Guildford. The silver plate bore the inscription "Thomas
     Paine, died June 8, 1809, aged 72." In 1854, Rev. R. Ainslie
     (Unitarian) told E. Truelove that he owned "the skull and
     the right hand of Thomas Paine," but evaded subsequent
     inquiries. The removal caused excitement in America. Of
     Paine's gravestone the last fragment was preserved by his
     friends of the Bayeaux family, and framed on their wall. In
     November, 1839, the present marble monument at New Rochelle
     was erected.

"A singular coincidence [says Dr. Francis] led me to pay a visit to
Cobbett at his country seat, within a couple of miles of the city, on
the island, on the very day that he had exhumed the bones of Paine, and
shipped them for England. I will here repeat the words which Cobbett
gave utterance to at the friendly interview our party had with him. 'I
have just performed a duty, gentlemen, which has been too long delayed:
you have neglected too long the remains of Thomas Paine. I have done
myself the honor to disinter his bones. I have removed them from New
Rochelle. I have dug them up; they are now on their way to England. When
I myself return, I shall cause them to speak the common sense of
the great man; I shall gather together the people of Liverpool and
Manchester in one assembly with those of London, and those bones will
effect the reformation of England in Church and State.'"

Mr. Badeau, of New Rochelle, remembers standing near Cobbett's workmen
while they were digging up the bones, about dawn. There is a legend that
Paine's little finger was left in America, a fable, perhaps, of his once
small movement, now stronger than the loins of the bigotry that refused
him a vote or a grave in the land he so greatly served. As to his bones,
no man knows the place of their rest to this day. His principles rest
not. His thoughts, untraceable like his dust, are blown about the world
which he held in his heart. For a hundred years no human being has been
born in the civilized world without some spiritual tincture from that
heart whose every pulse was for humanity, whose last beat broke a fetter
of fear, and fell on the throne of thrones.

APPENDIX A. THE COBBETT PAPERS.

In the autumn of 1792 William Cobbett arrived in America. Among the
papers preserved by the family of Thomas Jefferson is a letter from
Cobbett, enclosing an introduction from Mr. Short, U. S. Secretary
of Legation at Paris. In this letter, dated at Wilmington, Delaware,
November 2, 1792, the young Englishman writes: "Ambitious to become
the citizen of a free state I have left my native country, England, for
America. I bring with me youth, a small family, a few useful literary
talents, and that is all."

Cobbett had been married in the same year, on February 5th, and visited
Paris, perhaps with an intention of remaining, but becoming disgusted
with the revolution he left for America. He had conceived a dislike of
the French revolutionary leaders, among whom he included Paine. He
thus became an easy victim of the libellous Life of Paine, by George
Chalmers, which had not been reprinted in America, and reproduced the
statements of that work in a brief biographical sketch published in
Philadelphia, 1796. In later life Cobbett became convinced that he had
been deceived into giving fresh currency to a tissue of slanders.

In the very year of this publication, afterwards much lamented, Paine
published in Europe a work that filled Cobbett with admiration. This was
"The Decline and Fall of the English System of Finance," which predicted
the suspension of gold payments by the Bank of England that followed the
next year. The pamphlet became Cobbett's text-book, and his _Register_
was eloquent in Paine's praise, the more earnestly, he confessed,
because he had "been one of his most violent assailants." "Old age
having laid his hand upon this truly great man, this truly philosophical
politician, at his expiring flambeau I lighted my taper."

A sketch of Thomas Paine and some related papers of Cobbett are
generously confided to me by his daughter, Eleanor Cobbett, through her
nephew, William Cobbett, Jr., of Woodlands, near Manchester, England.
The public announcement (1818) by Cobbett, then in America, of his
intention to write a Life-of Paine, led to his negotiation with
Madame Bonneville, who, with her husband, resided in New York. Madame
Bonneville had been disposing of some of Paine's manuscripts, such as
that on "Freemasonry," and the reply to Bishop Watson, printed in
_The Theophilanthropist_ (1810). She had also been preparing, with her
husband's assistance, notes for a biography of Paine, because of the
"unjust efforts to tarnish the memory of Mr. Paine"; adding, "_Et
l'indignation ma fait prendre la plume_." Cobbett agreed to give her
a thousand dollars for the manuscript, which was to contain important
letters from and to eminent men. She stated (September 30, 1819)
her conditions, that it should be published in England, without any
addition, and separate from any other writings. I suppose it was one or
all of these conditions that caused the non-completion of the bargain.
Cobbett re-wrote the whole thing, and it is now all in his writing
except a few passages by Madame Bonneville, which I indicate by
brackets, and two or three by his son, J. P. Cobbett. Although Madame
Bonneville gave some revision to Cobbett's manuscript, most of the
letters to be supplied are merely indicated. No trace of them exists
among the Cobbett papers. Soon afterward the Bonnevilles went to Paris,
where they kept a small book shop. Nicolas died in 1828. His biography
in Michaud's Dictionary is annotated by the widow, and states that
in 1829 she had begun to edit for publication the Life and posthumous
papers of Thomas Paine. From this it would appear that she had retained
the manuscript, and the original letters. In 1833 Madame Bonneville
emigrated to St. Louis, where her son, the late General Bonneville,
lived. Her Catholicism became, I believe, devout with advancing years,
and to that cause, probably also to a fear of reviving the old scandal
Cheetham had raised, may be due the suppression of the papers, with
the result mentioned in the introduction to this work. She died in St.
Louis, October 30, 1846, at the age of 79. Probably William Cobbett
did not feel entitled to publish the manuscript obtained under such
conditions, or he might have waited for the important documents that
were never sent. He died in 1835. The recollections are those of both M.
and Madame Bonneville. The reader will find no difficulty in making out
the parts that represent Madame's personal knowledge and reminiscences,
as Cobbett has preserved her speech in the first person, and, with
characteristic literary acumen, her expressions in such important
points. His manuscript is perfect, and I have little editing to do
beyond occasional correction of a date, supplying one or two letters
indicated, which I have found, and omitting a few letters, extracts,
etc., already printed in the body of this work, where unaccompanied by
any comment or addition from either Cobbett or the Bonnevilles.

At the time when this Cobbett-Bonneville sketch was written New York was
still a provincial place. Nicolas Bonneville, as Irving describes him,
seated under trees at the Battery, absorbed in his classics, might have
been regarded with suspicion had it been known that his long separation
from his family was due to detention by the police. Madame Bonneville is
reserved on that point. The following incident, besides illustrating the
characters of Paine and Bonneville, may suggest a cause for the rigor
of Bonneville's surveillance. In 1797, while Paine and Bonneville were
editing the _Bien Informe_, a "suspect" sought asylum with them. This
was Count Barruel-Beauvert, an author whose writings alone had caused
his denunciation as a royalist. He had escaped from the Terror, and now
wandered back in disguise, a pauper Count, who knew well the magnanimity
of the two men whose protection he asked. He remained, as proof-reader,
in the Bonneville house for some time, safely; but when the conspiracy
of 18 Fructidor (September 4, 1797) exasperated the Republic against
royalists, the Count feared that he might be the means of compromising
his benefactors, and disappeared. When the royalist conspiracy against
Bonaparte was discovered, Barruel-Beauvert was again hunted, and
arrested (1802). His trial probably brought to the knowledge of the
police his former sojourn with Paine and Bonneville. Bonaparte sent by
Fouché a warning to Paine that the eye of the police was upon him,
and that "on the first complaint he would be sent to his own country,
America." Whether this, and the closer surveillance on Bonneville, were
connected with the Count, who also suffered for a time, or whether due
to their anti-slavery writings on Domingo, remains conjectural. Towards
the close of life Bonneville received a pension, which was continued to
his widow. So much even a monarchy with an established church could do
for a republican author, and a freethinker; for Bonneville had published
heresies like those of Paine.

THOMAS PAINE, A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND CHARACTER.

[More exactly than any other author Thomas Paine delineates every
Circumstantial Events, private or Public in his Writings; nevertheless,
since many pretended Histories of the Life of T. P. have been published,
tracing him back to the day of his]* birth, we shall shortly observe,
that, as was never denied by himself, he was born at Thetford, in the
County of Norfolk, England on the 29. January, in the year 1737; that
his father Joseph Paine was a stay-maker, and by religion a Quaker; that
his mother was the daughter of a country attorney, and that she belonged
to the Church of England; but, it appears, that she also afterwards
became a Quaker; for these parents both belonged to the Meeting in 1787,
as appears from a letter of the father to the son.

     * The bracketed words, Madame Bonneville's, are on a
     separate slip. An opening paragraph by Cobbett is crossed
     out by her pen: "The early years of the life of a Great Man
     are of little consequence to the world. Whether Paine made
     stays or gauged barrels before he became a public character,
     is of no more importance to us than whether he was swaddled
     with woollen or with linen. It is the man, in conjunction
     with those labours which have produced so much effect in the
     world, whom we are to follow and contemplate. Nevertheless,
     since many pretended histories of the life of Paine have
     been published, etc."

The above-mentioned histories relate (and the correctness of the
statement has not been denied by him), that Paine was educated at the
free-school of Thetford; that he left it in 1752, when he was fifteen
years of age, and then worked for some time with his father: that in a
year afterwards, he went to London: that from London he went to Dover:
that about this time he was on the eve of becoming a sailor: that he
afterwards did embark on board a privateer: that, between the years 1759
and 1774 he was a stay maker, an excise officer, a grocer, and an usher
to a school; and that, during the period he was twice married, and
separated by mutual consent, from his second wife.*

     * The dates given by Cobbett from contemporary histories
     require revision by the light of the careful researches made
     by myself and others, as given at the beginning of this
     biography.

In this year 1774 and in the month of September, Paine sailed from
England for Philadelphia, where he arrived safe; and now we begin his
history; for here we have him in connection with his literary labours.

It being an essential part of our plan to let Thomas Paine speak in his
own words, and explain himself the reason for his actions, whenever
we find written papers in his own hand, though in incomplete notes or
fragments, we shall insert such, in order to enable the reader to judge
for himself, and to estimate the slightest circumstances. _Sauvent d'un
grand dessin un mot nous fait juger_. "A word often enables us to judge
of a great design."

"I happened to come to America a few months before the breaking out of
hostilities. I found the disposition of the people such that they might
have been led by a thread and governed by a reed. Their suspicion was
quick and penetrating, but their attachment to Britain was obstinate,
and it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against it. They
disliked the Ministry, but they esteemed the Nation. Their idea of
grievance operated without resentment, and their single object was
reconciliation. Bad as I believed the Ministry to be, I never conceived
them capable of a measure so rash and wicked as the commencing of
hostilities; much less did I imagine the Nation would encourage it.
I viewed the dispute as a kind of law-suit, in which I supposed the
parties would find a way either to decide or settle it. I had no
thoughts of independence or of arms. The world could not then have
persuaded me that I should be either a soldier or an author. If I had
any talents for either they were buried in me, and might ever have
continued so had not the necessity of the times dragged and driven them
into action. I had formed my plan of life, and conceiving myself happy
wished everybody else so. But when the country, into which I had just
set my foot, was set on fire about my ears, it was time to stir. It was
time for every man to stir."*

     * From Crisis vii., dated Philadelphia, November 21, 1778.
     In Cobbett's MS. the extract is only indicated.

His first intention at Philadelphia was to establish an Academy for
young ladies, who were to be taught many branches of learning then
little known in the education of young American ladies. But, in 1775, he
undertook the management of the Pennsylvania Magazine.

About this time he published, in Bradford's journal, an essay on the
slavery, of the negroes, which was universally well received; and also
stanzas on the death of General Wolfe.

In 1776, January 10, he published Common Sense. In the same year he
joined the army as aid-de-camp to General Greene. Gordon, in his history
of the Independence of the United States (vol. ii. p. 78), says:
[Wanting]--Ramsay (Lond. ed. i. p. 336) says: [Wanting!] Anecdote of
Dr. Franklin preserved by Thomas Paine: [Wanting, but no doubt one
else-where given, in the Hall manuscripts]

When Washington had made his retreat from New York Thomas Paine
published the first number of the Crisis, which was read to every
corporal's guard in the camp. It revived the army, reunited the members
of the [New York] Convention, when despair had reduced them to nine in
number, while the militia were abandoning their standards and flying in
all directions. The success of the army at Trenton was, in some degree,
owing to this first number of the Crisis. In 1778 he discovered the
robberies of Silas Deane, an agent of the United States in France.
He gave in his resignation as Secretary, which was accepted by the
Congress. In 1779 he was appointed-Clerk to the General Assembly of
Pennsylvania, which office he retained until 1780. In 1780 he departed
for France with Col. John Laurens, commissioned especially by the
Congress to the Court at Versailles to obtain the aid that was wanted.
(See Gordon's Hist., v. iii., p. 154.) After his return from France he
received the following letter from Col. Laurens:

"Carolina, April 18, 1782.--I received the letter wherein you mention
my horse and trunk, (the latter of which was left at Providence).
The misery which the former has suffered at different times, by
mismanagement, has greatly distressed me. He was wounded in service, and
I am much attached to him. If he can be of any service to you, I entreat
your acceptance of him, more especially if you will make use of him in
bringing you to a country (Carolina) where you will be received with
open arms, and all that affection and respect which our citizens are
anxious to testify to the author of Common Sense, and the Crisis.

"Adieu! I wish you to regard this part of America (Carolina) as your
particular home--and everything that I can command in it to be in common
between us."

On the 10th of April, 1783, the definitive treaty of peace was received
and published. Here insert the letter from Gen. Nathaniel Greene:

"Ashley-Rives (Carolina), Nov. 18, 1782.--Many people wish to get you
into this country.

"I see you are determined to follow your genius and not your fortune.
I have always been in hopes that Congress would have made some handsome
acknowledgement to you for past services. I must confess that I think
you have been shamefully neglected; and that America is indebted to few
characters more than to you. But as your passion leads to fame, and
not to wealth, your mortification will be the less. Your fame for
your writings, will be immortal. At present my expenses are great;
nevertheless, if you are not conveniently situated, I shall take a pride
and pleasure in contributing all in my power to render your situation
happy."'

Then letter from his father.--"Dear Son, &c." [Lost.]

The following letter from William Livingston (Trenton, 4 November, 1784)
will show that Thomas Paine was not only honored with the esteem of the
most famous persons, but that they were all convinced that he had been
useful to the country.**

At this time Thomas Paine was living with Colonel Kirk-bride,
Bordentown, where he remained till his departure for France. He had
bought a house [in], and five acres of marshy land over against,
Bordentown, near the Delaware, which overflowed it frequently. He sold
the land in 1787.

Congress gave an order for three thousand dollars, which Thomas Paine
received in the same month.

Early in 1787 he departed for France. He carried with him the model of
a bridge of his own invention and construction, which he submitted, in
a drawing, to the French Academy, by whom it was approved. From Paris he
went to London on the 3 September 1787; and in the same month he went
to Thetford, where he found his father was dead, from the small-pox; and
where he settled an allowance on his mother of 9 shillings a week.

     * This and the preceding letter supplied by the author.

     * Not found.    Referred to in this work, vol. i., p. 200.

A part of 1788 he passed in Rotherham, in Yorkshire, where his bridge
was cast and erected, chiefly at the expense of the ingenious Mr.
Walker. The experiment, however, cost Thomas Paine a considerable sum.

When Burke published his _Reflexions on the French Revolution_, Thomas
Paine answered him in his First Part of the Rights of Man. In January,
1792, appeared the Second Part of the Rights of Man. The sale of the
Rights of Man was prodigious, amounting in the course of one year to
about a hundred thousand copies.

In 1792 he was prosecuted for his Rights of Man by the Attorney General,
McDonald, and was defended by Mr. Erskine, and found guilty of libel.
But he was now in France, and could not be brought up for judgment.

Each district of France sent electors to the principal seat of the
Department, where the Deputies to the National Assembly were chosen. Two
Departments appointed Thomas Paine their Deputy, those of Oise and
of Pas de Calais, of which he accepted the latter. He received the
following letter from the President of the National Assembly, Hérault de
Séchelles:

"To Thomas Paine:

"France calls you, Sir, to its bosom, to perform one of the most useful
and most honorable functions, that of contributing, by wise legislation,
to the happiness of a people, whose destinies interest all who think and
are united with the welfare of all who suffer in the world.

"It becomes the nation that has proclaimed the Rights of Many to desire
among her legislators him who first dared to estimate the consequences
of those Rights, and who has developed their principles with that
Common Senset which is the only genius inwardly felt by all men, and the
conception of which springs forth from nature and truth.

"The National Assembly gave you the title of Citizen, and had seen
with pleasure that its decree was sanctioned by the only legitimate
authority, that of the people, who had already claimed you, even before
you were nominated.

"Come, Sir, and enjoy in France the most interesting of scenes for an
observer and a philosopher,--that of a confiding and generous people
who, infamously betrayed for three years, and wishing at last to end the
struggle between slavery and liberty, between sincerity and perfidy, at
length arises in its resolute and gigantic force, gives up to the sword
of the law those guilty crowned things who betrayed them, resists the
barbarians whom they raised up to destroy the nation. Her citizens
turned soldiers, her territory into camp and fortress, she yet calls and
collects in congress the lights scattered through the universe. Men of
genius, the most capable for their wisdom and virtue, she now calls to
give to her people a government the most proper to insure their liberty
and happiness.

"The Electoral Assembly of the Department of Oise, anxious to be the
first to elect you, has been so fortunate as to insure to itself that
honour; and when many of my fellow citizens desired me to inform you of
your election, I remembered, with infinite pleasure, having seen you at
Mr. Jefferson's, and I congratulated myself on having had the pleasure
of knowing you.

"Hérault,

"President of the National Assembly."

At the trial of Louis XVI. before the National Convention Thomas Paine
at the Tribune, with the deputy Bancal for translator and interpreter,
gave his opinion, written, on the capital sentence on Louis:--That,
though a Deputy of the National Convention of France, he could not
forget, that, previous to his being that, he was a citizen of the United
States of America, which owed their liberty to Louis, and that gratitude
would not allow him to vote for the death of the benefactor of America.
On the 21st of January, 1793, Louis XVI was beheaded in the Square of
Louis XV. (Letter to Marat.)

Thomas Paine was named by the Assembly as one of the Committee of
Legislation, and, as he could not discuss article by article without the
aid of an interpreter, he drew out a plan of a constitution.**

     * Both missing.   Possibly the second should be to Danton.
     See ii., p. 53.

     **  See ii., p. 37 sec., of this work.

The reign of terror began on the night of the 10th of March!793, when
the greatest number and the best part of the real friends to freedom had
retired [from the Convention]. But, as the intention of the conspiracy
against the Assembly had been suspected, as the greatest part of the
Deputies they wished to sacrifice had been informed of the threatening
danger, as, moreover, a mutual fear [existed] of the cunning tyranny of
some usurper, the conspirators, alarmed, could not this night consummate
their horrible machinations. They therefore, for this time, confined
themselves to single degrees of accusation and arrestation against the
most valuable part of the National Convention. Robespiere had placed
himself at the head of a conspiring Common-Hall, which dared to dictate
_laws of blood_ and proscription to the Convention. All those whom he
could not make bend under a Dictatorship, which a certain number of
anti-revolutionists feigned to grant him, as a tool which they could
destroy at pleasure, were guilty of being suspected, and secretly
destined to disappear from among the living. Thomas Paine, as his marked
enemy and rival, by favour of the decree on the suspected was classed
among the suspected, and, as a foreigner, was imprisoned in the
Luxembourg in December 1793. (See Letter to Washington.) ¦

From this document it will be seen, that, while in the prison, he was,
for a month, afflicted with an illness that deprived him of his memory.
It was during this illness of Thomas Paine that the fall of Robespierre
took place. Mr. Monroe, who arrived at Paris some days afterwards, wrote
to Mr. Paine, assuring him of his friendship, as appears from the letter
to Washington. Fifteen days afterwards Thomas Paine received a letter
from Peter Whiteside.** In consequence of this letter Thomas Paine wrote
a memorial to Mr. Monroe. Mr. Monroe now claimed Thomas Paine, and he
_came out of the prison on the 6th of November, 1794, after ten months
of imprisonment_. He went to live with Mr. Monroe, who had cordially
offered him his house. In a short time after, the Convention called
him to take his seat in that Assembly; which he did, for the reasons he
alleges in his letter to Washington.

The following two pieces Thomas Paine wrote while in Prison: "Essay on
Aristocracy." "Essay on the character of Robespierre." [Both missing.]

     * This is the bitter letter of which when it appeared
     Cobbett had written such a scathing review.

     ** The letter telling him of the allegations made by some
     against his American citizenship.

Thomas Paine received the following letter from Madame Lafayette, whose
husband was then a prisoner of war in Austria:

"19 Brumaire, Paris.--I was this morning so much agitated by the kind
visit from Mr. Monroe, that I could hardly find words to speak; but,
however, I was, my dear Sir, desirous to tell you, that the news of your
being set at liberty, which I this morning learnt from General Kilmaine,
who arrived here at the same time with me, has given me a moment's
consolation in the midst of this abyss of misery, where I shall all my
life remain plunged. Gen. Kilmaine has told me that you recollected
me, and have taken great interest in my situation; for which I am
exceedingly grateful.

"Accept, along with Mr. Monroe, my congratulations upon your being
restored to each other, and the assurances of these sentiments from
her who is proud to proclaim them, and who well deserved the title of
citizen of that second country, though I have assuredly never failed,
nor shall ever fail, to the former. Salut and friendship.

"With all sincerity of my heart,

"N. Lafayette."

On the 27 January, 1794, Thomas Paine published in Paris, the First Part
of the "Age of Reason."

Seeing the state of things in America, Thomas Paine wrote a letter to
Gen. Washington 22 February 1795. Mr. Monroe entreated him not to
send it, and, accordingly it was not sent to Washington; but it was
afterwards published.

A few months after his going out of prison, he had a violent fever. Mrs.
Monroe showed him all possible kindness and attention. She provided him
with an excellent nurse, who had for him all the anxiety and assiduity
of a sister. She neglected nothing to afford him ease and comfort, when
he was totally unable to help himself. He was in the state of a helpless
child who has its face and hands washed by its mother. The surgeon was
the famous Dessault, who cured him of an abscess which he had in his
side. After the horrible 13 Brumaire, a friend of Thomas Paine being
very sick, he, who was in the house, went to bring his own excellent
nurse to take care of his sick friend: a fact of little account
in itself, but a sure evidence of ardent and active friendship and
kindness.

The Convention being occupied with a discussion of the question of what
Constitution ought to be adopted, that of 1791 or that of 1793, Thomas
Paine made a speech (July 7, 1795) as a member of the [original]
Committee [on the Constitution] and Lanthénas translated it and read
it in the Tribune. This speech has been translated into English, and
published in London; but, the language of the author has been changed
by the two translations. It is now given as written by the author.
[Missing.]

In April, 1796, he wrote his _Decline and Fail of the British System of
Finance _; and, on the 30th of July of that year he sent his letter to
Washington off for America by Mr.-------- who sent it to Mr. Bâche, a
newspaper printer of Philadelphia, to be published, and it was published
the same year. The name of the gentleman who conveyed the letter, and
who wrote the following to Thomas Paine, is not essential and therefore
we suppress it. [Missing.]

We here insert a letter from Talleyrand, the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, to show that Thomas Paine was always active and attentive in
doing every thing which would be useful to America. [Missing.]

Thomas Paine after he came out of prison and had reentered the
Convention wrote the following letter. [Missing.]

The following is essentially connected with the foregoing: "Paris,
October 4, 1796." [Missing.]

In October, 1796, Thomas Paine published the Second Fart of the Age of
Reason.

This year Mr. Monroe departed from France, and soon after Thomas Paine
went to Havre de Grace, to embark for the United States. But, he did
not, upon inquiry, think it prudent to go, on account of the great
number of English vessels then cruizing in the Channel. He therefore
came back to Paris; but, while at Havre, wrote the following letter, 13
April 1797, to a friend at Paris. [Missing.]

The following letter will not, we hope, seem indifferent to the reader:
"Dear Sir, I wrote to you etc." [Missing.]

At this time it was that Thomas Paine took up his abode at Mr.
Bonneville's, who had known him at the Minister Roland's, and as Mr. B.
spoke English, Thomas Paine addressed himself to him in a more familiar
and friendly manner than to any other persons of the society. It was a
reception of Hospitality which was here given to Thomas Paine for a
week or a fortnight; but, the visit lasted till 1802, when he and Mr.
Bonneville parted,--alas never to meet again!

Our House was at No. 4 Rue du Theatre François. All the first floor was
occupied as a printing office. The whole house was pretty well filled;
and Mr. Bonneville gave up his study, which was not a large one, and a
bed-chamber to Thomas Paine. He was always in his apartments excepting
at meal times. He rose late. He then used to read the newspapers, from
which, though he understood but little of the French language when
spoken, he did not fail to collect all the material information relating
to politics, in which subject he took most delight. When he had his
morning's reading, he used to carry back the journals to Mr. Bonneville,
and they had a chat upon the topicks of the day.

If he had a short jaunt to take, as for instance, to Puteaux just by
the bridge of Neuilly, where Mr. Skipwith lived, he always went on
foot, after suitable preparations for the journey in that way. I do not
believe he ever hired a coach to go out on pleasure during the whole of
his stay in Paris. He laughed at those who, depriving themselves of a
wholesome exercise, could make no other excuse for the want of it than
that they were able to take it whenever they pleased. He was never idle
in the house. If not writing he was busily employed on some mechanical
invention, or else entertaining his visitors. Not a day escaped without
his receiving many visits. Mr. Barlow, Mr. Fulton, Mr. Smith [Sir
Robert] came very often to see him. Many travellers also called on him;
and, often, having no other affair, talked to him only of his great
reputation and their admiration of his works. He treated such visitors
with civility, but with little ceremony, and, when their conversation
was mere chit-chat, and he found they had nothing particular to say to
him, he used to retire to his own pursuits, leaving them to entertain
themselves with their own ideas.

He sometimes spent his evenings at Mr. Barlow's, where Mr. Fulton lived,
or at Mr. Smith's [Sir Robert], and sometimes at an Irish Coffee-house
in Condé Street, where Irish, English, and American people met. He here
learnt the state of politics in England and America. He never went out
after dinner without first taking a nap, which was always of two or
three hours length. And, when he went out to a dinner of _parade_, he
often came home for the purpose of taking his accustomed sleep. It was
seldom he went into the society of French people; except when, by
seeing some one in office or power, he could obtain some favour for his
countrymen who might be in need of his good offices. These he always
performed with pleasure, and he never failed to adopt the most likely
means to secure success. But in one instance he failed. He wrote as
follows to Lord Cornwallis; but, he did not save Napper Tandy. Letter to
Lord Cornwallis. Letter 27 Brumaire, 4 year. Letter 23 Germinal 4 year.
[The three letters missing.]

C. Jourdan made a report to the Convention on the re-establishment
of Bells, which had been suppressed, and, in great part melted. Paine
published, on this occasion, a letter to C. Jourdan.*

     * The words "which will find a place in the Appendix" are
     here crossed out by Madame Bonneville.    See ii., p. 258
     concerning Jourdan.

He had brought with him from America, as we have seen, a model of a
bridge of his own construction and invention, which model had been
adopted in England for building bridges under his own direction. He
employed part of his time, while at our house, in bringing this model to
high perfection, and this accomplished to his wishes. He afterwards,
and according the model, made a bridge of lead, which he accomplished b/
moulding different blocks of lead, which, when joined together, made the
form that he required. This was most pleasant amusement for him. Though
he fully relied on the strength of his new bridge, and would produce
arguments enough in proof of its infallible strength, he often
demonstrated the proof by blows of the sledge-hammer, not leaving anyone
in doubt on the subject. One night he took off the scaffold of his
bridge and seeing that it stood firm under the repeated strokes of
hammer, he was so ravished that an enjoyment so great was not to be
sufficiently felt if confined to his own bosom. He was not satisfied
without admirers of his success. One night we had just gone to bed, and
were surprised at hearing repeated strokes of the hammer. Paine went
into Mr. Bonneville's room and besought him to go and see his bridge:
come and look, said he, it bears all my blows and stands like a rock.
Mr. Bonneville arose, as well to please himself by seeing a happy man as
to please him by looking at his bridge. Nothing would do, unless I saw
the sight as well as Mr. Bonneville. After much exultation: "nothing, in
the world," said he, "is so fine as my bridge"; and, seeing me standing
by without uttering a word, he added, "except a woman!" which happy
compliment to the sex he seemed to think, a full compensation for the
trouble caused by this nocturnal visit to the bridge.

A machine for planing boards was his next invention, which machine he
had executed partly by one blacksmith and partly by another. The machine
being put together by him, he placed it on the floor, and with it planed
boards to any number that he required, to make some models of wheels.
Mr. Bonneville has two of these wheels now. There is a specification
of the wheels, given by Mr. Paine himself. This specification, together
with a drawing of the model, made by Mr. Fulton, were deposited at
Washington, in February 1811; and the other documents necessary to
obtain a patent as an invention of Thomas Paine, for the benefit of
Madam Bonneville. To be presented to the Directory of France, a memorial
on the progress and construction of iron bridges. On this subject the
two pieces here subjoined will throw sufficient light. (Memoir upon
Bridges.--Upon Iron Bridges.--To the Directory.--Memoir on the Progress
and Construction &c.)

Preparations were made, real or simulated, for a Descent upon England.
Thomas Paine was consulted by B. 8. who was then in the house of
Talma, and he wrote the following notes and instructions. Letter at
Brussells.--The Ça-ira of America.--To the Consul Lépeaux.*

     * This paragraph is in the writing of Madame Bonneville. "B.
     8." means Bonaparte, and seems to be some cipher. All of the
     pieces by Paine mentioned are missing; also that addressed
     "To the Directory," for the answer to which see p. 296 of
     this volume.

Chancellor Livingston, after his arrival in France, came a few times to
see Paine. One morning we had him at breakfast, Dupuis, the author of
the Origin of Worship, being of the party; and Mr. Livingston, when he
got up to go away, said to Mr. Paine smiling, "Make your Will; leave
the mechanics, the iron bridge, the wheels, etc. to America, and your
religion to France."

Thomas Paine, while at our house, published in Mr. Bonneville's journal
(the _Bien Informé_) several articles on passing events.*

     * The following words are here crossed out: "Also several
     pieces of poetry, which will be published hereafter, with
     his miscellaneous prose."

A few days before his departure for America, he said, at Mr. Smith's
[Sir Robert] that he had nothing to detain him in France; for that he
was neither in love, debt, nor difficulty. Some lady observed, that it
was not, in the company of ladies, gallant to say he was not in love.
Upon this occasion he wrote the New Covenant, from the Castle in the Air
to the Little Corner of the World, in three stanzas, and sent it with
the following words: "As the ladies are better judges of gallantry
than the men are, I will thank you to tell me, whether the enclosed be
gallantry. If it be, it is truly original; and the merit of it belongs
to the person who inspired it." The following was the answer of Mrs.
Smith. "If the usual style of gallantry was as clever as your new
covenant, many a fair ladies heart would be in danger, but the Little
Corner of the World receives it from the Castle in the Air; it is
agreeable to her as being the elegant fancy of a friend.--C. Smith."
[Stanzas missing.']

At this time, 1802, public spirit was at end in France. The real
republicans were harrassed by eternal prosecutions. Paine was a truly
grateful man: his friendship was active and warm, and steady. During the
six years that he lived in our house, he frequently pressed us to go to
America, offering us all that he should be able to do for us, and saying
that he would bequeath his property to our children. Some affairs of
great consequence made it impracticable for Mr. Bonneville to quit
France; but, foreseeing a new revolution, that would strike, personally,
many of the Republicans, it was resolved, soon after the departure
of Mr. Paine for America, that I should go thither with my children,
relying fully on the good offices of Mr. Paine, whose conduct in America
justified that reliance.

In 1802 Paine left France, regretted by all who knew him. He embarked
at Havre de Grace on board a stout ship, belonging to Mr. Patterson, of
Baltimore, he being the only passenger. After a very stormy passage, he
landed at Baltimore on the 30th of October, 1812. He remained there but
a few days, and then went to Washington, where he published his Letters
to the Americans.

A few months afterwards, he went to Bordentown, to his friend Col.
Kirkbride, who had invited him, on his return, by the following letter
of 12 November, 1802. [Missing.]

He staid at Bordentown about two months, and then went to New York,
where a great number of patriots gave him a splendid dinner at the City
Hotel. In June, 1803, he went to Stonington, New England, to see some
friends; and in the autumn he went to his farm at New Rochelle. (The
letter of Thomas Paine to Mr. Bonneville, 20 Nov., 1803.) [Missing.]

An inhabitant of this village offered him an apartment, of which he
accepted, and while here he was taken ill. His complaint was a sort of
paralytic affection, which took away the use of his hands. He had had
the same while at Mr. Monroe's in Paris, after he was released from
prison. Being better, he went to his farm, where he remained a part of
the winter, and he came to New York to spend the rest of it; but in the
spring (1804) he went back to his farm. The farmer who had had his farm
for 17 or 18 years, instead of paying his rent, brought Mr. Paine a bill
for fencing, which made Paine his debtor! They had a law-suit by which
Paine got nothing but the right of paying the law-expenses! This and
other necessary expenses compelled him to sell sixty acres of his land.
He then gave the honest farmer notice to quit the next April (1805).

Upon taking possession of the farm himself, he hired Christopher Derrick
to cultivate it for him. He soon found that Derrick was not fit for his
place, and he, therefore, discharged him. This was in the summer; and,
on Christmas Eve ensuing, about six o'clock, Mr. Paine being in his
room, on the ground floor, reading, a gun was fired a few yards from the
window. The contents of the gun struck the bottom part of the window,
and all the charge, which was of small shot, lodged, as was next day
discovered, in the window sill and wall. The shooter, in firing the gun,
fell; and the barrel of the gun had entered the ground where he fell,
and left an impression, which Thomas Paine observed the next morning.
Thomas Paine went immediately to the house of a neighboring farmer, and
there (seeing a gun, he took hold of it, and perceived that the
muzzle of the gun was filled with fresh earth.) And then he heard that
Christopher Derick had borrowed the gun about five o'clock the evening
before, and had returned it again before six o'clock the same evening.
Derick was arrested, and Purdy, his brother farmer, became immediately
and voluntarily his bail. The cause was brought forward at New Rochelle;
and Derick was acquitted.*

     * See p. 343 of this volume. Several paragraphs here are in
     the writing of J. P. Cobbett, then with his father in New
     York.

In 1806 Thomas Paine offered to vote at New Rochelle for the election.
But his vote was not admitted; on the pretence only of his not being
a citizen of America; whereon he wrote the following letters. [_The
letters are here missing, but no doubt the same as those on pp. 379-80
of this volume_..]

This case was pleaded before the Supreme Court of New York by Mr.
Riker, then Attorney General, and, though Paine lost his cause, I as
his legatee, did not lose the having to pay for it. It is however, an
undoubted fact, that Mr. Paine was an American Citizen.

He remained at New Rochelle till June 1807; till disgust of every kind,
occasioned by the gross and brutal conduct of some of the people there,
made him resolve to go and live at New York.

On the 4th of April, 1807, he wrote the following letter to Mr.
Bonneville [in Paris]:

"My dear Bonneville: Why don't you come to America Your wife and two
boys, Benjamin and Thomas, are here, and in good health. They all speak
English very well; but Thomas has forgot his French. I intend to provide
for the boys, but, I wish to see you here. We heard of you by letters by
Madget and Captain Hailey. Mrs. Bonneville, and Mrs. Thomas, an English
woman, keep an academy for young ladies.

"I send this by a friend, Mrs. Champlin, who will call on Mercier at the
Institute, to know where you are. Your affectionate friend."

And some time after the following letter:

"My dear Bonneville: I received your letter by Mrs. Champlin, and also
the letter for Mrs. Bonneville, and one from her sister. I have written
to the American Minister in Paris, Mr. Armstrong, desiring him to
interest himself to have your surveillance taken off on condition of
your coming to join your family in the United States.

"This letter, with Mrs. Bonneville's, come to you under cover to the
American Minister from Mr. Madison, Secretary of State. As soon as you
receive it I advise you to call on General Armstrong and inform him of
the proper method to have your surveillance taken off. Mr. Champagny,
who succeeds Talleyrand, is, I suppose, the same who was Minister of the
Interior, from whom I received a handsome friendly letter, respecting
the iron bridge. I think you once went with me to see him.

"Call on Mr Skipwith with my compliments. He will inform you what
vessels will sail for New York and where from. Bordeaux will be the best
place to sail from. I believe Mr. Lee is American Consul at Bordeaux.
When you arrive there, call on him, with my compliments. You may
contrive to arrive at New York in April or May. The passages, in the
Spring, are generally short; seldom more than five weeks, and often
less.

"Present my respects to Mercier, Bernardin St. Pierre, Dupuis,
Grégoire.--When you come, I intend publishing all my works, and those I
have yet in manuscript, by subscription. They will make 4 or 5 vol. 4°,
or 5 vol. 8°, about 400 pages each. Yours in friendship.--T. P."*

     * This letter is entirely in the writing of Madame
     Bonneville.    Beneath it is written: "The above is a true
     copy of the original; I have compared the two together.
     James P. Cobbett."   The allusion to Champagny is either a
     slip of Madame's pen or Paine's memory.    The minister who
     wrote him about his bridge was Chaptal. See ii., p. 296. The
     names in the last paragraph show what an attractive literary
     circle Paine had left in France, for a country unable to
     appreciate him.

While Paine was one day taking his usual after-dinner nap, an old woman
called, and, asking for Mr. Paine, said she had something of great
importance to communicate to him. She was shown into his bed-chamber;
and Paine, raising himself on his elbow, and turning towards the woman,
said: "What do you want with me?" "I came," said she, "from God, to
tell you, that if you don't repent, and believe in Christ, you 'll be
dammed." "Poh, poh, it's not true," said Paine; "you are not sent with
such an impertinent message. Send her away. Pshaw! God would not send
such a foolish ugly old woman as you. Turn this messenger out. Get away;
be off: shut the door." And so the old woman packed herself off.

After his arrival Paine published several articles in the newspapers of
New York and Philadelphia. Subsequent to a short illness which he had
in 1807, he could not walk without pain, and the difficulty of walking
increased every day. On the 21st of January, 1808, he addressed a
memorial to the Congress of the United States, asking remuneration for
his services; and, on the 14th of February, the same year, another on
the same subject. These documents and his letter to the Speaker are as
follows.*

     * "Are as follows" in Madame B.'s writing, after striking
     oat Cobbett's words, "will be found in the Appendix." The
     documents and letters are not given, but they are well
     known.    See ii., p. 405.

The Committee of Claims, to which the memorial had been submitted,
passed the following resolution: "Resolved, that Thomas Paine has leave
to withdraw his memorial and the papers accompanying the same." He
was deeply grieved at this refusal; some have blamed him for exposing
himself to it. But, it should be recollected, that his expenses were
greatly augmented by his illness, and he saw his means daily diminish,
while he feared a total palsy; and while he expected to live to a
very great age, as his ancestors had before him. His money yielded no
interest, always having been unwilling to place money out in that way.

He had made his will in 1807, during the short illness already noticed.
But three months later, he assembled his friends, and read to them
another will; saying that he had believed such and such one to be his
friend, and that now having altered his belief in them, he had also
altered his will. From motives of the same kind, he, three months before
his death, made another will, which he sealed up and directed to me, and
gave it me to keep, observing to me, that I was more interested in it
than any body else.

He wished to be buried in the Quaker burying ground, and sent for a
member of the committee [Willett Hicks] who lived in the neighborhood.
The interview took place on the 19th of March, 1809. Paine said, when we
were looking out for another lodging, we had to put in order the affairs
of our present abode. This was precisely the case with him; all his
affairs were settled, and he had only to provide his burying-ground;
his father had been a Quaker, and he hoped they would not refuse him a
grave; "I will," added he, "pay for the digging of it."

The committee of the Quakers refused to receive his body, at which
he seemed deeply moved, and observed to me, who was present at the
interview, that their refusal was foolish. "You will," said I, "be
buried on your farm" "I have no objection to that," said he "but the
farm will be sold, and they will dig my bones up before they be half
rotten." "Mr. Paine," I replied, "have confidence in your friends. I
assure you, that the place where you will be buried, shall never be
sold." He seemed satisfied; and never spoke upon this subject again. I
have been as good as my word.

Last December (1818) the land of the farm having been divided between
my children, I gave fifty dollars to keep apart and to myself, the place
whereon the grave was.

Paine, doubtless, considered me and my children as strangers in America.
His affection for us was, at any rate, great and sincere. He anxiously
recommended us to the protection of Mr. Emmet, saying to him, "when I
am dead, Madam Bonneville will have no friend here." And a little time
after, obliged to draw money from the Bank, he said, with an air of
sorrow, "you will have nothing left."*

     * Paine's Will appoints Thomas Addis Emmet, Walter Morton
     (with $200 each), and Madame Bonneville executors; gives a
     small bequest to the widow of Elihu Palmer, and a
     considerable one to Rickman of London, who was to divide
     with Nicholas Bonneville proceeds of the sale of the North
     part of his farm. To Madame Bonneville went his manuscripts,
     movable effects, stock in the N. Y. Phoenix Insurance
     Company estimated at $1500, and money in hand. The South
     part of the New Rochelle farm, over 100 acres, were given
     Madame Bonneville in trust for her children, Benjamin and
     Thomas, "their education and maintenance, until they come to
     the age of twenty-one years, in order that she may bring them
     well up, give them good and useful learning, and instruct
     them in their duty to God, and the practice of morality." At
     majority they were to share and share alike in fee simple.
     He desires to be buried in the Quaker ground,--"my father
     belonged to that profession, and I was partly brought up in
     it,"--but if this is not permitted, to be buried on his
     farm. "The place where I am to be buried to be a square of
     twelve feet, to be enclosed with rows of trees, and a stone
     or post and railed fence, with a head-stone with my name and
     age engraved upon it, author of "Common Sense." He confides
     Mrs. Bonneville and her children to the care of Emmet and
     Morton. "Thus placing confidence in their friendship, I
     herewith take my final leave of them and of the world. I
     have lived an honest and useful life to mankind; my time
     has been spent in doing good; and I die in perfect
     composure and resignation to the will of my Creator God."
     The Will, dated January 18, opens with the words,
     "The last Will and Testament of me, the subscriber, Thomas
     Paine, reposing confidence in my Creator God, and in no
     other being, for I know of no other, and I believe in no
     other."   Mrs. Paine had died July 27th, 1808.

     Mr. William Fayel, to whom I am indebted for much
     information concerning the Bonnevilles in St. Louis, writes
     me that so little is known of Paine's benefactions, that
     "an ex-senator of the United States recently asserted that
     Gen. Bonneville was brought over by Jefferson and a French
     lady; and a French lady, who was intimate with the
     Bonnevilles, assured me that General Bonneville was sent to
     West Point by Lafayette."

He was now become extremely weak. His strength and appetite daily
departed from him; and in the day-time only he was able, when not in
bed, to sit up in his arm-chair to read the newspapers, and sometimes
write. When he could no longer quit his bed, he made some one read the
newspapers to him. His mind was always active. He wrote nothing for the
press after writing his last will, but he would converse, and took
great interest in politics. The vigour of his mind, which had always
so strongly characterized him, did not leave him to the last moment. He
never complained of his bodily sufferings, though they became excessive.
His constitution was strong. The want of exercise alone was the cause of
his sufferings. Notwithstanding the great inconveniences he was obliged
to sustain during his illness, in a carman's house [Ryder's] in a small
village [Greenwich], without any bosom friend in whom he could repose
confidence, without any society he liked, he still did not complain of
his sufferings. I indeed, went regularly to see him twice a week;
but, he said to me one day: "I am here alone, for all these people are
nothing to me, day after day, week after week, month after month, and
you don't come to see me."

In a conversation between him and Mr. [Albert] Gallatin, about this
time, I recollect his using these words: "_I am very sorry that I ever
returned to this country_." As he was thus situated and paying a high
price for his lodgings he expressed a wish to come to my house. This
must be a great inconvenience to me from the frequent visits to Mr.
Thomas Paine; but, I, at last, consented; and hired a house in the
neighborhood, in May 1809, to which he was carried in an arm-chair,
after which he seemed calm and satisfied, and gave himself no trouble
about anything. He had no disease that required a Doctor, though
Dr. Romaine came to visit him twice a week. The swelling, which had
commenced at his feet, had now reached his body, and some one had been
so officious as to tell him that he ought to be tapped. He asked me if
this was necessary. I told him, that I did not know; but, that, unless
he was likely to derive great good from it, it should not be done. The
next [day] Doctor Romaine came and brought a physician with him, and
they resolved that the tapping need not take place.

He now grew weaker and weaker very fast. A very few days before his
death, Dr. Romame said to me, "I don't think he can live till night."
Paine, hearing some one speak, opens his eyes, and said: "'T is
you Doctor: what news?" "Mr. such an one is gone to France on such
business." "He will do nothing there," said Paine. "Your belly
diminishes," said the Doctor. "And yours augments," said Paine.

     * The sentence thus far is struck out by Madame Bonno he had
     not seen for a long while. He was overjoyed at seeing him;
     but, this person began to speak upon religion, and Paine
     turned his head on the other side, and remained silent, even
     to the adieu of the person.

When he was near his end, two American clergymen came to see him, and
to talk with him on religious matters. "Let me alone," said he; "good
morning." He desired they should be admitted no more. One of his friends
came to New York; a person for whom he had a great esteem, and whom
seeing his end fast approaching, I asked him, in presence of a friend,
if he felt satisfied with the treatment he had received at our house,
upon which he could only exclaim, O! yes! He added other words, but
they were incoherent It was impossible for me not to exert myself to
the utmost in taking care of a person to whom I and my children owed
so much. He now appeared to have lost all kind of feeling. He spent
the night in tranquillity, and expired in the morning at eight o'clock,
after a short oppression, at my house in Greenwich, about two miles from
the city of New York. Mr. Jarvis, a Painter, who had formerly made a
portrait of him, moulded his head in plaster, from which a bust was
executed.

He was, according to the American custom, deposited in a mahogany
coffin, with his name and age engraved on a silver-plate, put on the
coffin. His corpse was dressed in a shirt, a muslin gown tied at neck
and wrists with black ribbon, stockings, drawers; and a cap was put
under his head as a pillow. (He never slept in a night-cap.) Before the
coffin was placed on the carriage, I went to see him; and having a rose
in my bosom, I took it out, and placed on his breast. Death had not
disfigured him. Though very thin, his bones were not protuberant. He was
not wrinkled, and had lost very little hair.

His voice was very strong even to his last moments. He often exclaimed,
oh, lord help me! An exclamation the involuntary effect of pain. He
groaned deeply, and when a question was put to him, calling him by his
name, he opened his eyes, as if waking from a dream. He never answered
the question, but asked one himself; as, what is it o'clock, &c.

On the ninth of June my son and I, and a few of Thomas Paine's friends,
set off with the corpse to New Rochelle, a place 22 miles from New York.
It was my intention to have him buried in the Orchard of his own farm;
but the farmer who lived there at that time said, that Thomas Paine,
walking with him one day, said, pointing to another part of the land, he
was desirous of being buried there. "Then," said I, "that shall be
the place of his burial." And, my instructions were accordingly put in
execution. The head-stone was put up about a week afterwards with the
following inscription: "Thomas Paine, Author of "Common Sense," died
the eighth of June, 1809, aged 72 years." According to his will, a wall
twelve feet square was erected round his tomb. Four trees have been
planted outside the wall, two weeping willows and two cypresses. Many
persons have taken away pieces of the tombstone and of the trees, in
memory of the deceased; foreigners especially have been eager to obtain
these memorials, some of which have been sent to England.* They have
been put in frames and preserved. Verses in honor of Paine have been
written on the head stone. The grave is situated at the angle of the
farm, by the entrance to it.

This interment was a scene to affect and to wound any sensible heart.
Contemplating who it was, what man it was, that we were committing to an
obscure grave on an open and disregarded bit of land, I could not help
feeling most acutely. Before the earth was thrown down upon the coffin,
I, placing myself at the east end of the grave, said to my son Benjamin,
"stand you there, at the other end, as a witness for grateful America."
Looking round me, and beholding the small group of spectators, I
exclaimed, as the earth was tumbled into the grave, "Oh! Mr. Paine! My
son stands here as testimony of the gratitude of America, and I, for
France!" This was the funeral ceremony of this great politician and
philosopher!**

     * The breaking of the original gravestone has been
     traditionally ascribed to pious hatred. A fragment of it,
     now in New York, is sometimes shown at celebrations of
     Paine's birthday as a witness of the ferocity vented on
     Paine's grave.    It is satisfactory to find another
     interpretation.

     ** Paine's friends, as we have said, were too poor to leave
     their work in the city, which had refused Paine a grave. The
     Rev. Robert Bolton, in his History of Westchester County,
     introduces Cheetham's slanders of Paine with the words: "as
     his own biographer remarks." His own! But even Cheetham
     does not lie enough for Bolton, who says: "His [Paine's]
     body was brought up from New York in a hearse used for
     carrying the dead, to Potter's Field; a white man drove the
     vehicle, accompanied by a negro to dig the grave." The whole
     Judas legend is in that allusion to Potter's Field.    Such
     is history, where Paine is concerned!

The eighty-eight acres of the north part were sold at 25 dollars an
acre. The half of the south (the share of Thomas de Bonneville) has been
sold for the total sum of 1425 dollars. The other part of the south,
which was left to Benjamin de Bonneville, has just (1819) been sold in
lots, reserving the spot in which Thomas Paine was buried, being a piece
of land 45 feet square.

_Thomas Paine's posthumous works_. He left the manuscript of his answer
to Bishop Watson; the Third Part of his Age of Reason; several pieces
on Religious subjects, prose and verse. The great part of his posthumous
political works will be found in the Appendix. Some correspondences
cannot be, as yet, published.*

In _Mechanics_ he has left two models of wheels for carriages, and of
a machine to plane boards. Of the two models of bridges, left at the
Philadelphia Museum, only one has been preserved, and that in great
disorder, one side being taken entirely off. But, I must say here, that
it was then out of the hands of Mr. Peale.'

Though it is difficult, at present, to make some people believe that,
instead of being looked on as a deist and a drunkard, Paine ought to be
viewed as a philosopher and a truly benevolent man, future generations
will make amends for the errors of their forefathers, by regarding
him as a most worthy man, and by estimating his talents and character
according to their real worth.

Thomas Paine was about five feet nine inches high, English measure, and
about five feet six French measure. His bust was well proportioned;
and his face oblong. Reflexion was the great expression of his face;
in which was always seen the calm proceeding from a conscience void of
reproach. His eye, which was black, was lively and piercing, and told
us that he saw into the very heart of hearts [of any one who wished to
deceive him].***

     * All except the first two MSS., of which fragments exist,
     and some poems, were no doubt consumed at St. Louis, as
     stated in the Introduction to this work.

     ** I have vainly searched in Philadelphia for some relic of
     Paine's bridges.

     *** Bracketed words marked out. In this paragraph and some
     that follow the hand of Nicolas Bonneville is, I think,
     discernible.

A most benignant smile expressed what he felt upon receiving an
affectionate salutation, or praise delicately conveyed. His leg and
foot were elegant, and he stood and walked upright, without stiffness or
affectation. [He never wore a sword nor cane], but often walked with
his hat in one hand and with his other hand behind his back. His
countenance, when walking, was generally thoughtful. In receiving
salutations he bowed very gracefully, and, if from an acquaintance, he
did not begin with "how d' ye do?" but, with a "what news?" If they had
none, he gave them his. His beard, his lips, his head, the motion of his
eye-brow, all aided in developing his mind.

Was he where he got at the English or American newspapers, he hastened
to over-run them all, like those who read to make extracts for their
paper. His first glance was for the funds, which, in spite of
jobbing and the tricks of government, he always looked on as the
sure thermometer of public affairs. Parliamentary Debates, the Bills,
concealing a true or sham opposition of such or such orators, the secret
pay and violent theatrical declamation, or the revelations of public or
private meetings at the taverns; these interested him so much that he
longed for an ear and a heart to pour forth all his soul. When he
added that he knew the Republican or the hypocrite, he would affirm,
beforehand, that such or such a bill, such or such a measure, would
take place; and very seldom, in such a case, the cunning politic or the
clear-sighted observer was mistaken in his assertions; for they were not
for him mere conjectures. He spoke of a future event as of a thing past
and consummated. In a country where the slightest steps are expanded to
open day, where the feeblest connexions are known from their beginning,
and with all the views of ambition, of interest or rivalship, it is
almost impossible to escape the eye of such an observer as Thomas Paine,
whom no private interest could blind or bewitch, as was said by the
clear-sighted Michael Montaigne.

His writings are generally perspicuous and full of light, and often they
discover the sardonic and sharp smile of Voltaire. One may see that he
wishes to wound to the quick; and that he hugs himself in his success.
But Voltaire all at once overruns an immense space and resumes his
vehement and dramatic step: Paine stops you, and points to the place
where you ought to smile with him at the ingenious traits; a gift to
envy and stupidity.

Thomas Paine did not like to be questioned. He used to say, that he
thought nothing more impertinent, than to say to any body: "What do
you think of that?" On his arrival at New York, he went to see General
Gates. After the usual words of salutation, the General said: "I have
always had it in mind, if I ever saw you again, to ask you whether you
were married, as people have said." Paine not answering, the General
went on: "Tell me how it is." "I never," said Paine, "answer impertinent
questions."

Seemingly insensible and hard to himself, he was not so to the just
wailings of the unhappy. Without any vehement expression of his sorrow,
you might see him calling up all his powers, walking silently, thinking
of the best means of consoling the unfortunate applicant; and never did
they go from him without some rays of hope. And as his will was firm and
settled, his efforts were always successful. The man hardened in vice
and in courts [of law], yields more easily than one imagines to the
manly entreaties of a disinterested benefactor.

     * At this point are the words: "Barlow's letter [i. e. to
     Cheetham] we agreed to suppress."

Thomas Paine loved his friends with sincere and tender affection.
His simplicity of heart and that happy kind of openness, or rather,
carelessness, which charms our hearts in reading the fables of the good
Lafontaine, made him extremely amiable. If little children were near him
he patted them, searched his pockets for the store of cakes, biscuits,
sugarplums, pieces of sugar, of which he used to take possession as of
a treasure belonging to them, and the distribution of which belonged to
him.* His conversation was unaffectedly simple and frank; his language
natural; always abounding in curious anecdotes. He justly and fully
seized the characters of all those of whom he related any singular
traits. For his conversation was satyrick, instructive, full of
witticisms. If he related an anecdote a second time, it was always in
the same words and the same tone, like a comic actor who knows the place
where he is to be applauded. He neither cut the tale short nor told it
too circumstantially. It was real conversation, enlivened by digressions
well brought in. The vivacity of his mind, and the numerous scenes
of which he had been a spectator, or in which he had been an actor,
rendered his narrations the more animated, his conversation more
endearing. His memory was admirable. Politics were his favorite subject
He never spoke on religious subjects, unless pressed to it, and never
disputed about such matters. He could not speak French: he could
understand it tolerably well when spoken to him, and he understood it
when on paper perfectly well. He never went to the theatre: never spoke
on dramatic subjects. He rather delighted in ridiculing poetry. He did
not like it: he said it was not a serious thing, but a sport of the
mind, which often had not common sense. His common reading was the
affairs of the day; not a single newspaper escaped him; not a political
discussion: he knew how to strike while the iron was hot; and, as he
was always on the watch, he was always ready to write. Hence all his
pamphlets have been popular and powerful. He wrote with composure and
steadiness, as if under the guidance of a tutelary genius. If, for an
instant, he stopped, it was always in the attitude of a man who
listens. The Saint Jerome of Raphael would give a perfect idea of his
contemplative recollection, to listen to the voice from on high which
makes itself heard in the heart.

[It will be proper, I believe, to say here, that shortly after the Death
of Thomas Paine a book appeared, under the Title of: The Life of Thomas
Paine, by Cheethatn. In this libel my character was calumniated. I cited
the Author before the Criminal Court of New York, He was tried and in
spite of all his manuvres, he was found guilty.--M. B. de Bonneville.]

This last paragraph, in brackets, is in the writing of Madame
Bonneville.

I am indebted to Mr. Robert Waters, of Jersey City, a biographer
of Cobbett, for the suggestion, made through a friend, and so amply
justified, that information concerning Paine might be derived from the
Cobbett papers.

APPENDIX B. THE HALL MANUSCRIPTS

In 1785, John Hall, an able mechanician and admirable man, emigrated
from Leicester, England, to Philadelphia, He carried letters to Paine,
who found him a man after his own heart I am indebted to his relatives,
Dr. Dutton Steele of Philadelphia and the Misses Steele, for Hall's
journals, which extend over many years. It will be seen that the papers
are of historical importance apart from their records concerning Paine.
Hall's entries of his daily intercourse with Paine, which he never
dreamed would see the light, represent a portraiture such as has rarely
been secured of any character in history. The extent already reached by
this work compels me to omit much that would impress the reader with the
excellent work of John Hall himself, who largely advanced ironwork in
New Jersey, and whose grave at Flemmington, surrounded by those of the
relatives that followed him, and near the library and workshop he left,
merits a noble monument.

     * Letter.    Philadelphia, August 30, 1785.

"I went a day or two past with the Captain and his lady to see the
exhibition of patriotic paintings. Paine the author of Common Sense is
amongst them. He went from England (had been usher to a school) on board
the same vessel that our Captain [Coltman] went in last time; their
acquaintance then commenced and has continued ever since. He resides
now in Bordentown in the Jerseys, and it is probable that I may see him
before it be long as when he comes to town the Captain says he is
sure to call on him. It is supposed the various States have made his
circumstances easy--General Washington, said if they did not provide for
him he would himself. I think his services were as useful as the sword."

Journal, 1785.

Nov. 16th. Received a Letter from Mr. Pain by his Boy, informing us
of his coming this day. Between 3 and 4 Mr. Pain, Col. Kerbright
[Kirkbride], and another gentleman came to our door in a waggon.

17th. At dinner Mr. Pain told us a tale of the Indians, he being at a
meeting of them with others to settle some affairs in 1776. The Doctor
visited Mr. Pain.

19th. Performed a trifling operation for Mr. Pain.

22d. A remark of Mr. Pain's--not to give a deciding opinion between
two persons you are in friendship with, lest you lose one by it; whilst
doing that between two persons, your supposed enemies, may make one your
friend.

24th. This evening pulled Mr. Pain's Boy a tooth out.

Dec, 12. With much pain drawd the Board in at Hanna's chamber window to
work Mr. Pain's bridge on. I pinned 6 more arches together which makes
the whole 9. I sweat at it; Mr. Pain gives me some wine and water as I
was very dry. Past 9 o'clock Dr. Hutchinson called in on Mr. Paine.

[The December journal is mainly occupied with mention of Paine's
visitors Franklin, Gouverneur Morris, Dr. Rush, Tench Francis, Robert
Morris, Rittenhouse, Redman. A rubber of whist in which Paine won is
mentioned.]

Sunday Jan. 1st 1786. Mr. Paine went to dine with Dr. Franklin today;
staid till after tea in the evening. They tried the burning of our
candles by blowing a gentle current through them. It greatly improved
the light. The draught of air is prevented by passing through a cold
tube of tallow. The tin of the new lamp by internal reflections is
heated and causes a constant current This is the Doctor's conjecture.
[Concerning Paine's candle see i., p. 214.]

Feb. 25th. Mr. Paine not returned. We sent to all the places we could
suppose him to be at and no tidings of him. We became very unhappy
fearing his political enemies should have shown him foul play. Went to
bed at 10 o.c, and about 2 o.c. a knocking at the door proves Mr. Paine.

March 10th. Before 7 o'c a brother saint-maker came with a model of
machine to drive boats against stream.* He had communicated his scheme
to H. who had made alterations and a company had taken it and refused
saint-maker partnership. He would fain have given it to Mr. Paine or me,
but I a stranger refused and Mr. Paine had enough hobbys of his own. Mr.
Paine pointed out a mode to simplify his apparatus greatly. He gave him
5s. to send him one of his maps.

     * Hall calls inventions "saints." This saint-maker is John
     Fitch, the "H." being Henry of Lancaster. This entry is of
     much interest. (See ii.  p. 281.)   The first steamer seems
     to have gone begging!

April 15th. Mr. Paine asked me to go and see Indian Chiefs of Sennaka
Nation, I gladly assented. They have an interpreter. Mr. Paine wished
to see him and made himself known to him by past remembrance as Common
Sense, and was introduced into the room, addressed them as "brothers"
and shook hands cordially Mr. Paine treated them with 2s. bowl of punch.

Bordentown Letter, May 28. Colonel Kirkbride is the gentleman in whose
family I am. My patron [Paine] is likewise a boarder and makes his home
here I am diligently employed in Saint making, now in Iron that I had
before finished in wood, with some improvements, but you may come and
see what it is.

Letter, June 4. Skepticism and Credulity are as general here as
elsewhere, for what I see. In this town is a Quaker meeting and one of
another class--I suppose of the Baptist cast--And a person in town a
Tailor by trade that goes about a-soulmending on Sundays to various
places, as most necessary, or I suppose advantageous, to himself; for by
one trade or the other he has built himself a very elegant frame house
in this town. This man's way to Heaven is somewhat different to the
other. I am informed he makes publick dippings &c. My Employer has
_Common Sense enough_ to disbelieve most of the Common Systematic
Theories of Divinity but does not seem to establish any for himself. The
Colonel [Kirkbride] is as Free as John Coltman.

[Under date of New York, July 31st, Hall writes an account of a journey
with Paine to Morrisania, to visit Gen. Morris, and afterwards to the
farm at New Rochelle, of which he gives particulars already known to my
reader.]

Letter of Paine to John Hall, at Capt. Coltman's, in Letitia Court,
Market St, between Front and Second St. Philadelphia:

"Bordentown, Sep. 22, 1786.--Old Friend: In the first place I have
settled with Mr. Gordon for the time he has been in the house--in the
second I have put Mrs. Read who, you know has part of our house Col.
Kirkbride's but is at this time at Lancaster, in possession by putting
part of her goods into it.* By this means we shall have room at our
house (Col. Kirkbride) for carrying on our operations. As Philadelphia
is so injurious to your health and as apartments at Wm. Foulke's would
not be convenient to you, we can now conveniently make room for you
here. Mrs. Kirkbride mentioned this to me herself and it is by the
choice of both her and Col. K. that I write it to you. I wish you could
come up to-morrow (Sunday) and bring the iron with you. I shall be
backward and forward between here and Philadelphia pretty often until
the elections are over, but we can make a beginning here and what more
iron we may want we can get at the Delaware Works, and if you should
want to go to Mount hope you can more conveniently go from here than
from Philadelphia--thus you see I have done your business since I
have been up. The enclosed letter is for Mr. Henry who is member for
Lancaster County. I do not know where he lodges, but if William will
be so good as to give it to the door keeper or Clerk of the Assembly it
will be safe. Bring up the walnut strips with you.

     * Mrs. Read was thus transferred to Paine's own house. Her
     husband died next year and Paine declined to receive any
     rent.

Your coming here will give an opportunity to Joseph to get acquainted
with Col. K. who will very freely give any information in his power.
Compts. in the family. Your friend and Hbl. servt"

Undated letter of Paine to John Hall, in Philadelphia:

"Fryday Noon.--Old Friend: Inclosed (as the man said by the horse) I
send you the battau, as I wish to present it as neat and clean as can be
done; I commit it to your care. The sooner it is got on Board the vessel
the better. I shall set off from here on Monday and expect to be in New
York on Tuesday. I shall take all the tools that are here with me and
wish you would take some with you, that if we should get on a working
fit we may have some to work with. Let me hear from you by the Sunday's
boat and send me the name of the vessel and Captain you go with and what
owners they belong to at New York, or what merchants they go to. I wrote
to you by the last boat, and Peter tells me he gave the letter to Capt.
Haines, but Joe says that he enquired for letters and was told there was
none--wishing you an agreeable voyage and meeting at New York, I am your
friend, and humble servant. Present my compliments to Capt. and Mrs.
Coltman and William. Col. and Mrs. Kirkbride's and Polly's compt."

Note of Hall, dated Oct. 3 (1786) "Dashwood Park, of Captain Roberts: On
Thursday morning early Sept. 28th I took the stage wagon for Trenton. Jo
had gone up by water the day before to a sale of land and a very capital
iron works and nailing with a large corn mill. It was a fair sale there
was a forge and rolling and slitting mill upon an extensive scale the
man has failed--The works with about 60 or 70 acres of land were sold
for £9000 currency. Then was put up about 400 acres of land and sold for
£2700 currency and I believe a good bargain; and bought by a friend of
mine called Common Sense--Who I believe had no idea of purchasing it
when he came there. He took Jo to Bordentown with him that night and
they came to look at it the next day; then Jo went into the Jerseys
to find a countryman named Burges but was disappointed Came back to
Bordentown and on Saturday looked all over Mr. Paine's purchase along
with him and believes it bought well worth money.

Nov. 21st Mr. Paine told us an anecdote of a French noble's applying to
Dr. Franklin, as the Americans had put away their King, and that nation
having formerly chosen a King from Normandy, he offered his service and
wished him to lay his letter before Congress. Mr. Paine observed that
Britain is the most expensive government in the world. She gives a King
a million a year and falls down and worships him. I put on Mr. Paine's
hose yesterday. Last night he brought me in my room a pair of warm cloth
overshoes as feel very comfortable this morning Had a wooden pot stove
stand betwixt my feet by Mr. Paine's desire and found it kept my feet
warm.

November 24. As soon as breakfast was over mounted Button [Paine's
horse] and set off for Philadelphia. I brought Mr. Paine $120 in gold
and silver.

Bordentown 27 th, Monday. Day was devoted to rivetting the bars, and
punching the upper bar for the bannisters [of the bridge]. Mr. Kirkbride
and Polly went to hear a David Jones preach a rhodomontade sermon about
the Devil, Mary Magdalen, and against deists, etc.

December 14. This day employed in raising and putting on the abutments
again and fitting them. The smith made the nuts of screws to go easier.
Then set the ribs at proper distance, and after dinner I and Jackaway [?
] put on some temporary pieces on the frame of wood to hold it straight,
and when Mr. Pain came they then tied it on its wooden frame with strong
cords. I then saw that it had bulged full on one side and hollow on the
other. I told him of it, and he said it was done by me--I denied that
and words rose high. I at length swore by God that it was straight when
I left it, he replied as positively the contrary, and I think myself ill
used in this affair.

Philadelphia. Dec. 22nd. Bridge packed and tied on the sled. We arrived
in town about 5 o.clock took our bags to Capt Coltmans, and then went
down to Dr. Franklin's, and helped unload the bridge. Mr. Paine called
on me; gave us an anecdote of Dr. Franklin. On Mr. Paine asking him of
the value of any new European publication; he had not been informed of
any of importance. There were some religious posthumous anecdotes of
Doctor Johnson, of resolves he had made and broken though he had prayed
for power and strength to keep them; which showed the Doctor said that
he had not much interest there. And such things had better be suppressed
as nobody had anything to do betwixt God and man.

December 26. Went with Glentworth to see the Bridge at Dr. Franklin's.
Coming from thence met Mr. Pain and Mr. Rittenhouse; returned with them
and helped move it for all three to stand upon, and then turned it to
examine. Mr. Rittenhouse has no doubt of its strength and sufficiency
for the Schuylkill, but wished to know what quantity of iron [it would
require,] as he seemed to think it too expensive.

December 27. Walk to the State House. The Bank bill called but postponed
until tomorrow. Mr. Pain's letter read, and leave given to exhibit the
Bridge at the State House to be viewed by the members. Left the House
and met Mr. Pain, who told me Donnalson had been to see and [stand]
upon his Bridge, and admitted its strength and powers. Then took a walk
beyond Vine street, and passed by the shop where the steamboat apparatus
is. Mr. Pain at our house, and talking on the Bank affair brought on a
dispute between Mr. Pain and the Captain [Coltman] in which words were
very high. A reflection from Captain C. on publications in favour of the
Bank having lost them considerable, he [Paine] instantly took that as a
reflection on himself, and swore by G--d, let who would, it was a lie.
I then left the room and went up stairs. They quarrelled a considerable
time, but at length parted tolerably coolly. Dinner being ready I went
down; but the Captain continued talking about politics and the Bank, and
what he thought the misconduct of Mr. Pain in his being out and in with
the several parties. I endeavoured to excuse Mr. Pain in some things
relating thereto, by saying it was good sense in changing his ground
when any party was going wrong,--and that he seemed to delight in
difficulties, in Mechanics particularly, and was pleased in them. The
Captain grew warm, and said he knew now he could not eat his dinner.
[Here followed a sharp personal quarrel between Hall and Coltman.] In
the evening Mr. Paine came in and wished me to be assisting in carrying
the model to the State House. We went to Dr. Franklin's and fetched the
Bridge to the Committee Room.

1787. Jan. 1. Our Saint I have assisted in moving to the State House and
there placed in their Committee room, as by a letter addressed to this
Speaker they admitted. And by the desire of my patron (who is not an
early riser) I attended to give any information to inquiries until
he came. And then I was present when the Assembly with their Speaker
inspected it and many other persons as philosophers, Mechanics Statesmen
and even Tailors. I observed their sentiments and opinions of it were as
different as their features. The philosopher said it would add new
light to the great utility. And the tailor (for it is an absolute truth)
remarked it cut a pretty figure. It is yet to be laid (or by the by
stand) before the Council of State. Then the Philosophical Society and
all the other Learned Bodies in this city. And then to be canonised by
an Act of State which is solicited to incorporate a body of men to adopt
and realise or Brobdinag this our Lilliputian handywork, that is now 13
feet long on a Scale of one to 24. And then will be added another to the
world's present Wonders.

January 4. Mr. Pain called in and left me the intended Act of Assembly
for a Bridge Company, who are to subscribe $33,330 50/99 then are to
be put in possession of the present Bridge and premises to answer the
interest of their money until they erect a new one; and after they have
erected a new one, and the money arising from it amounts to more
than pays interest, it is to become a fund to pay off the principal
stockholders, and then the Bridge to become free. Mr. Pain called in;
I gave him my Bill--told him I had charged one day's work and a pair of
gloves.

March 15th Mr. Paine's boy called on time to [inquire] of the money
spent. Mr. Paine called this evening; told me of his being with Dr.
Franklin and about the chess player, or Automaton, and that the Dr.
had no idea of the mode of communication. Mr. Paine has had several
visitors, as Mr. Jowel, Rev. Dr. Logan, &c.

Sunday April 16th Prepared to attend Mr. Paine up to Bordentown. Mr.
Paine's horse and chair came, mounted and drove through a barren sandy
country arrived at Bordentown at half past one-o'clock for dinner. This
is the pleasantest situation I have seen in this country.

Trenton, April 20. Sitting in the house saw a chair pass down the street
with a red coat on, and going out after it believed it to be Mr. Paine,
so followed him up to Collins's, where he was enquiring where I boarded.
I just then called to him, and went with him to Whight's Tavern, and
there he paid me the money I had laid down for him. He is now going
for England by way of France in the French packet which sails the 25th
instant. He asked me to take a ride, and as the stage was not come in
and he going the road I gladly took the opportunity, as I could return
on meeting the stage. On the journey he told me of the Committee's
proceedings on Bridges and Sewers; anecdotes of Dr. Franklin, who had
sent a letter by him to the president, or some person, to communicate to
the Society of Civil Architects, who superintend solely over bridges in
France. The model is packed up to go with him. The Doctor, though full
of employ from the Vice President being ill, and the numerous visitors
on State business, and others that his fame justly procures him,
could hardly be supposed to pay great attention to trifles; but as he
considers Mr. Paine his adopted political Son he would endeavor to
write by him to his friends, though Mr. Paine did not press, for reasons
above. In 2 or 3 days he sent him up to Bordentown no less than a dozen
letters to his acquaintance in France.--He told me many anecdotes of the
Doctor, relating to national and political concerns, and observations of
many aged and sensible men of his acquaintance in that country. And the
treaty that he the Doctor made with the late King of Prussia by adding
an article that, should war ever break out, (though never a probability
of it) Commerce should be left free. The Doctor said he showed it to the
French minister, Vergennes, who said it met his idea, and was such as he
would make even with England, though he knew they would not,--they were
so fond of robbing and plundering. And the Doctor had gathered a hint
from a Du Quesney that no nation could properly expect to gain by
endeavoring to suppress his neighbor, for riches were to be gained from
amongst the rich and not from poor neighbors; and a National reciprocity
was as much necessary as a domestic one, or [inter] national trade as
necessary to be free as amongst the people of a country. Such and many
more hints passed in riding 2 or 3 miles, until we met the stage. I then
shook hands and wished him a good voyage and parted.

Letter from Flemmington, N. J., May 16, 1788, to John Coltman,
Leicester, England:

"Friend John: Tell that disbelieving sceptical Infidel thy Father that
he has wounded my honor, What! Bought the Coat at a rag shop--does he
think I would palm such a falsity both upon Gray and Green heads! did
not I send you word it was General Washington's. And does he think I
shall slanderously brook such a slanderous indignity--No! I tell him
the first Ink that meanders from my pen, which shall be instantly on my
setting foot on Brittains Isle, shall be to call him to account. I 'll
haul out his Callous Leaden soul with its brother!

"In the late revolution the provincial army lying near Princeton New
Jersey one Sunday General Washington and Common Sense each in their
chairs rode down there to Meeting Common Sense put up his at a friend's
one Mrs. Morgan's and pulling off his great coat put it in the care of
a servant man, and as I remember he was of the pure Irish Extraction;
he walked then to meeting and then slipped off with said great coat and
some plate of Mr. Morgan. On their return they found what had been done
in their absence and relating it to the General his answer was it was
necessary to watch as well as pray--but told him he had two and would
lend or give him one--and that is the Coat I sent and the fact as
related to me and others in public by said [Common Sense.] Nor do I
believe that Rome or the whole Romish Church has a better attested
miracle in her whole Catalogue than the above--though I dont wish to
deem it a miracle, nor do I believe there is any miracle upon record for
these 18 hundred years so true as that being General Washington's great
coat.--I, labouring hard for said Common Sense at Bordentown, the said
coat was hung up to keep snow out of the room. I often told him I should
expect that for my pains, but he never would say I should; but having
a chest there I took care and locked it up when I had finished my work,
and sent it to you. So far are these historical facts--Maybe sometime
hence I may collect dates and periods to them--But why should they be
disputed? has not the world adopted as true a-many affairs without date
and of less moment than this, and even pay what is called a holy regard
to them?

"If you communicate this to your Father and he feels a compunction for
the above crime and will signify the same by letter, he will find I
strictly adhere to the precepts of Christianity and shall forgive.--If
not------

"My best wishes to you all,

"John Hall."

Letter of Paine, London, Nov. 25, 1791, to "Mr. John Hall, at Mr. John
Coltman's, Shambles Lane, Leicester, England."

"My old Friend: I am very happy to see a letter from you, and to hear
that our Friends on the other side the water are well. The Bridge has
been put up, but being on wood butments they yielded, and it is now
taken down. The first rib as an experiment was erected between two steel
furnaces which supported it firmly; it contained not quite three tons of
iron, was ninety feet span, height of the arch five feet; it was loaded
with six tons of iron, which remained upon it a twelve month. At present
I am engaged on my political Bridge. I shall bring out a new work
(Second part of the Rights of Man) soon after New Year. It will produce
something one way or other. I see the tide is yet the wrong way, but
there is a change of sentiment beginning. I have so far got the ear of
John Bull that he will read what I write--which is more than ever was
done before to the same extent. Rights of Man has had the greatest
run of anything ever published in this country, at least of late
years--almost sixteen thousand has gone off--and in Ireland above forty
thousand--besides the above numbers one thousand printed cheap are now
gone to Scotland by desire from some of the [friends] there. I have been
applied to from Birmingham for leave to print ten thousand copies, but
I intend, after the next work has had its run among those who will have
handsome printed books and fine paper, to print an hundred thousand
copies of each work and distribute them at sixpence a-piece; but this I
do not at present talk of, because it will alarm the wise mad folks at
St. James's. I have received a letter from Mr. Jefferson who mentioned
the great run it has had there. It has been attacked by John Adams, who
has brought an host about his ears from all parts of the Continent. Mr.
Jefferson has sent me twenty five different answers to Adams who wrote
under the signature of Publicola. A letter is somewhere in the city for
me from Mr. Laurens of S. Carolina. I hope to receive it in a few days.
I shall be glad at all times to see, or hear from you. Write to me
(under cover) to Gordon, Booksellers N: 166 Fleet Street, before
you leave Leicester. How far is it from thence to Rotherham? Yours
sincerely.

"P. S. I have done you the compliment of answering your favor the inst.
I rec'd. it which is more than I have done by any other--were I to ans.
all the letters I receive--I should require half a dozen clerks."

Extracts from John Hall's letters from London, England: London, January
1792 Burke's publication has produced one way or other near 50 different
answers and publications. Nothing of late ever has been so read as
Paine's answer. Sometime shortly he will publish a second part of the
Rights of Man. His first part was scrutinized by the Privy Council
held on purpose and through fear of making him more popular deemed too
contemptible for Government notice. The sale of it for a day or two was
rather retarded or not publickly disposed of until it was known by the
printers that it would not be noticed by Government.

John Hall to a friend in England:

"London, Nov. 6, 1792. I dined yesterday with the Revolution Society at
the London Tavern. A very large company assembled and after dinner
many truly noble and patriotic toasts were drank. The most prominent
were--The Rights of Man--with 3 times &c.--The Revolution of France--The
Revolution of the World--May all the armies of tyrants learn the
Brunswick March--May the tree of Liberty be planted in every tyrant
city, and may it be an evergreen. The utmost unanimity prevailed through
the company, and several very excellent songs in favor of Liberty
were sung. Every bosom felt the divine glow of patriotism and love
of universal freedom. I wish you had been there. For my part I was
transported at the scene. It happened that a company of Aristocratic
french and Spanish merchants were met in the very room under, and
Horne Tooke got up and sarcastically requested the company not to wound
the tender feelings of the gentlemen by too much festivity. This sarcasm
was followed by such a burst of applause as I never before heard."

From J. Redman, London, Tuesday Dec. 18, 5 p. m. to John Hall,
Leicester, England: "Mr. Paine's trial is this instant over. Erskine
shone like the morning-Star. Johnson was there. The instant Erskine
closed his speech the venal jury interrupted the Attorney General, who
was about to make a reply, and without waiting for any answer, or any
summing up by the Judge, pronounced him guilty. Such an instance of
infernal corruption is scarcely upon record. I have not time to express
my indignant feelings on this occasion. At this moment, while I write,
the mob is drawing Erskine's carriage home, he riding in triumph--his
horses led by another party. Riots at Cambridge, Manchester, Bridport
Dorset &c. &c. O England, how art thou fallen! I am just now told that
press warrants are issued today. February, make haste. Mrs R's respects
and mine. Yours truly."

[John Hall's London Journal (1792) records frequent meetings there with
Paine. "March 5. Met Mr. Paine going to dress on an invitation to dine
with the Athenians. He leaves town for a few days to see his aunt."
"April 20. Mr. Paine goes out of town tomorrow to compose what I call
Burke's Funeral Sermon." "Aug. 5. Mr. Paine looking well and in high
spirits." "Sept. 6. Mr. Paine called in a short time. Does not seem to
talk much, rather on a reserve, of the prospect of political affairs.
He had a letter from G. Washington and Jefferson by the ambassador
[Pinckney]." The majority of entries merely mention meeting Paine, whose
name, by the way, after the prosecution was instituted, Hall prudently
writes "P------n." He also tells the story of Burke's pension.]

"April 19, 1803. Had a ride to Bordentown to see Mr. Paine at Mr.
Kirkbride's. He was well and appeared jollyer than I had ever known him.
He is full of whims and schemes and mechanical inventions, and is to
build a place or shop to carry them into execution, and wants my help."

APPENDIX C. PORTRAITS OF PAINE

At the age of thirty Paine was somewhat stout, and very athletic; but
after his arrival in America (1774) he was rather slender. His height
was five feet, nine inches. He had a prominent nose, somewhat like that
of Ralph Waldo Emerson. It may have impressed Bonaparte, who insisted,
it is said, that a marshal must have a large nose. Paine's mouth was
delicate, his chin also; he wore no whiskers or beard until too feeble
with age to shave. His forehead was lofty and unfurrowed; his head
long, the occiput feeble. His complexion was ruddy,--thoroughly English.
Charles Lee, during the American revolution, described him as "the man
who has genius in his eyes;" Carlyle quotes from Foster an observation
on the brilliancy of Paine's eyes, as he sat in the French Convention.
His figure, as given in an early French portrait, is shapely; its
elegance was often remarked. A year or so after his return to America he
is shown in a contemporary picture as somewhat stout again, if one may
judge by the face. This was probably a result of insufficient exercise,
on which he much depended. He was an expert horseman, and, in health, an
unwearied walker. He loved music, and could join well in a chorus.

There are eleven original portraits of Thomas Paine, besides a
death-mask, a bust, and the profile copied in this work from a seal used
on the release at Lewes, elsewhere cited (i., p. 33). That gives some
idea of the head and face at the age of thirty-five. I have a picture
said to be that of Paine in his youth, but the dress is an anachronism.
The earliest portrait of Paine was painted by Charles Willson Peale, in
Philadelphia, probably in some early year of the American Revolution,
for Thomas Brand Hollis, of London,--the benefactor of Harvard
University, one of whose halls bears his name. The same artist painted
another portrait of Paine, now badly placed in Independence Hall. There
must have been an early engraving from one of Peale's pictures, for John
Hall writes October 31, 1786: "A print of Common Sense, if any of my
friends want one, may be had by sending to the printshops in London,
but they have put a wrong name to it, his being Thomas."* The Hollis
portrait was engraved in London, 1791, underlined "by Peel [sic] of
Philadelphia," and published, July 25th, by J. Ridgway, York Street, St.
James's Square. Paine holds an open book bearing the words, "Rights of
Man," where Peale probably had "Common Sense." On a table with inkstand
and pens rests Paine's right elbow, the hand supporting his chin. The
full face appears--young, handsome, gay; the wig is frizzed, a bit of
the queue visible. In all of the original portraits of Paine his dress
is neat and in accordance with fashion, but in this Hollis picture it
is rather fine: the loose sleeves are ornamentally corded, and large
wristbands of white lace fall on the cuffs.

     * This is puzzling. The only engraving I have found with
     "Toia" was published in London in 1800. Can there be a
     portrait lost under some other name?

While Paine and Jefferson were together in Paris (1787) Paine wrote him
a note, August 18th, in which he says: "The second part of your letter,
concerning taking my picture, I must feel as an honor done to me, not
as a favor asked of me--but in this, as in other matters, I am at the
disposal of your friendship." As Jefferson does not appear to have
possessed such a portrait, the request was probably made through him. I
incline to identify this portrait with an extremely interesting one, now
in this country, by an unknown artist. It is one of twelve symmetrical
portraits of revolutionary leaders,--the others being Marat,
Robespierre, Lafayette, Mirabeau, Danton, Brissot, Pétion, Camille
Desmoulins, Billaud de Varennes, Gensonné, Clermont Tonnère. These
pictures were reproduced in cheap woodcuts and distributed about France
during the Revolution. The originals were secured by Col. Lowry, of
South Carolina, and brought to Charleston during the Revolution. At
the beginning of the civil war they were buried in leaden cases at
Williamstown, South Carolina. At the end of the war they were conveyed
to Charleston, where they remained, in the possession of a Mrs. Cole,
until purchased by their present owner, Mr. Alfred Ames Howlett, of
Syracuse, New York. As Mirabeau is included, the series must have been
begun at an early phase of the revolutionary agitation. The face of
Paine here strongly resembles that in Independence Hall. The picture
is about two feet high; the whole figure is given, and is dressed in an
elegant statesmanlike fashion, with fine cravat and silk stockings from
the knee. The table and room indicate official position, but it is the
same room as in nine of the other portraits. It is to be hoped that
further light may be obtained concerning these portraits.

Well-dressed also, but notably unlike the preceding, is the "Bonneville
Paine," one of a celebrated series of two hundred engraved portraits,
the publication of which in quarto volumes was begun in Paris in
1796. "F. Bonneville del. et sculpsit" is its whole history. Paine is
described in it as "Ex Député à la Convention Nationale," which would
mean strictly some time between his expulsion from that assembly
in December, 1793, and his recall to it a year later. It could not,
however, have been then taken, on account of Paine's imprisonment and
illness. It was probably made by F. Bonneville when Paine had gone to
reside with Nicolas Bonneville in the spring of 1797. It is an admirable
picture in every way, but especially in bringing out the large and
expressive eyes. The hair is here free and flowing; the dress identical
with that of the portrait by Jarvis in this work.

The best-known picture of Paine is that painted by his friend George
Romney, in 1792. I have inquired through London _Notes and Queries_
after the original, which long ago disappeared, and a claimant turned up
in Birmingham, England; but in this the hand holds a book, and Sharp's
engraving shows no hand. The face was probably copied from the Romney.
The large engraving by W. Sharp was published April 20, 1793, and the
smaller in 1794. A reproduction by Illman were a fit frontispiece for
Cheetham (what satirical things names are sometimes), but ought not
to have got into Gilbert Vale's popular biography of Paine. That and
a reproduction by Wright in the Mendum edition of Paine's works, have
spread through this country something little better than a caricature;
and one Sweden has subjected Truelove's edition, in England, to a
like misfortune. Paine's friends, Rickman, Constable, and others, were
satisfied by the Romney picture, and I have seen in G. J. Holyoake's
library a proof of the large engraving, with an inscription on the back
by Paine, who presented it to Rickman. It is the English Paine, in all
his vigor, and in the thick of his conflict with Burke, but, noble as
it is, has not the gentler and more poetic expression which Bonneville
found in the liberated prisoner surrounded by affectionate friends.
Romney and Sharp were both well acquainted with Paine.

A picturesque Paine is one engraved for Baxter's "History of England,"
and published by Symonds, July 2, 1796. Dressed with great elegance,
Paine stands pointing to a scroll in his left hand, inscribed "Rights
of Man." Above his head, on a frame design, a pen lies on a roll marked
"Equality." The face is handsome and the likeness good

A miniature by H. Richards is known to me only as engraved by K.
Mackenzie, and published March 31, 1800, by G. Gawthorne, British
Library, Strand, London. It is the only portrait that has beneath it
"Tom Paine." It represents Paine as rather stout, and the face broad.
It is powerful, but the least pleasing of the portraits. The picture in
Vale resembles this more than the Romney it professes to copy.

I have in my possession a wood engraving of Paine, which gives no trace
of its source or period. It is a vigorous profile, which might have
been made in London during the excitement over the "Rights of Man," for
popular distribution. It has no wig, and shows the head extraordinarily
long, and without much occiput It is pre-eminently the English radical
leader.

Before speaking of Jarvis' great portrait of Paine, I mention a later
one by him which Mr. William Erving, of New York, has added to my
collection. It would appear to have been circulated at the time of his
death. The lettering beneath, following a facsimile autograph, is: "J.
W. Jarvis, pinx. 1805. J- R. Ames, del.--L'Homme des Deux Mondes. Born
at Thetford, England, Jan. 29, (O. S.) 1737. Died at Greenwich, New
York, June 8, 1809." Above the cheap wood-cut is: "A tribute to Paine."
On the right, at the top, is a globe, showing the outlines of the
Americas, France, England, and Africa. It is supported by the wing of a
dove with large olive-branch. On the left upper corner is an open book
inscribed: "Rights of Man. Common Sense. Crisis": supported by a scroll
with "Doing justice, loving mercy. Age of Reason." From this book rays
break out and illumine the globe opposite. A lower corner shows the
balances, and the liberty-cap on a pole, the left being occupied by the
United States flag and that of France. Beneath are the broken chain,
crown, sword, and other emblems of oppression. A frame rises showing a
plumb line, at the top of which the key of the Bastille is crossed by
a pen, on Paine's breast. The portrait is surrounded by a "Freedom's
Wreath" in which are traceable the floral emblems of all nations. The
wreath is bound with a fascia, on which appear, by twos, the following
names: "Washington, Monroe; Jefferson, Franklin; J. Stewart, E. Palmer;
Barlow, Rush; M. Wollstone-craft, M. B. Bonneville; Clio Rickman, J.
Home Tooke; Lafayette, Brissot."

The portrait of Paine represents him with an unusually full face,
as compared with earlier pictures, and a most noble and benevolent
expression. The white cravat and dress are elegant. What has become of
the original of this second picture by the elder Jarvis? It might easily
have fallen to some person who might not recognize it as meant for
Paine, though to one who has studied his countenance it conveys the
impression of what he probably would have been at sixty-eight. About two
years later a drawing was made of Paine by William Constable, which I
saw at the house of his nephew, Dr. Clair J. Grèce, Redhill, England. It
reveals the ravages of age, but conveys a vivid impression of the man's
power.

After Paine's death Jarvis took a cast of his face. Mr. Laurence
Hutton has had for many years this death-mask which was formerly in the
establishment of Fowler and Wells, the phrenologists, and probably used
by George Combe in his lectures. This mask has not the large nose of the
bust; but that is known to have been added afterwards. The bust is in
the New York Historical Society's rooms. In an article on Paine in the
_Atlantic Monthly_ (1856) it was stated that this bust had to be hidden
by the Historical Society to prevent its injury by haters of Paine. This
has been quoted by Mr. Robertson, of London, in his "Thomas Paine, an
Investigation." I am assured by Mr. Kelby, of that Society, that the
statement is unfounded. The Society has not room to exhibit its entire
collection, and the bust of Paine was for some time out of sight, but
from no such reason as that stated, still less from any prejudice. The
face is that of Paine in extreme dilapidation, and would be a dismal
misrepresentation if shown in a public place.

Before me are examples of all the portraits I have mentioned (except
that in Birmingham), and I have observed contemporary representations of
Paine in caricatures or in apotheosis of fly-leaves. Comparative studies
convince me that the truest portrait of Paine is that painted by John
Wesley Jarvis in 1803, and now in possession of Mr. J. H. Johnston, of
New York. The picture from which our frontispiece is taken appeared to
be a replica, of somewhat later date, the colors being fresher, but an
inscription on the back says "Charles W. Jarvis, pinxit, July, 1857."
From this perfect duplicate Clark Mills made his portrait-bust of Paine
now in the National Museum at Washington, but it has not hitherto been
engraved. Alas, that no art can send out to the world what colors only
can convey,--the sensibility, the candor, the spirituality, transfusing
the strong features of Thomas Paine. As I have sat at my long task, now
drawn to a close, the face there on the wall has seemed to be alive, now
flushed with hope, now shadowed with care, the eyes greeting me daily,
the firm mouth assigning some password--Truth, Justice.