirix, a province with seven villages.[402] At the
first village, which had about a hundred inhabitants, the natives
fled, not daring to wait for our men; but they headed them off by
a short cut, riding at full speed, and then they returned to their
houses in the village in perfect safety, and then told the other
villagers about it and reassured them. In this way the entire region
was reassured, little by little, by the time the ice in the river
was broken up and it became possible to ford the river and so to
continue the journey. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were
not repopulated at all during the time the army was there, in spite
of every promise of security that could possibly be given to them.

  [400] The present Sia, a small pueblo on the Rio Jemez. In 1583
  Sia was one of a group of five pueblos which Antonio de Espejo
  called Cunames or Punames. It suffered severely by the Pueblo
  revolt a century later, and is now reduced to about a hundred
  people who have great difficulty in gaining a livelihood, owing
  to lack of water for irrigation.

  [401] That is, the Rio Grande.

  [402] The "province" occupied by the Queres or Keresan Indians,
  consisting of the pueblos of Cochiti, San Felipe, and Santo
  Domingo, of to-day--all on the Rio Grande. Sia and Santa Ana are
  and were also Queres villages in Coronado's time, but as these
  were not on the Rio Grande, they may not have been included in
  Castañeda's group. When Espejo visited the Queres in 1583, they
  occupied only five pueblos on the Rio Grande; now only the three
  above mentioned are inhabited.

And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over
so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders
were given for the start for Quivira,[403] where the Turk said there
was some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche[404] and
the Guaes.[405] There were already some in the army who suspected
the Turk, because a Spaniard named Servantes, who had charge of him
during the siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking
with the devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him
under lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him
what Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him
"nobody," and then the Turk answered: "You lie; five Christians are
dead, including a captain." And as Cervantes knew that he told the
truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it,
and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need
to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on account
of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the
pitcher, as I have said.

  [403] See p. 337, note 1.

  [404] Evidently the Harahey of other chroniclers, which has been
  identified with the Pawnee country of southern Nebraska.

  [405] Possibly the Kansa or Kaw tribe, after whom the state of
  Kansas is named.

While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start
from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general,
and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were
coming from Señora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters to
give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he
should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under the
crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army left
Tiguex on the fifth of May[406] and returned to Cicuye, which, as I
have said, is twenty-five marches, which means leagues, from there,
taking Whiskers with them.[407] Arrived there, he gave them their
captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was
very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food.
The governor and Whiskers gave the general a young fellow called
Xabe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information about the
country. This fellow said that there was gold and silver, but not
so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however, continued to
declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide, and thus the
army started off from here.

  [406] In his letter to the King, dated Tiguex October 20, 1541,
  Coronado says that he started April 23. See Winship's translation
  in _Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (1896), p. 580.

  [407] Cicuye is Pecos, as above mentioned. The direction is north
  of east and the distance forty miles in an air line, or fifteen
  Spanish judicial leagues. By rail, which follows almost exactly
  the old trail, the distance is sixty-five miles, or almost
  precisely twenty-five leagues.

Chapter 19

     _Of how they started in search of Quivira and of what happened
     on the way._

The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it
seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship
because their governor and captain had been restored to them.
Proceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of
the mountains, after four days' journey they came to a river with a
large, deep current, which flowed from toward Cicuyc, and they named
this the Cicuyc river. They had to stop here to make a bridge so as
to cross it.[408] It was finished in four days, by much diligence
and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the
animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements of
people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos[409] in that
region. They had seen the cows[410] for two days. These folks live
in tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around
near the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when
they saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us,
after which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who
we were. The general talked with them, but as they had already talked
with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what
he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact
that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves
understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter.[411]
They said that there was a very large river over toward where the
sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an
inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to
settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called
Haxa,[412] and that the river was more than a league wide and that
there were many canoes on it.[413] These folks started off from here
next day with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two
days, during which the army marched in the same direction as that in
which they had come from the settlements--that is, between north and
east, but more toward the north--they saw other roaming Querechos
and such great numbers of cows that it already seemed something
incredible. These people gave a great deal of information about
settlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don Garcia
broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so far
that he was unable to return to the camp, because the country is very
level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa).[414] The
general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped
and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and
discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the
same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those
who were on the advance guard killed a large number of bulls. As
these fled they trampled one another in their haste until they came
to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled
it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were
chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals without noticing
where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the
cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely.

  [408] The Rio Pecos. The bridge was doubtless built across the
  stream somewhere near Puerto de Luna. The Ms. here reads Cicuyc
  for Cicuye.

  [409] The name by which the eastern Apaches, or Apaches Vaqueros
  of later times, were known to the Pecos Indians. The first
  Querechos were met near the eastern boundary of New Mexico.

  [410] Wherever "cows" are mentioned, bison are of course meant.
  Herds of these animals ranged as far as the Pecos, which was
  known as the Rio de las Vacas later in the century.

  [411] All the Indians of the great plains were expert in the sign
  language, as their spoken languages were many and diverse.

  [412] The place has not been identified with certainty.

  [413] This river, if it existed at all, was in all probability
  the lower Arkansas or the Mississippi, hundreds of miles away.

  [414] The Turk was evidently lying, at least so far as the
  distance was concerned. The Texas Indians were not canoeists. The
  army was now in the western part of the staked plains of Texas,
  but had changed its course from northeasterly to south of east.
  The country is greatly broken by the cañons of the streams which
  take their rise in these parts.

As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way
back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the
little river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of
the horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to
find tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again
as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from
the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a
good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river
down to the camp, and told the general that in the twenty leagues
they had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There
was another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named
Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and
on account of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now,
although he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete
was not believed.

The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his company, forward
from here. He travelled four days and reached a large ravine like
those of Colima, in the bottom of which he found a large settlement
of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through this
place,[415] so that they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned
skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he
directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his
companions to guide the army to that place, so that they should not
get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow-dung
for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided
by the advance guard.

  [415] See Cabeza de Vaca's narration in this volume, p. 97.

When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity
of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed
guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and
saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders
for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were
going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going
to be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of
an hour nothing was left but the empty ground.

The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The
women and some others were left crying, because they thought that
the strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them
as Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through
here. They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castilian
lady,[416] except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman.
In general they all paint themselves in this way here, and they
decorate their eyes.

  [416] Probably an albino is here referred to.

Chapter 20

     _Of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they discovered
     another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts._

While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a
tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in
a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big
as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places
they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit
the horse--or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break
away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding
large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the
rest wore; and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the ravine
so that they got them down with great difficulty. If this had struck
them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been in
great danger of being left without its horses, as there were many
which they were not able to cover. The hail broke many tents, and
battered many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke all
the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small loss,
because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do not
make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat--or
only half cooked--and fruit.[417]

  [417] Castañeda here refers to the buffalo-hunting Indians in
  contrast to the Pueblo tribes which the Spaniards had left.

From here the general sent out to explore the country, and they
found another settlement four days from there[418].... The country
was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kidney beans and prunes
like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements
extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,[419] as
these people are called, went with the army from here and travelled
as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs
and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed
to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides
speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from
these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward
the north, and that we should not find any good road thither. After
this they began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had
now reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a
little bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of
mulberry trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit
that they have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes
at this ravine, although there were ripe ones. There were walnuts
and the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of
prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen
to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which
would be a good shot for a musket. These people are very intelligent;
the women are well made and modest. They cover their whole body.
They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear
cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up
at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little
_san-benitos_[420] with a fringe, which reached half-way down the
thigh over the petticoat.

  [418] "_A manera de alixares._" The margin reads _Alexeres_, a
  word meaning "threshing floor."

  [419] These were evidently the Indians later called Tejas,
  or Texas, from which the state took its name. The name was
  indiscriminately applied by various later writers, but always to
  one of the Caddoan tribes or group of tribes.

  [420] "We were brought into the Church, every one with a S.
  Benito upon his backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth,
  with a hole to put in a mans head in the middest, and cast over
  a mans head: both flaps hang one before, and another behinde,
  and in the middest of every flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made
  of red cloth, sowed on upon the same, and that is called S.
  Benito."--Robert Tomson, "Voyage into Nova Hispania," 1555, in
  Hakluyt, _Voyages_, IX. 348 (1904).

The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the country.
Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days' marches, travelling
six or seven leagues a day.[421] It had been the duty of one man to
measure and count his steps. They found that it was 250 leagues to
the settlements.[422] When the general Francisco Vazquez realized
this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk heretofore, and
as the provisions were giving out and there was no country around
here where they could procure more, he called the captains and
ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought to be done.
They all agreed that the general should go in search of Quivira with
thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and that Don Tristan
de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the army. When the men
in the army learned of this decision, they begged their general not
to leave them to conduct the further search, but declared that they
all wanted to die with him and did not want to go back. This did not
do any good, although the general agreed to send messengers to them
within eight days saying whether it was best for them to follow him
or not, and with this he set off with the guides he had and with
Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains.

  [421] The league is equivalent to 2.63 English miles. This
  Spanish judicial league is still used in Mexico.

  [422] The Tiguex villages on the Rio Grande are often referred to
  as the region where the settlements were.

Chapter 21

     _Of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general reached
     Quivira._

The general started from the ravine with the guides that the Teyas
had given him. He appointed the alderman Diego Lopez his army-master,
and took with him the men who seemed to him to be most efficient, and
the best horses. The army still had some hope that the general would
send for them, and sent two horsemen, lightly equipped and riding
post, to repeat their petition.

The general arrived--I mean, the guides ran away during the first few
days and Diego Lopez had to return to the army for guides, bringing
orders for the army to return to Tiguex to find food and wait there
for the general. The Teyas, as before, willingly furnished him with
new guides. The army waited for its messengers and spent a fortnight
here, preparing jerked beef to take with them. It was estimated that
during this fortnight they killed 500 bulls. The number of these that
were there without any cows was something incredible. Many fellows
were lost at this time who went out hunting and did not get back to
the army for two or three days, wandering about the country as if
they were crazy, in one direction or another, not knowing how to get
back where they started from, although this ravine extended in either
direction so that they could find it. Every night they took account
of who was missing, fired guns and blew trumpets and beat drums and
built great fires, but yet some of them went off so far and wandered
about so much that all this did not give them any help, although it
helped others. The only way was to go back where they had killed an
animal and start from there in one direction and another until they
struck the ravine or fell in with somebody who could put them on the
right road. It is worth noting that the country there is so level
that at midday, after one has wandered about in one direction and
another in pursuit of game, the only thing to do is to stay near the
game quietly until sunset, so as to see where it goes down, and even
then they have to be men who are practised to do it. Those who are
not, had to trust themselves to others.[423]

  [423] The point of separation of the army was in all probability
  the upper waters of the Rio Colorado in Texas. See the narration
  of Cabeza de Vaca, p. 97, note 2.

The general followed his guides until he reached Quivira, which took
forty-eight days' marching, on account of the great detour they had
made toward Florida.[424] He was received peacefully on account of
the guides whom he had. They asked the Turk why he had lied and had
guided them so far out of their way. He said that his country was
in that direction and that, besides this, the people at Cicuye had
asked him to lead them off on to the plains and lose them, so that
the horses would die when their provisions gave out, and they would
be so weak if they ever returned that they could be killed without
any trouble, and thus they could take revenge for what had been done
to them. This was the reason why he had led them astray, supposing
that they did not know how to hunt or to live without corn, while
as for the gold, he did not know where there was any of it. He said
this like one who had given up hope and who found that he was being
persecuted, since they had begun to believe Ysopete, who had guided
them better than he had, and fearing lest those who were there might
give some advice by which some harm would come to him. They garroted
him, which pleased Ysopete very much, because he had always said that
Ysopete was a rascal and that he did not know what he was talking
about and had always hindered his talking with anybody. Neither gold
nor silver nor any trace of either was found among these people.
Their lord wore a copper plate on his neck and prized it highly.[425]

  [424] That is, toward the southeast. At a somewhat later period
  Florida included everything from the peninsula northward.

  [425] For additional details respecting the route pursued
  by Coronado after the main army was sent back, consult the
  narrative of Jaramillo, the _Relacion del Suceso_, and other
  documents pertaining to the expedition, in Winship's _Coronado
  Expedition_ (1896) and _Journey of Coronado_ (1904), and in
  connection therewith a discussion of the route by F. W. Hodge,
  in J. V. Brower's _Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the
  Mississippi_, II. (St. Paul, 1899). Continuing due north from the
  upper waters of the Rio Colorado of Texas, Coronado's immediate
  force in thirty days' march, according to the _Relacion del
  Suceso_ (or "more than thirty days' march, although not long
  marches," according to Jaramillo), reached the river of St. Peter
  and St. Paul the last of June, 1541. This was the "river of
  Quivira" of the _Relacion del Suceso_, the present Arkansas River
  in Kansas, which was crossed at its southern bend, just east of
  the present Dodge City. The party continued thence northeast,
  downstream, and in thirty leagues, or six or seven days' march,
  reached the first of the Quivira settlements. This was at or
  near the present Great Bend, Kansas, before reaching the site of
  which the Turk was "made an example of." That the inhabitants
  of Quivira were the Wichita Indians there can be no reasonable
  doubt. The Quivira people lived in grass or straw lodges,
  according to the Spaniards, a fact that was true of the Wichitas
  only of all the northern plains tribes. The habitations of their
  congeners and northern neighbors, the Pawnee (who may be regarded
  as the inhabitants of the province of Harahey), were earth
  lodges. The word _acochis_, mentioned by Castañeda as the Quivira
  term for "gold," is merely the Spanish adaptation of _hakwichis_,
  which signifies "metal," for of gold our Indians knew nothing
  until after the advent of the white man. After exploring Quivira
  for twenty-five leagues, Coronado sent "captains and men in many
  directions," but they failed to find that of which they went in
  search. There is no reason to suppose that Coronado's party went
  beyond the limits of the present state of Kansas.

The messengers whom the army had sent to the general returned, as
I said, and then, as they brought no news except what the alderman
had delivered, the army left the ravine and returned to the Teyas,
where they took guides who led them back by a more direct road. They
readily furnished these, because these people are always roaming over
this country in pursuit of the animals and so know it thoroughly.
They keep their road in this way: In the morning they notice where
the sun rises and observe the direction they are going to take,
and then shoot an arrow in this direction. Before reaching this
they shoot another over it, and in this way they go all day toward
the water where they are to end the day. In this way they covered
in twenty-five days what had taken them thirty-seven days going,
besides stopping to hunt cows on the way. They found many salt
lakes on this road, and there was a great quantity of salt. There
were thick pieces of it on top of the water bigger than tables, as
thick as four or five fingers. Two or three spans down under water
there was salt which tasted better than that in the floating pieces,
because this was rather bitter. It was crystalline. All over these
plains there were large numbers of animals like squirrels[426] and
a great number of their holes. On its return the army reached the
Cicuye river more than thirty leagues below there--I mean below the
bridge they had made when they crossed it, and they followed it up
to that place.[427] In general, its banks are covered with a sort
of rose bushes, the fruit of which tastes like muscatel grapes.
They grow on little twigs about as high up as a man. It has the
parsley leaf. There were unripe grapes and currants(?) and wild
marjoram. The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex more
than twenty days from here, and that its course turned toward the
east. It is believed that it flows into the mighty river of the Holy
Spirit (Espiritu Santo), which the men with Don Hernando de Soto
discovered in Florida.[428] A painted Indian woman ran away from
Juan de Saldibar and hid in the ravines about this time, because she
recognized the country of Tiguex where she had been a slave. She fell
into the hands of some Spaniards who had entered the country from
Florida to explore it in this direction.[429] After I got back to New
Spain I heard them say that the Indian told them that she had run
away from other men like them nine days, and that she gave the names
of some captains; from which we ought to believe that we were not far
from the region they discovered, although they said they were more
than 200 leagues inland. I believe the land at that point is more
than 600 leagues across from sea to sea.

  [426] Prairie-dogs.

  [427] This would make the point at which the army reached Pecos
  River about eighty miles below Puerto de Luna, or not far from
  the present town of Roswell.

  [428] Castañeda is writing about twenty years later. De Soto's
  army was exploring the eastern country as Coronado was traversing
  the buffalo plains. The Espiritu Santo is the Mississippi.

  [429] See the Gentleman of Elvas in the second part of the
  present volume.

As I said, the army followed the river up as far as Cicuye, which it
found ready for war and unwilling to make any advances toward peace
or to give any food to the army. From there they went on to Tiguex
where several villages had been reinhabited, but the people were
afraid and left them again.

Chapter 22

     _Of how the general returned from Quivira and of other
     expeditions toward the North._

After Don Tristan de Arellano reached Tiguex, about the middle of
July, in the year '42,[430] he had provisions collected for the
coming winter. Captain Francisco de Barrionuevo was sent up the river
toward the north with several men. He saw two provinces, one of
which was called Hemes[431] and had seven villages, and the other
Yuqueyunque.[432] The inhabitants of Hemes came out peaceably and
furnished provisions. At Yuqueyunque the whole nation left two very
fine villages which they had on either side of the river entirely
vacant, and went into the mountains, where they had four very strong
villages in a rough country, where it was impossible for horses to
go.[433] In the two villages there was a great deal of food and some
very beautiful glazed earthenware with many figures and different
shapes.[434] Here they also found many bowls full of a carefully
selected shining metal with which they glazed the earthenware. This
shows that mines of silver would be found in that country if they
should hunt for them.

  [430] As usual Castañeda gives a date a year later than the
  actual one.

  [431] The pueblos occupied by the Jemez people. Only one of these
  now exists; this is on the Rio Jemez, a western tributary of the
  Rio Grande, which enters the latter stream above Bernalillo, New
  Mexico. See p. 359, note 2.

  [432] This was Yukiwingge, on the site of the present small
  village of Chamita, at the mouth of the Rio Chama, opposite San
  Juan pueblo. The other one of the two villages was doubtless San
  Juan. Both of these were occupied by Tewa Indians. At Yukiwingge
  was established, in 1598, by Juan de Oñate, the colonizer of New
  Mexico, the settlement of San Gabriel de los Españoles, which
  was occupied until the spring of 1605, when the seat of the
  provincial government was moved to Santa Fé, founded for the
  purpose in that year. See p. 359, note 4.

  [433] These may have been the pueblos, now in ruins, in and north
  of the Pajarito Park, one of which, called Puye, gives evidence
  of occupancy in post-Spanish times.

  [434] It is not known definitely whether actually glazed pottery
  or merely the black, highly polished earthenware characteristic
  of the Tewa Indians of the neighborhood is here meant. The
  ancient Pueblos manufactured a ware with decoration in what
  appears to be a salt glaze. Specimens of this have been gathered
  in the Pajarito Park, at Zuñi, among the Hopi of Arizona, and
  from ancient ruins around Acoma, but the art seems to have been
  lost. There is abundant evidence that this form of decoration was
  prehistoric. The finding of the "shining metal" (called antimony
  in Pt. 2, chap. 4) would seem to indicate that the polished
  rather than the glazed ware was here meant.

There was a large and powerful river, I mean village, which was
called Braba, twenty leagues farther up the river, which our men
called Valladolid.[435] The river flowed through the middle of it.
The natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made of very long, large,
squared pines. At this village they saw the largest and finest hot
rooms or estufas that there were in the entire country, for they had
a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one
could reach and twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited
this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high and
very cold.[436] The river is deep and very swift, without any ford.
Captain Barrionuevo returned from here, leaving the province at peace.

  [435] This was the pueblo of Taos, which stood near the site of
  the present village of the same name, on both sides of the little
  stream (Taos River). The present Taos has 425 inhabitants. The
  swift and deep river without the ford, here referred to, must
  have been the Rio Grande in the neighborhood of Taos, rather than
  the Rio de Taos, which is insignificant except in seasons of
  freshet. Castañeda was evidently not one of Barrionuevo's party.

  [436] The altitude of Taos is 6983 feet; of Taos Peak, 13,145
  feet.

Another captain went down the river in search of the settlements
which the people at Tutahaco had said were several days distant
from there. This captain went down eighty leagues and found four
large villages which he left at peace.[437] He proceeded until he
found that the river sank into the earth, like the Guadiana in
Estremadura.[438] He did not go on to where the Indians said that it
came out much larger, because his commission did not extend for more
than eighty leagues' march. After this captain got back, as the time
had arrived which the captain had set for his return from Quivira,
and as he had not come back, Don Tristan selected forty companions
and, leaving the army to Francisco de Barrionuevo, he started with
them in search of the general. When he reached Cicuye the people came
out of the village to fight, which detained him there four days,
while he punished them, which he did by firing some volleys into the
village. These killed several men, so that they did not come out
against the army, since two of their principal men had been killed
on the first day. Just then word was brought that the general was
coming, and so Don Tristan had to stay there on this account also,
to keep the road open. Everybody welcomed the general on his arrival,
with great joy. The Indian Xabe, who was the young fellow who had
been given to the general at Cicuye when he started off in search of
Quivira, was with Don Tristan de Arellano and when he learned that
the general was coming he acted as if he was greatly pleased, and
said, "Now when the general comes, you will see that there are gold
and silver in Quivira, although not so much as the Turk said." When
the general arrived, and Xabe saw that they had not found anything,
he was sad and silent, and kept declaring that there was some. He
made many believe that it was so, because the general had not dared
to enter into the country on account of its being thickly settled
and his force not very strong, and that he had returned to lead
his army there after the rains, because it had begun to rain there
already, as it was early in August when he left. It took him forty
days to return, travelling lightly equipped. The Turk had said when
they left Tiguex that they ought not to load the horses with too much
provisions, which would tire them so that they could not afterward
carry the gold and silver, from which it is very evident that he was
deceiving them.

  [437] Seemingly the Piros villages on the Rio Grande south of
  Isleta. They are now extinct, having been finally abandoned
  during the revolt in 1680, the inhabitants fleeing with Governor
  Otermin to El Paso. Senecu and Socorro (taking their names from
  former villages) were afterward established below El Paso, where
  the few survivors of the Piros, almost entirely Mexicanized,
  still reside.

  [438] This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux.
  The Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before
  it begins to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of
  Estremadura. The Castañeda family had its seat in quite the other
  end of the peninsula. (Winship.)

The general reached Cicuye with his force and at once set off
for Tiguex, leaving the village more quiet, for they had met him
peaceably and had talked with him. When he reached Tiguex, he made
his plans to pass the winter there, so as to return with the whole
army, because it was said that he brought information regarding large
settlements and very large rivers, and that the country was very much
like that of Spain in the fruits and vegetation and seasons. They
were not ready to believe that there was no gold there, but instead
had suspicions that there was some farther back in the country,
because, although this was denied, they knew what the thing was and
had a name for it among themselves--_acochis_.[439] With this we end
this first part, and now we will give an account of the provinces.

  [439] See p. 337, note 1.

SECOND PART

     _Which treats of the high villages and provinces and of their
     habits and customs, as collected by Pedro de Castañeda, native
     of the city of Najara._

_Laus Deo_

It does not seem to me that the reader will be satisfied with having
seen and understood what I have already related about the expedition,
although that has made it easy to see the difference between the
report which told about vast treasures, and the places where nothing
like this was either found or known. It is to be noted that in place
of settlements great deserts were found, and instead of populous
cities villages of 200 inhabitants and only 800 or 1000 people in
the largest. I do not know whether this will furnish grounds for
pondering and considering the uncertainty of this life. To please
these, I wish to give a detailed account of all the inhabited region
seen and discovered by this expedition, and some of their ceremonies
and habits, in accordance with what we came to know about them, and
the limits within which each province falls, so that hereafter it may
be possible to understand in what direction Florida lies and in what
direction Greater India; and this land of New Spain is part of the
mainland with Peru, and with greater India or China as well, there
not being any strait between to separate them. On the other hand,
the country is so wide that there is room for these vast deserts
which lie between the two seas, for the coast of the North sea beyond
Florida stretches toward the Bacallaos[440] and then turns toward
Norway, while that of the South sea turns toward the west, making
another bend down toward the south almost like a bow and stretches
away toward India, leaving room for the lands that border on the
mountains on both sides to stretch out in such a way as to have
between them these great plains which are full of cattle and many
other animals of different sorts, since they are not inhabited, as I
will relate farther on. There is every sort of game and fowl there,
but no snakes, for they are free from these. I will leave the account
of the return of the army to New Spain until I have shown what
slight occasion there was for this. We will begin our account with
the city of Culiacan, and point out the differences between the one
country and the other, on account of which one ought to be settled by
Spaniards and the other not. It should be the reverse, however, with
Christians, since there are intelligent men in one, and in the other
wild animals and worse than beasts.

  [440] The Newfoundland region.

Chapter I

     _Of the province of Culiacan and of its habits and customs._

Culiacan is the last place in the New Kingdom of Galicia, and was
the first settlement made by Nuño de Guzman when he conquered this
kingdom.[441] It is 210 leagues west of Mexico.[442] In this province
there are three chief languages, besides other related dialects. The
first is that of the Tahus, who are the best and most intelligent
race. They are now the most settled and have received the most light
from the faith. They worship idols and make presents to the devil of
their goods and riches, consisting of cloth and turquoises. They do
not eat human flesh nor sacrifice it. They are accustomed to keep
very large snakes, which they venerate. Among them there are men
dressed like women who marry other men and serve as their wives.
At a great festival they consecrate the women who wish to live
unmarried, with much singing and dancing, at which all the chiefs of
the locality gather and dance naked, and after all have danced with
her they put her in a hut that has been decorated for this event and
the chiefs adorn her with clothes and bracelets of fine turquoises,
and then the chiefs go in one by one to lie with her, and all the
others who wish, follow them. From this time on these women can not
refuse anyone who pays them a certain amount agreed on for this.
Even if they take husbands, this does not exempt them from obliging
anyone who pays them. The greatest festivals are on market days.
The custom is for the husbands to buy the women whom they marry, of
their fathers and relatives at a high price, and then to take them
to a chief, who is considered to be a priest, to deflower them and
see if she is a virgin; and if she is not, they have to return the
whole price, and he can keep her for his wife or not, or let her be
consecrated, as he chooses. At these times they all get drunk.

  [441] See p. 285, note 1.

  [442] Castañeda, like many other early Spanish chroniclers,
  is careless in his directions. It will be observed that he
  frequently says west, east, etc., when he means westwardly,
  eastwardly. This has led one writer on the Coronado expedition
  seriously astray. Culiacan is decidedly _northwest_ of Mexico
  City.

The second language is that of the Pacaxes, the people who live in
the country between the plains and the mountains. These people are
more barbarous. Some of them who live near the mountains eat human
flesh. They are great sodomites, and have many wives, even when these
are sisters. They worship painted and sculptured stones, and are much
given to witchcraft and sorcery.

The third language is that of the Acaxes, who are in possession of
a large part of the hilly country and all of the mountains. They
go hunting for men just as they hunt animals. They all eat human
flesh, and he who has the most human bones and skulls hung up around
his house is most feared and respected. They live in settlements
and in very rough country, avoiding the plains. In passing from one
settlement to another, there is always a ravine in the way which
they can not cross, although they can talk together across it. At
the slightest call 500 men collect, and on any pretext kill and eat
one another. Thus it has been very hard to subdue these people, on
account of the roughness of the country, which is very great.

Many rich silver mines have been found in this country. They do not
run deep, but soon give out. The gulf of the sea[443] begins on the
coast of this province, entering the land 250 leagues toward the
north and ending at the mouth of the Firebrand (Tizon) River. This
country forms its eastern limit, and California[444] the western.
From what I have been told by men who had navigated it, it is thirty
leagues across from point to point, because they lose sight of this
country when they see the other. They say the gulf is over 150
leagues broad (or deep), from shore to shore. The coast makes a turn
toward the south at the Firebrand River, bending down to California,
which turns toward the west, forming that peninsula which was
formerly held to be an island, because it was a low sandy country.
It is inhabited by brutish, bestial, naked people who eat their own
offal. The men and women couple like animals, the female openly
getting down on all fours.[445]

  [443] The Gulf of California.

  [444] Lower California is of course meant.

  [445] For an account of the Indians of Lower California in the
  eighteenth century, see the translation of Father Jacob Baegert's
  narrative, by Charles Rau, in the _Report of the Smithsonian
  Institution_ for 1863 and 1864.

Chapter 2

     _Of the province of Petlatlan and all the inhabited country as
     far as Chichilticalli._

Petlatlan is a settlement of houses covered with a sort of mats made
of plants. These are collected into villages, extending along a river
from the mountains to the sea.[446] The people are of the same race
and habits as the Culuacanian Tahues. There is much sodomy among
them. In the mountain district there is a large population and more
settlements. These people have a somewhat different language from the
Tahues, although they understand each other. It is called Petlatlan
because the houses are made of petates or palm-leaf mats. Houses
of this sort are found for more than 240 leagues in this region,
to the beginning of the Cibola wilderness.[447] The nature of the
country changes here very greatly, because from this point on there
are no trees except the pine, nor are there any fruits except a few
tunas,[448] mesquites, and pitahayas.[449]

  [446] The Rio Petlatlan is the present Rio Sinaloa. The name
  Sinaloa is synonymous in application with Cahita, a group of
  tribes including the present Yaqui and Mayo.

  [447] That is, as far northward as the Rio Gila.

  [448] The fruit of the prickly-pear cactus.

  [449] The giant cactus. See p. 305, note 1.

Petlatlan is twenty leagues from Culiacan, and it is 130 leagues from
here to the valley of Señora. There are many rivers between the two,
with settlements of the same sort of people--for example, Sinoloa,
Boyomo, Teocomo, Yaquimi, and other smaller ones. There is also the
Corazones (Hearts), which is in our possession, down the valley of
Señora.[450]

  [450] Sonora. See p. 301, notes 1 and 2.

Señora is a river and valley thickly settled by able-bodied people.
The women wear petticoats of tanned deerskin, and little san benitos
reaching half way down the body.[451] The chiefs of the villages
go up on some little heights they have made for this purpose, like
public criers, and there make proclamations for the space of an
hour, regulating those things they have to attend to. They have some
little huts for shrines, all over the outside of which they stick
many arrows, like a hedgehog. They do this when they are eager for
war. All about this province toward the mountains there is a large
population in separate little provinces containing ten or twelve
villages. Seven or eight of them, of which I know the names, are
Comupatrico, Mochilagua, Arispa,[452] and the Little Valley. There
are others which we did not see.

  [451] See p. 334, note 1.

  [452] This was Arizpe, on the upper waters of the Rio Sonora.
  Jaramillo calls it Ispa.

It is forty leagues from Señora to the valley of Suya.[453] The town
of San Hieronimo was established in this valley, where there was a
rebellion later, and part of the people who had settled there were
killed, as will be seen in the third part. There are many villages in
the neighborhood of this valley. The people are the same as those in
Señora and have the same dress and language, habits, and customs,
like all the rest as far as the desert of Chichilticalli. The women
paint their chins and eyes like the Moorish women of Barbary. They
are great sodomites.[454] They drink wine made of the pitahaya, which
is the fruit of a great thistle which opens like the pomegranate. The
wine makes them stupid. They make a great quantity of preserves from
the tuna; they preserve it in a large amount of its sap without other
honey. They make bread of the mesquite, like cheese, which keeps good
for a whole year. There are native melons in this country so large
that a person can carry only one of them. They cut these into slices
and dry them in the sun. They are good to eat, and taste like figs,
and are better than dried meat; they are very good and sweet, keeping
for a whole year when prepared in this way.[455]

  [453] See p. 326, note 2.

  [454] These are, from the south northward, the Pimas Bajos or
  Nevome, Opatas, Papagos, and Pimas. The older Pima women still
  paint their faces in fine lines and also are tattooed, but the
  custom is becoming a thing of the past. The Opatas are almost
  entirely Mexicanized.

  [455] These were doubtless cantaloupes The southwestern Indians
  still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here
  described.

In this country there were also tame eagles, which the chiefs
esteemed to be something fine.[456] No fowls of any sort were seen
in any of these villages except in this valley of Suya, where fowls
like those of Castile were found. Nobody could find out how they came
to be so far inland, the people being all at war with one another.
Between Suya and Chichilticalli there are many sheep and mountain
goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that
they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so
fast that they disappeared very quickly.

  [456] The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuñi and the Hopi,
  keep eagles for their feathers, which are highly prized because
  regarded as sacred and are much used in their ceremonies.

At Chichilticalli the country changes its character again and the
spiky vegetation ceases. The reason is that the gulf reaches as far
up as this place, and the mountain chain changes its direction at
the same time that the coast does. Here they had to cross and pass
through the mountains in order to get into the level country.[457]

  [457] Probably Dragoon Pass, through the Dragoon and Galiuro
  Mountains of southeastern Arizona, thence between the Pinaleño
  and Chiricahua mountains to the plains of San Simon.

Chapter 3

     _Of Chichilticalli and the desert, of Cibola, its customs and
     habits, and of other things._

Chichilticalli is so called because the friars found a house at this
place which was formerly inhabited by people who separated from
Cibola. It was made of colored or reddish earth.[458] The house
was large and appeared to have been a fortress. It must have been
destroyed by the people of the district, who are the most barbarous
people that have yet been seen. They live in separate cabins and not
in settlements.[459] They live by hunting. The rest of the country
is all wilderness, covered with pine forests. There are great
quantities of the pine nuts. The pines are two or three times as high
as a man before they send out branches. There is a sort of oak with
sweet acorns, of which they make cakes like sugar plums with dried
coriander seeds. It is very sweet, like sugar. Watercress grows in
many springs, and there are rosebushes, and pennyroyal, and wild
marjoram.

  [458] This ruin is supposed to have been in the vicinity of
  the present Solomonsville, Graham County. The name is Aztec
  (_chichiltic_ "red," _calli_ "house"). Writers have endeavored
  to identify it with the celebrated Casa Grande farther to the
  northwest, but this is inconsistent with the directions recorded
  in the narratives, and all students of the subject have now
  abandoned this theory.

  [459] These people are not identifiable with certainty. If
  the Apaches of Arizona, it is the only mention of them and is
  contrary to all other testimony. The Sobaipuris lived on the
  upper Rio San Pedro and on the Gila near the mouth of the former
  stream, until the latter part of the eighteenth century.

There are barbels and picones,[460] like those of Spain, in the
rivers of this wilderness.[461] Gray lions and leopards were
seen.[462] The country rises continually from the beginning of the
wilderness until Cibola is reached, which is eighty leagues, going
north. From Culiacan to the edge of the wilderness the route had kept
the north on the left hand.

  [460] Picones are catfish.

  [461] The "wilderness," or uninhabited region, extended from the
  Gila in central Graham County to the crossing of the New Mexico
  boundary by Zuñi River, where Cibola began.

  [462] These are the mountain lion and the wildcat.

Cibola[463] is seven villages. The largest is called Maçaque.[464]
The houses are ordinarily three or four stories high, but in Maçaque
there are houses with four and seven stories. These people are very
intelligent. They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts
with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and
a tassel at each corner, which they tie over the hips. They wear long
robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets. The
women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder,
leaving the right arm out.[465] These serve to cover the body. They
wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair
over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned
headdress.[466]

  [463] See p. 300, note 1.

  [464] See p. 315, note 1.

  [465] Identical with the dress of the Zuñi women of to-day.
  Rabbit-skin robes have been replaced by woollen blankets, like
  those woven by the Navaho, who learned the art from the Pueblos.
  The rabbit-skin robes are now manufactured chiefly by the
  Paiutes, the Pueblos having almost ceased to make them.

  [466] This custom has been abandoned except by the Hopi maidens,
  who still wear their hair in picturesque whorls, one on each side
  of the head, until married.

The country is a valley between ridges resembling rocky mountains.
They plant in holes. Maize does not grow high; ears from a stalk
three or four to each cane, thick and large, of eight hundred grains,
a thing not seen in these parts. There are large numbers of bears in
this province, and lions, wildcats, deer, and otter. There are very
fine turquoises, although not so many as was reported.[467] They
collect the pine nuts[468] each year, and store them up in advance.
A man does not have more than one wife. There are estufas or hot
rooms[469] in the villages, which are the courtyards or places
where they gather for consultation. They do not have chiefs as in
New Spain, but are ruled by a council of the oldest men. They have
priests who preach to them, whom they call papas.[470] These are the
elders. They go up on the highest roof of the village and preach to
the village from there, like public criers, in the morning while the
sun is rising, the whole village being silent and sitting in the
galleries to listen.[471] They tell them how they are to live, and
I believe that they give certain commandments for them to keep, for
there is no drunkenness among them nor sodomy nor sacrifices, neither
do they eat human flesh nor steal, but they are usually at work. The
estufas belong to the whole village.[472] It is a sacrilege for the
women to go into the estufas to sleep. They make the cross as a sign
of peace. They burn their dead, and throw the implements used in
their work into the fire with the bodies.[473]

  [467] See p. 308, note 3. This entire description is
  characteristic of the present Zuñi country, except that game is
  not so abundant.

  [468] Piñon nuts, which are still gathered in large quantities.

  [469] The _kivas_, or ceremonial chambers, of which there are
  usually several in each pueblo. It is in these that most of the
  secret rites are performed.

  [470] _Pápa_ is a true Zuñi word, signifying "elder brother," as
  distinguished from sú-e, "younger brother." These terms allude
  both to age and to rank.

  [471] All public announcements are still made in this way.

  [472] Rather to the religious societies. Some of them belong
  exclusively to the women.

  [473] Excavations made at Halona, one of the Seven Cities of
  Cibola, yielded only skeletons that had been interred within the
  houses, beneath the floors. In the Salt River and Gila valleys,
  southern Arizona, this method was also practised, but in addition
  remains were cremated and deposited in earthen vessels in mounds
  near by.

It is twenty leagues to Tusayan,[474] going northwest. This is a
province with seven villages, of the same sort, dress, habits, and
ceremonies as at Cibola. There may be as many as 3,000 or 4,000 men
in the fourteen villages of these two provinces.[475] It is forty
leagues or more to Tiguex, the road trending toward the north. The
rock of Acuco, which we described in the first part, is between these.

  [474] See p. 307, note 1; p. 358, note 3.

  [475] This would indicate a population of 10,500 to 14,000, which
  is doubtless an excessive estimate for the sixteenth century. The
  present population of Zuñi is 1514; of the Hopi villages, about
  2000.

Chapter 4

     _Of how they live at Tiguex, and of the province of Tiguex and
     its neighborhood._

Tiguex is a province with twelve villages on the banks of a large,
mighty river; some villages on one side and some on the other.[476]
It is a spacious valley two leagues wide, and a very high, rough,
snow-covered mountain chain lies east of it.[477] There are seven
villages in the ridges at the foot of this--four on the plain and
three situated on the skirts of the mountain.

  [476] The Rio Grande, as previously described.

  [477] The Sandia Mountains.

There are seven villages seven leagues to the north, at Quirix,
and the seven villages of the province of Hemes are forty leagues
northeast [northwest]. It is forty leagues north or east to
Acha,[478] and four leagues southeast[479] to Tutahaco, a province
with eight villages. In general, these villages all have the same
habits and customs, although some have some things in particular
which the others have not. They are governed by the opinions of the
elders. They all work together to build the villages, the women being
engaged in making the mixture and the walls, while the men bring
the wood and put it in place. They have no lime, but they make a
mixture of ashes, coals, and dirt which is almost as good as mortar,
for when the house is to have four stories, they do not make the
walls more than half a yard thick. They gather a great pile of twigs
of thyme [sagebrush] and sedge grass and set it afire, and when it
is half coals and ashes they throw a quantity of dirt and water on
it and mix it all together. They make round balls of this, which
they use instead of stones after they are dry, fixing them with the
same mixture, which comes to be like a stiff clay. Before they
are married the young men serve the whole village in general, and
fetch the wood that is needed for use, putting it in a pile in the
courtyard of the villages, from which the women take it to carry to
their houses.[480]

  [478] The pueblo of Picuris, about twenty miles south of Taos.
  This is a Tigua village of about 125 inhabitants.

  [479] Compare the previous reference to Tutahaco (p. 314). Both
  the distance and the direction here given seem to be erroneous.

  [480] This would indicate the existence of a true communal system
  that does not prevail at the present time.

The young men live in the estufas, which are in the yards of the
village. They are underground, square or round, with pine pillars.
Some were seen with twelve pillars and with four in the centre as
large as two men could stretch around. They usually had three or four
pillars. The floor was made of large, smooth stones, like the baths
which they have in Europe. They have a hearth made like the binnacle
or compass box of a ship, in which they burn a handful of thyme at
a time to keep up the heat, and they can stay in there just as in a
bath. The top was on a level with the ground. Some that were seen
were large enough for a game of ball. When any man wishes to marry,
it has to be arranged by those who govern. The man has to spin and
weave a blanket and place it before the woman, who covers herself
with it and becomes his wife.[481] The houses belong to the women,
the estufas to the men. If a man repudiates his woman, he has to go
to the estufa. It is forbidden for women to sleep in the estufas,
or to enter these for any purpose except to give their husbands or
sons something to eat. The men spin and weave. The women bring up the
children and prepare the food. The country is so fertile that they
do not have to break up the ground the year round, but only have to
sow the seed, which is presently covered by the fall of snow, and
the ears come up under the snow. In one year they gather enough for
seven. A very large number of cranes and wild geese and crows and
starlings live on what is sown, and for all this, when they come to
sow for another year, the fields are covered with corn which they
have not been able to finish gathering.

  [481] See Voth, "Oraibi Marriage Customs," _American
  Anthropologist_, II. 238 (1900).

There are a great many native fowl in these provinces, and cocks
with great hanging chins.[482] When dead, these keep for sixty days,
and longer in winter, without losing their feathers or opening, and
without any bad smell, and the same is true of dead men.

  [482] The American turkey cocks.

The villages are free from nuisances, because they go outside to
excrete, and they pass their water into clay vessels, which they
empty at a distance from the village.[483] They keep the separate
houses where they prepare the food for eating and where they grind
the meal, very clean. This is a separate room or closet, where they
have a trough with three stones fixed in stiff clay. Three women
go in here, each one having a stone, with which one of them breaks
the corn, the next grinds it, and the third grinds it again.[484]
They take off their shoes, do up their hair, shake their clothes,
and cover their heads before they enter the door. A man sits at the
door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the stones to the
music and singing together. They grind a large quantity at one time,
because they make all their bread of meal soaked in warm water, like
wafers. They gather a great quantity of brushwood and dry it to use
for cooking all through the year. There are no fruits good to eat
in the country, except the pine nuts. They have their preachers.
Sodomy is not found among them. They do not eat human flesh nor make
sacrifices of it. The people are not cruel, for they had Francisco
de Ovando in Tiguex about forty days, after he was dead, and when
the village was captured, he was found among their dead, whole and
without any other wound except the one which killed him, white as
snow, without any bad smell. I found out several things about them
from one of our Indians, who had been a captive among them for a
whole year. I asked him especially for the reason why the young
women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be,
and he told me that the virgins had to go around this way until they
took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known
man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their
long robes over this. In all these provinces they have earthenware
glazed with antimony and jars of extraordinary labor and workmanship,
which were worth seeing.[485]

  [483] A custom still common at Zuñi and other pueblos. Before the
  introduction of manufactured dyes the Pueblos used urine as a
  mordant.

  [484] See Mindeleff's "Pueblo Architecture," in the _Eighth
  Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, p. 208; also Cushing,
  "Zuñi Breadstuff," in _The Millstone_ (Indianapolis, 1884-1885).

  [485] A number of memoirs on the pottery of the ancient Pueblos
  may be consulted in the _Annual Reports_ of the Bureau of
  American Ethnology.

Chapter 5

     _Of Cicuye and the villages in its neighborhood, and of how some
     people came to conquer this country._

We have already said that the people of Tiguex and of all the
provinces on the banks of that river were all alike, having the same
ways of living and the same customs. It will not be necessary to say
anything particular about them. I wish merely to give an account of
Cicuye and some depopulated villages which the army saw on the direct
road which it followed thither, and of others that were across the
snowy mountains near Tiguex, which also lay in that region above the
river.

Cicuye[486] is a village of nearly five hundred warriors, who are
feared throughout that country. It is square, situated on a rock,
with a large court or yard in the middle, containing the estufas.
The houses are all alike, four stories high. One can go over the
top of the whole village without there being a street to hinder.
There are corridors going all around it at the first two stories, by
which one can go around the whole village. These are like outside
balconies, and they are able to protect themselves under these. The
houses do not have doors below, but they use ladders, which can be
lifted up like a drawbridge, and so go up to the corridors which
are on the inside of the village. As the doors of the houses open
on the corridor of that story, the corridor serves as a street. The
houses that open on the plain are right back of those that open on
the court, and in time of war they go through those behind them. The
village is enclosed by a low wall of stone. There is a spring of
water inside, which they are able to divert.[487] The people of this
village boast that no one has been able to conquer them and that they
conquer whatever villages they wish. The people and their customs are
like those of the other villages. Their virgins also go nude until
they take husbands, because they say that if they do anything wrong
then it will be seen, and so they do not do it. They do not need to
be ashamed because they go around as they were born.

  [486] This is Pecos, the largest pueblo of New Mexico in the
  sixteenth century and for a long time after. Its people belonged
  to the Tanoan family, although their language was understood only
  by the Jemez villagers, their nearest kindred. It was the scene
  of the missionary labors of Fray Luis Descalona, who remained
  behind when Coronado returned to Mexico in 1542, but he was
  probably killed before the close of that year. Pecos became the
  seat of an important Franciscan mission early in the seventeenth
  century, but it began to decline after the revolt of 1680-1692,
  and in 1838 the half-dozen survivors removed to Jemez, where
  one of them still (1906) lives. Cicuye is the Isleta, or Tigua,
  name for Pecos, while "Pecos" itself is the Keresan, or Queres,
  appellation, with the Spanish-English plural. The ruins of the
  town are plainly visible from the Santa Fé Railway. See Bandelier
  in _Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America_, Amer.
  ser., I. (1881); Hewett in _American Anthropologist_, n. s., VI.
  No. 4, 1904.

  [487] The spring was "still trickling out beneath a massive ledge
  of rocks on the west sill" when Bandelier (_op. cit._) sketched
  it in 1880.

There is a village, small and strong, between Cicuye and the province
of Quirix, which the Spaniards named Ximena,[488] and another village
almost deserted, only one part of which is inhabited.[489] This
was a large village, and judging from its condition and newness it
appeared to have been destroyed. They called this the village of the
granaries (_silos_), because large underground cellars were found
here stored with corn. There was another large village farther on,
entirely destroyed and pulled down, in the yards of which there were
many stone balls, as big as twelve-quart bowls, which seemed to have
been thrown by engines or catapults, which had destroyed the village.
All that I was able to find out about them was that, sixteen years
before, some people called Teyas[490] had come to this country in
great numbers and had destroyed these villages. They had besieged
Cicuye but had not been able to capture it, because it was strong,
and when they left the region, they had made peace with the whole
country. It seems as if they must have been a powerful people, and
that they must have had engines to knock down the villages. The only
thing they could tell about the direction these people came from was
by pointing toward the north. They usually call these people Teyas
or brave men, just as the Mexicans say chichimecas or braves,[491]
for the Teyas whom the army saw were brave. These knew the people
in the settlements, and were friendly with them, and they (the
Teyas of the plains) went there to spend the winter under the wings
of the settlements. The inhabitants do not dare to let them come
inside, because they can not trust them. Although they are received
as friends, and trade with them, they do not stay in the villages
over night, but outside under the wings. The villages are guarded
by sentinels with trumpets, who call to one another just as in the
fortresses of Spain.

  [488] The former Tanos pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half
  northeast of the present town of the same name.

  [489] According to Mota Padilla, _Historia de la Conquista_, 1742
  (Mexico, 1870), this was called Coquite.

  [490] These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey
  across the plains. See p. 333, note 3.

  [491] The name applied in Mexico at the time to any warlike,
  unsubdued tribe.

There are seven other villages along this route, toward the snowy
mountains,[492] one of which has been half destroyed by the people
already referred to. These were under the rule of Cicuye. Cicuye is
in a little valley between mountain chains and mountains covered with
large pine forests. There is a little stream[493] which contains
very good trout and otters, and there are very large bears and good
falcons hereabouts.

  [492] The mountains to the north, in which the Rio Pecos has its
  source.

  [493] The Rio Pecos, still noted for trout.

Chapter 6

     _Which gives the number of villages which were seen in the
     country of the terraced houses, and their population._

Before I proceed to speak of the plains, with the cows and
settlements and tribes there, it seems to me that it will be well for
the reader to know how large the settlements were, where the houses
with stories, gathered into villages, were seen, and how great an
extent of country they occupied.[494] As I say, Cibola is the first:

  Cibola, seven villages.[495]
  Tusayan, seven villages.[496]
  The rock of Acuco, one.[497]
  Tiguex, twelve villages.[498]
  Tutahaco, eight villages.[499]
  These villages were below the river.[500]