avoirdupois.  It is also divided into two Bisulis, and four Barapuls.

Grain is always sold by measure.

8 Manas = 1 Pathi = 152 cubical inches.

20 Pathis = 1 Muri = Winchester bushels 2-344/1000.

The whole lands in Nepal have long been divided into what are called
Khets or fields, each of which is estimated in ordinary seasons to
produce 100 Muris, or 234½ bushels of Paddy, or rice in the husk.  About
the year 1792 Ranjit Pangre, then one of the Karyis, by the orders of
Rana Bahadur, made a survey of the valley; but the result has been kept
secret.  The people know only that he estimated each of their possessions
at a certain number of Rupinis, and that on an average twenty-five of
these formed one Khet.  They also observed, that in good soils he used a
rod seven cubits and a half in length, and in bad soils he employed one
nine cubits and a half long.  Some people who had resided at Patna
informed my Brahman, that the Rupini was nearly of the same size with the
Biga of that city, which is one-third of an English acre; and this is the
only foundation that I have for the calculations which I have made.

It must, however, be observed, that, according to the information
received by Colonel Kirkpatrick, {216} the average Rupini contains only
3¾ Kathas of the Calcutta measure, or only 3/16 of what was reported to
me; and if his information is considered more likely than mine to be
correct, all the statements which I have subsequently given, concerning
the produce of an acre in Nepal, must be augmented in that proportion.
For instance, I have stated the rice in the husk produced by an acre to
be about 28 bushels; but, according to the information given to Colonel
Kirkpatrick, it ought to be almost 150 bushels.  This induces me to place
no great confidence in part of the information given to the Colonel; for,
as I shall afterwards have occasion to state, I have no doubt that the
crops of rice near Calcutta are more abundant than those of Nepal.

In Nepal the pastures and forests are in general commons, and any person
that pleases may use them; but some forests are reserved for the Court.
Although these forests contain many oak, chestnut, pine, and yew trees,
none of these are by the natives esteemed of much value; but for
carpenter’s work a preference is given to the Champa or Michelia, which
is certainly a good kind of timber.

Nothing is paid for pasture; but, as it is very scarce, and as the Newars
do not employ cattle in agriculture, very few are bred in the country.  A
few milch cows are kept in the towns, and still more in the narrow
vallies inhabited by Parbatiyas, who use cattle in their ploughs.
Buffaloes and goats are imported from the low country; and horses,
chaungri-cattle, shawl-goats, common goats, and sheep, are brought from
Bhot.  They become tolerably fat on the pasture of the hills, which,
although scanty, seems to be nourishing.  Captain Knox killed two female
buffaloes, that had been fattened entirely on grass; and they made
tolerable beef.

No taxes are paid to government for houses.

The arable lands are partly retained as the immediate property of the
Court, for defraying the household expenses of the Raja.  The whole of
the rice land near Nayakot is reserved as the Raja’s proper farm, and is
cultivated by his servants and slaves, under the superintendency of a
steward: and the same management is observed with a considerable number
of fruit and flower gardens, in the valley of Nepal, and with an
extensive pasture on the banks of the Kosi.  The produce is not sold, but
serves for the consumption of the Court, and for distributing in charity
at temples, and to religious mendicants.  By far the greater part,
however, of the lands reserved for the use of the Raja, is let to
tenants, as I have before mentioned.  The extent of these has at
different times varied; but I believe they have never produced a net
income of more than a million of mohurs.  The only other public revenues
are the fines levied from offenders, which are sometimes considerable;
the customs, which are very trifling; and some small profits arising from
the mines, from elephants, and from the sale of Sal or Sakhuya timber,
from the forests below the mountains.  The demands on the treasury,
however, are very few; for not only every officer, civil and military,
and every, soldier, but even the private servants, and principal slaves
of the Raja, are paid by lands granted for their support.

The lands thus granted in fee for service are called Chakran, and in
general are resumable at pleasure, and follow the office of the person by
whom they are held; but some branches of the Royal family, and some of
the families of distinction, have enjoyed certain lands ever since the
time of Prithwi Narayan, and it would not be safe to attempt a resumption
of such property.  Some persons have even been permitted to alienate such
lands by sale; but to do so, the consent of the Court must be obtained.
I procured no information on which I could attempt to calculate the
amount of these two kinds of Chakran lands.

Another kind of property, which pays no rent nor tax, and which is not
resumable, is called Khairat zemin, or Charity land, which is the Birtha
or Brhemoter land of Colonel Kirkpatrick, (p. 92, 93.)  This is of two
kinds; part belongs to Brahmans Bangras, or Achars; and another part has
been granted for the support of temples.  The whole amount of this kind
of land is not equal to that reserved by the Crown for its own purposes.

The Khairat that is given to religious men is of two kinds.  The first is
called Yamapatri, which is given when the Raja bestows Dhana in order to
procure the remission of his sins.  This can never revert to the Crown,
but, in case of the family to which it was granted becoming extinct, it
goes to the temples of Pasupatinath and Changgu Narayan.  The second kind
of Khairat given to religious men is bestowed on account of their piety
and learning; and, on failure of heirs, reverts to the Crown.  This kind
may be sold, if the proprietor obtain the consent of the Raja.

The lands belonging to the temples are in fact held by the priests,
(Pujaris,) who are bound to defray the expenses of worship.  They are
removable at the pleasure of the Raja.

This Khairat or Brhemoter land, Colonel Kirkpatrick says, is also divided
into two kinds, Koos Brhemoter and Soona Brhemoter, the owners of which
are perhaps the same with those called to me Bitalpas and Brittiyas,
mentioned in page 164, although this is not very certain.  The Koos
Brhemoter land, according to the Colonel, is rarely bestowed but on
Brahmans, and that with a very solemn investiture.  Land of this kind is
rent-free, saleable, and hereditary, but for certain crimes it may be
forfeited.  Presents are often given, especially on the accession of a
new Raja.  The Soona Brhemoter has been granted to certain Newars, and
other natives of countries subjected by the Gorkhalis, and continued by
the conquerors for a considerable fine under each succeeding prince, but
it is saleable and hereditary.

Landholders, who do not cultivate their own estates, in general let them
for one-half of the grain produced.  Money rent can seldom be procured,
and is very low.  It varies from four to twelve anas a Rupini, which
produces at least four Muris of Paddy, one half of which, or the rent
usual when paid in kind, is worth about fifty anas, and if it be good
land, it produces also a winter crop.

Most great proprietors, however, like the Raja, employ stewards with
their servants and slaves, to cultivate some land for supplying their
families.  The great, therefore, seldom go to market, which, among a
lawless people, is an advantage for the lower classes, although it
subjects travellers to great inconveniency from the want of markets.  It
is besides alleged, that the lower classes, in the vicinity of these
farms, often suffer by being compelled to labour without an adequate
remuneration.

When lands are alienated by sale, they bring from 1600 to 2000 Mohurs a
Khet, which high price is owing to the very small quantity of land that
is brought to market.

The persons who rent lands from the owners are of two kinds: first, the
Kuriyas, who occupy free (Khairat) land, are exempted from any services
to government, except the repairing of roads, and the attending on armies
employed on certain duties; and, secondly, the Prajas, who occupy the
crown land, whether that be held by the Prince, or granted in Jaygir.
The Prajas are bound to perform various services at the call, both of
government and of their immediate masters.  The rent which both usually
pay is one-half of the produce, with an annual fine of between two and
three rupees for each Khet.  Where the land is tolerable, these terms are
considered as favourable for the tenant, and enable him to support a
family with ease.

The following is the account which my Brahman gives of the agriculture of
the Newars.

The hoe used by the Newars has been represented by Colonel Kirkpatrick,
(in the uppermost figure of the plate opposite to page 100 of his Account
of Nepaul,) but the figure is not good.  It seems a very awkward
instrument, as the blade is fixed by a long neck, so as to stand parallel
to the short handle, at about the distance or six inches.  The labourer,
therefore, must either stoop exceedingly, when at work, or must sit on
his heels, which is the most usual posture.  Still these people use it
with great dexterity, and one man in three days digs up a Rupini.  After
each hoeing, the women and children break the clods with a wooden mallet
fixed to a long shaft, which does not require them to stoop.  Almost the
only other implement of agriculture these people have is the Khuripi, or
weeding iron, and some fans for winnowing the corn.  In Nepal, however,
they have in some measure made a further progress than in India, as they
have numerous water-mills for grinding corn.  The stones are little
larger than those of hand-mills, and the upper one is turned round by
being fixed on the end of the axis of the water wheel, which is
horizontal, and is placed under the floor of the mill, with which the
stones are on a level.  This wheel consists of six blades, about three
feet long, and six inches broad, which are placed obliquely in the
axle-tree.  On these blades, the water falls down an inclined plane of
about eight or ten feet in perpendicular height.  The hopper is a basket
perforated at the bottom, but has no contrivance to shake it.  The people
at one of the mills which we examined said, that, in one day, it could
grind twelve _Muris_, or rather more than twenty-nine bushels.

In Nepal, rice is the great crop, and the ground fit for it is of two
kinds, which differ in the manner, and in the time of their cultivation,
so as to make two harvests of rice: but no one field, in one year,
produces two crops of this grain.

Colonel Kirkpatrick indeed mentions, {222} that some fields yield two
crops of rice successively, the one coarse, and the other fine, besides
affording in the same year a crop of wheat.  This, however, I presume,
does not allude to Nepal Proper, but to some of the warmer vallies in the
dominions of Gorkha; as where he goes on, in the 99th page, to describe
the expense of cultivation, he mentions the ploughings, an operation
which is not employed in the agriculture of the Newars.

The first kind of ground produces the crop called Gheya, is the highest,
and there is no necessity for its being absolutely level, as the fields
are not inundated.  From the 13th of March to the 11th of April, this
ground is hoed; and, having been well manured with dung collected in the
streets, it is hoed again.  A week after this, the field is hoed two or
three times, and is well pulverized with the mallet.  About the 12th of
May, after a shower of rain, the field is slightly hoed, and the mould is
broken, and smoothed with the hand.  Small drills, at a span’s distance
from each other, are then made by the finger, which is directed straight
by a line.  At every span-length in these drills are placed four or five
seeds of the rice, called Uya Dhan, which is the only kind cultivated in
this manner.  The seed is covered by the hand, and a very small quantity
only is required.  In about five days the young corn comes up in small
tufts, just as if it had been transplanted.  From the 13th of June to the
15th of August, when the corn is about a cubit high, the weeds are
removed with the spud.  About the latter period, slugs, worms, and
insects, fill all the moister fields in Nepal, and in order to be rid of
them, the farmers keep a great number of ducks, which, at this season,
they turn into the fields, to devour the vermin.  The Gheya crop ripens
about the 1st of September, and by the middle of the month the harvest is
finished.  The ears only are cut off, and next day the grain is beat out,
and generally dried in the streets.  Very little of the crop is made into
Hakuya, a process that will be afterwards mentioned.  After the Gheya
crop has been cut, the field is in general cultivated with radishes,
mustard, or some other crop, that is usually sown about the time.

By far the greater part of the rice ground, and that the lowest and the
best, is of the kind which produces the crop of rice called Puya.  The
kinds of rice which are cultivated in this crop are very numerous, and it
would be tedious to mention their names, as I have no observations to
make on any one in particular.  The fields which produce this crop must
be perfectly level, as they are inundated during the greater part of the
process of cultivation.  Therefore, as the plain is by no means even, it
has been divided into terraces.  So much pains has been bestowed on this
part of agriculture, that on the steep descents leading down to the
rivers, there have been formed many terraces not above two feet wide.
The numerous springs and rivulets that issue from the surrounding hills
have been conducted with great pains to irrigate these terraces, and have
been managed with considerable skill.

The cultivation of the Puya crop commences between the 13th of May and
12th of June, during which the field is hoed two or three times, and
manured with dung, if any can be procured.  At any rate, it is always
manured with the kind of earth called Koncha, which I have already
described.  The banks that confine the water are then repaired; and about
the 12th of June, when, either by the rain or by the irrigation from
aqueducts, the fields have been inundated, and the soil has been by the
hoe reduced to mud, the seedlings which have been raised in plots sown
very thick, are transplanted by the women.  The men perform all the other
parts of the labour.  This is a time of festivity as well as of hard
work; and the people are then allowed a great freedom of speech, to which
they are encouraged by large quantities of intoxicating liquors, in a
share of which even the women indulge.  The transplanting ought to
commence from the 12th to the 15th of June, and ought to be finished by
the Amavasya of Asharh, but this is a moveable feast.  On the Krishna
Chaturdasi, which happens on the day preceding the Amavasya, the Maha
Rani or Queen, with her slave girls, (Ketis,) transplant a small plot
within the palace, and it is reckoned an unlucky circumstance when this
is not the last planted field in the valley..  The fields are always kept
under water, and weeds are not troublesome.  The few that spring up are
removed by the spud.  This crop begins to ripen about the 15th of
October, and by the 1st of November the harvest is completed, after which
a considerable portion of the land is cultivated for wheat or other
winter crops.

The Puya rice is cut down close by the ground.  The finer kinds of rice
are immediately thrashed, as is likewise all that which is intended for
seed; but the greater part is made into what is called Hakuya.  This is
done with a view of correcting its unwholesome quality: for all the grain
produced in the valley of Nepal is thought by the natives to be of a
pernicious nature.  The manner of preparing Hakuya is as follows: The
corn, immediately after having been cut, is put into heaps, ten or twelve
feet diameter, and six or eight feet in height.  These are covered with
wet earth, and allowed to heat for from eight to twelve days, and till
they may be seen smoking like lime-kilns.  After this the heaps are
opened, and the grain is separated from the straw by beating it against a
piece of ground made smooth for the purpose.  Both grain and straw are
then dried in the sun.  The grain is called Hakuya, and the straw is the
fuel commonly used by the poor, for fire-wood is very dear.  According to
the accounts received by Colonel Crawford, this manner of preserving rice
was discovered by accident.  Many years ago one of the towns was besieged
by an enemy that came so suddenly as not to allow the citizens time to
gather in the crop, which had just then been cut.  The citizens, rather
than allow the enemy to benefit by their corn, determined to throw it
into the water and cover it with earth.  In this manner it remained about
a week, when the enemy were compelled to retire.  When the grain was
taken up it was found to have begun to rot, but necessity having
compelled the people to eat it, they found, to their astonishment, that
it was much better and more salutary than the grain which had been
prepared in the usual manner.  It is only the Newars that eat this
Hakuya.

The crops of rice in Nepal appeared to me very poor when compared with
those of Bengal; and, if my Brahman was rightly informed concerning the
extent of a rupini, they are really so.  The rupini produces four muris
of paddy, or 9-376/1000 bushels, but near Calcutta the biga (supposed to
be of the same extent) of good ground produces often 640 sers, or
19-82/100 bushels.  The difference of price, however, in the two
countries makes the value of the produce in Nepal the greater of the two.
I have already stated that the value of four muris of paddy in Nepal is
usually 13M. 2A. 2D., or about 54 rupees.  But near Calcutta in harvest
the usual price of 640 sers of paddy, is 5 rupees 5 A. 4 P.  If no error
has been made in estimating the extent of a rupini, the acre of good land
in Nepal produces rather more than 28 bushels of paddy, or rice in the
husk.

Immediately after the Puya crop has been cut, the ground is formed into
beds by throwing the earth out of parallel trenches upon the intermediate
spaces.  On these about the middle of November is sown wheat, or
sometimes a little barley.  These ripen without farther trouble, and are
cut from the 12th of April to the 12th of May.  The seed for a rupini is
stated to be one pati, and the produce is stated to be two muris.  This
would make the seed about the fifth part of a bushel an acre, and the
produce about fourteen bushels; but this seems to me greatly exaggerated.
I have never seen more wretched crops, and most of the fields of wheat
are quite choked with hemp, (_Cannabis sativa_,) which in Nepal is a
troublesome and useless weed.  The wheat and barley are mostly used for
making fermented or distilled liquors.

Pangdu Kodo, or Maruya, is the _Cynosurus Corocanus_ of Linnæus, of which
I saw much growing on some of the higher parts of the plain.  It seems to
thrive well.  The Maruya is sown from the 13th of June to the 14th of
July, and twenty days afterwards is transplanted.  It is ripe about the
middle of September, and produces four muris a rupini.

In thrashing this corn, Colonel Crawford saw the Newars [Picture: Flail]
using a kind of flail, an implement which I have never observed in India.
Three pieces of Bamboo, about eighteen inches long, were fastened
together in a parallel manner, at about a finger’s breadth asunder, and
then fixed to a peg, which passed through a hole in the end of a longish
pole that was a little bent.  The instrument seemed to require
considerable dexterity in its management, but appeared to answer the
purpose intended.

The Sana Kodo of the Parbatiyas is probably the Paspalum kora of
Wildenow.  It also is transplanted, ripens in October and November, and
produces as much as the Pangdu Kodo.

The Muccai and Muruli of the Parbatiyas are both by the Newars called
_Kaunguni_, and are varieties of the _Holcus sorghum_.  They are chiefly
planted in the small vallies that open into the plain, and on high
terraces, that have a bad supply of water.

The Urid, or Kala Mas of the Parbatiyas, is by the Newars called May; and
Dr Roxburgh, in his manuscripts, calls it _Phaseolus minimoo_, from its
Telinga name.  In Nepal this is the most common pulse.  It is sown about
the 1st of July, and reaped about the 1st of September.  A rupini
produces about ten patis, or an acre about three bushels and a half.

The Seta Mas of the Parbatiyas, or Chica May of the Newars, Dr Roxburgh
has raised from seed, which I sent from Nepal.  He thinks it a new
species, which he calls _Phaseolus ocultatus_.  It is sown about the 1st
of July, reaped the 1st of October, and produces the same quantity that
the urid does.

The Lato, Rato, or Ruta mas of the Parbatiyas, is by the Newars called
Hayngu may.  It also appears to Dr Roxburgh to be an undescribed species,
and he has given it the name of _Phaseolus calcaratus_.  It is sown and
reaped at the same time with the preceding, and yields the same produce.

The Lal mung of the Parbatiyas is also called Hayngumay by the Newars.
The seeds of this plant, which I sent to the botanical garden, show it to
be a _Phaseolus_, that is by Dr Roxburgh considered as a nondescript, and
he calls it the _Phaseolus racemosus_.

The Mung of the Parbatiyas, and the Muk or Mugy may of the Newars, is the
Dolichos Mungo of Linnæus.  Three manas are sown on a rupini about the
1st of July, and about the 1st of November produce eight patis.

The Seta, and Cala Bhot Mas of the Parbatiyas, are called Musa and Gya by
the Newars.  They are two varieties of the _Dolichos soja_, the one of
which has yellow flowers and white seeds, and the other has black seeds,
and purplish flowers.  The former is ripe about the 1st of November, the
latter about the 1st of September.  Their seed and produce are equal to
those of the mung.

The Mosuri of the Parbatiyas, and Mosu of the Newars, is the _Ervum lens_
of botanists.  About the 1st of November two manas are sown on a rupini;
and about May produce twelve patis.

The same is the case with the Pea, or _Pisum arvensis_, called Kerao by
the Parbatiyas, and Caigo by the Newars.

The mustard called Sarishi by the Parbatiyas, and Turi by the Newars is
mostly cultivated as a pot-herb.  It is sown about the middle of October,
and is cut before it flowers.  Another, which by the Newars is called
Ika, is the _Sinapis ramosa_ of Dr Roxburgh.  About the 1st of February
two manas are sown on a rupini, and about April produce two muris of
seed.  The ground is afterwards cultivated for rice.

Sesamum is called Til by the Parbatiyas, and Hamo by the Newars.  It
grows commonly wild as a weed, but very little of it is cultivated.

The sugar-cane is planted in considerable quantities, and seems to
thrive.  The Newars make a very little extract, soft sugar, and
sugar-candy; but a large proportion of the cane is eaten without
preparation.  It is planted about the 1st of April, and is cut, from the
middle of November to the middle of May.  The juice is generally
expressed by a lever.

Ginger, the Puli of the Newars, is planted about the 1st of April, and
dug up in October or November.

The common radishes are by the Parbatiyas called Mulu, and by the Newars
Kipo, and are very much cultivated.  They grow in vast abundance all the
year, except from the 15th of November to the 10th of February.  In order
to procure a supply of this useful article, for three months of winter, a
large quantity is sown about the 1st of September, and pulled about the
1st of November.  The roots are then buried in a pit for six or seven
days, during which they seem to undergo a kind of half putrid
fermentation; as when they are taken out of the pit, and dried in the
sun, they exhale a most powerful stench.  These dried roots are called
Sinky, keep all winter, and, although offensive to the smell, enter
largely into the diet of the poorer Newars.  These, owing partly to the
great quantity of sinky and of garlic which they eat, and partly to the
dirtiness of their linen, exhale a worse smell than any people I have
ever been among.

Methi, or Fenugreek, grows at all seasons, except from the 15th of
November to the 12th of January.  It is used only as a pot-herb, and is
the one most commonly consumed in Nepal.

Khira, or cucumbers, grow to great perfection, and with another
cucurbitaceous plant called Kangkari, are ripe from the 13th of June to
the 15th of August.

The garlic is planted about the 1st of January, and is taken up from the
12th of April to the 12th of June.

Bera, or the Solanum Melongena, is sown about the 1st of May, and is ripe
about the 1st of October.

In the hilly parts of the country, the common potatoe (Solanum tuberosum)
has been introduced, and grows tolerably: but it does not thrive so well
as at Patna, owing probably to a want of care.

The Sakarkandh (Convolvulus batatas) succeeds better.  It is planted
about the 1st of April, and is taken up from the middle of October to the
middle of December.

Most of the European kitchen vegetables have been introduced: but they
are only to be found in the gardens of men of distinction, and in very
small quantities.

When Colonel Kirkpatrick visited the country, {230} the only kitchen
vegetables (meaning, I presume, European) were cabbages and peas, both of
which were of the worst kind.  They had, he says, the Thibet turnip, but
cannot raise it any more than the potatoe, without receiving the seed
annually.  This, compared with what I observed, indicates some degree of
progressive improvement.

None of their fruits are good, except the oranges and pine apples; but
both of these are in great perfection.  The peach is every where wild,
and is also reared in gardens: but it does not ripen till long after the
rainy season has commenced, and is generally half rotten before it
becomes soft.  At Kathmandu the Plantain tree (Musa) dies to the ground
in winter, but the roots are not killed, and in the spring send up fresh
stems.  Some good plantains come from Nayakot, and other valleys, that
are situated lower than the capital is.

Such is the account I could procure of the cultivation in the plains of
Nepal.  On the sloping faces of the hills, bounding the smaller vallies
in its vicinity, I observed another mode of cultivation.  The soil there
is not formed into terraces; but in April is pared and burned, and then
is sown with Sama, or the _Panicum Italicum_, with Tangni or Kakun, which
is the _Panicum colonum_, and with Kaungni, which is the _Holcus
Sorghum_.  When the soil is in heart, these produce very good crops, and
once in the three or four years the field is allowed a season’s fallow.
This seems to be the kind of land which Colonel Kirkpatrick calls Kohrya.
{231a}

In Nepal, the Gangja, Charas, or Cannabis sativa, as I have already
mentioned, is a common weed: but in that country it is not cultivated,
although much used for the purpose of intoxication.  The dried leaves are
brought from the Tariyani, but are reckoned heating, and are not so much
used as the extract, which is called Charas: of this Thibet produces the
best.  The proper manner of preparing Charas is by making incisions into
the stem, and collecting the juice, in the same manner as opium is
produced from the capsules of the poppy.  A coarser kind is prepared from
the expressed juice of the hemp.

Colonel Kirkpatrick {231b} gives a different account of the manner of
preparing this drug, which, he says, is procured by rubbing the leaves of
the plant Jeea, until the resin adheres to the fingers, from which it is
scraped off with a spathula.  The plant called Jeea is no doubt the
_Cannabis sativa_, nor can much reliance be placed on the information
which the Colonel received on this subject: as the person who gave it has
evidently been inaccurate, when he stated concerning the Gangja and Subje
produced from the same plant, that the former is prepared from the
flowers and the latter from the leaves; while, in fact, the one is the
dried plant, and the other the expressed juice.

The dose of Charas is from ten to twelve grains made up into a pill,
which is smoked like tobacco.  The dried leaves, or Gangja, are taken in
the same manner, and both produce violent intoxication.  While we were in
Nepal, a shopkeeper, who attended the camp, smoked so much Charas that he
died.  From the accounts given me by those who saw him, he became stupid,
but not irrational, and complained of nothing except thirst, for which he
two or three times drank water.  As it was not looked upon as any thing
extraordinary, I did not hear of the circumstance till some hours after
the man’s death.  He did not intend to kill himself; but, in the course
of his indulgence, repeated the dose too often.

Two kinds of coarse cotton cloth, called Khadi and Changa, are woven by
the Newar women of all ranks, and by the men of the Parbatiya cast,
called Magar.  The cotton grows in the hilly parts of the kingdom, and is
sufficient for the consumption; but none is exported from Nepal Proper.
These cloths constitute the dress of the middling and lower classes of
people, although woollen would be better fitted for the cold of a Nepal
winter.  All those, however, that are not very poor, can afford to have
woollen blankets, which are manufactured by the Bhotiyas, who even in
summer wear no linen.  The whole dress of the higher ranks in Nepal is
imported, and consists chiefly of Chinese silks, shawls, and of the low
country muslins and calicoes.  The military alone wear European broad
cloth.

In Lalita Patan and Bhatgang there is a very considerable manufacture of
copper, brass, and Phul, which is a kind of bell-metal.  The bells of
Thibet are superior to those of Nepal: but a great many vessels of Phul
are made by the Newars, and exported to Thibet, along with those of brass
and copper.  Iron vessels and lamps are also manufactured for the same
market.

A very strong paper, remarkably well fitted for packages, is made at
Bhatgang, from the bark of a shrub, which I call the _Daphne papyrifera_.
The supply, however, is not adequate to the demand, and not only the
paper, but a considerable quantity of the raw material is imported from
Bhot.  The bark is exceedingly strong and pliable, and seems to be the
same with certain tape-like bandages, employed by the Chinese in tying
many of their parcels.

At Kathmandu the common daily hire for a labouring man is two anas.
Merchants pay three Mohurs for every porter who brings a load from
Hethaura, and five Mohurs from Gar Pasara.  The porter takes three days
to come from the former, and five days from the latter; but he must
return empty; the hire is therefore four anas a day.  The usual load is
twenty Dharnis, or a hundred pounds; but some strong men carry a half
more.  They carry their loads in a basket called Doka, of which a
representation is given in the plate opposite to page 39 of Kirkpatrick’s
Nepaul.  Persons of rank, who do not choose to walk or ride on horseback,
usually travel in what is called a Dandi, which is a hammock suspended on
a pole, and carried by from four to six men, as represented in the plate
opposite to page 39 of Kirkpatrick’s Nepaul.  When a woman goes in a
Dandi, a cloth thrown over the pole conceals her from view.  This
conveyance is well fitted for a mountainous country, where few of the
roads will admit of the use of a horse.  For a Dandi, to convey them from
Kathmandu to Gar Pasara, merchants pay twenty-four Mohurs: carpenters and
blacksmiths receive three anas a day: bricklayers two anas and a half:
goldsmiths, for every two Mohurs weight of gold they work up, are allowed
four anas: for working silver, they receive one-sixteenth part of the
metal.  According to the fineness of the work, the labourers obtain from
one to two Mohurs for every Darni of copper which they manufacture.

The want of labouring cattle among the Newars renders the operations of
husbandry so tedious, that at many seasons every person in the family
capable of labour must be employed; and as no one can be left to take
care of the young children, these must be carried to the field.  As this
is often at a distance from the house, the poor villager may be often
seen carrying his infants in two baskets suspended over his shoulder by a
bamboo.  In these baskets some food also is taken, as the family does not
return until night.  An oblong mat also forms a usual part of what is
carried into the field.  This mat defends the children as well as the
victuals from the sun and rain, and is sometimes used by the labourers
for the same purposes, especially when they are employed in weeding the
rice fields.  As that operation is performed during the rainy season, the
labourers would suffer considerably, unless they kept off the water by a
mat tied over their heads and covering their backs, while their arms are
left at liberty.

In Nepal most of the domestic servants are slaves.  A male slave is
called a Keta, and costs about thirty Mohurs.  A female is called Keti,
and costs about the same price; but, if young and handsome, she will
bring ten Mohurs additional.  There are some Brahmans who are slaves even
to Rajputs: but they are not degraded by the name Keta, and are employed
in great families, either as cooks, or in the service of the private
chapels.  All other ranks are sold for common slaves: and persons of the
best families have often been degraded by the Rajas, and given to the
Damais or Tailors, by which they lose not only their liberty, but their
cast, which is of more importance to a Hindu.  In general, however, among
the higher tribes, the cast of the slave is respected, and no duty is
imposed on him, by which that would be injured.  It is reckoned very
disgraceful for any persons but those of the lowest rank, to sell their
children to any person of impure birth, or who is an infidel.  Still,
however, this is occasionally done by persons of high birth, who happen
to be in necessitous circumstances; nor do the parents on this account
lose cast.  They would, however, inevitably become outcasts, should they
ever afterwards admit their child into their house, even were he to be
set at liberty by his master.  Most of the slaves, it must be observed,
have been born free.  A few have been degraded, and sold by the Raja on
account of crimes alleged against them: but by far the greater part have
been sold by necessitous parents.  All the Ketis, even those belonging to
the Queen, are prostitutes, and therefore seldom have children.  The
masters in general do not give their slave girls any other allowance than
a small quantity of rice; and a great many of them are so obdurate, that
even this allowance is stopped, when sickness prevents the slave from
working.  The poor creatures are therefore forced to sacrifice their
chastity, in order to procure clothing; and beggary is the usual resource
of those who are old and infirm.  The Ketis of the court, indeed, are
allowed some privileges, and have a considerable influence among the
young men of family.  In the day time they attend the Maha Rani or queen;
and when she goes out, some of them armed with swords follow her on
horseback, and form her body guard.  They are well dressed, and ride
astride like men.  They are allowed to carry on intrigues with any person
of good birth: but the young Rajputs of the guard are their usual
favourites.  Some Brahmans and Bankers from the low country, induced by
the beauty of these girls, have formed connexions with them; but they
have in general paid dearly for their indulgence.  Fidelity to one
mistress is not a virtue among such men, and the Ketis of the court think
the whole corps bound to punish any infidelity against one of their
number, nor will the police interfere to prevent them from plundering the
delinquent of his whole property.  The slaves of private persons are not
only ill fed, but are hardly wrought.  The common duties imposed on them
are to wash, to bring fire-wood from the mountains, to clean the cooking
utensils and the house, and to carry the umbrella.

Rice is the great article of support in Nepal.  Along with their rice the
poorest people eat raw garlic and radishes; they also fry radishes,
fenugreek, or lentiles, in water mixed with salt, capsicum, and turmeric.
To these, people in more easy circumstances add oil or ghiu; and those
who are rich add a great deal of animal food.  Even the poorest are able
occasionally to sacrifice a pigeon, a fowl, or a duck, and of course they
eat these birds.  No Hindu eats any meat but the flesh of sacrifices; for
he considers it as a sin to kill any animal for the purpose of indulging
his appetite; but, when a sacrifice has been offered, the votary may
without blame eat what the Deity does not use.  We observed, that even
the Rajputs in Nepal were so fond of animal food, that, to the utter
astonishment of our low country Hindus, they drank the blood of the
sacrifices as it flowed from the victim.

SECTION IV.
THE COUNTRIES BELONGING TO THE CHAUBISI AND BAISI RAJAS.

Chaubisi Rajas.—Pamar Family, Impure Branch.—Bhirkot, Garahang, Dhor,
Pure Branch.—Nayakot.—Satahung.—Kaski.—Lamjun.—Gorkha, Topography,
History.—Prithwi Narayan.—Singha Pratap.—Bahadur Sahi.—Rana Bahadur.—Bhim
Sen.—Royal Family.—Kala Macwani Family.—Gulmi, Khachi, Argha, Dhurkot,
Musikot, Tama.—Family of Bhingri and Khungri.—Family of Piuthana.—Family
of Poin.—Malihang Family.—The Samal Family; Malebum; Galkot; Rugum;
Musikot; Jajarkot; Bangphi; Gajal; Dharma; Jahari; Satatala; Malaneta;
Saliyana; Dang; Chhilli.—The Baisi Rajas.—Dalu
Dailek.—Duti.—Yumila.—Taklakot, with the adjacent parts of Thibet subject
to China.

Immediately west from Nepal Proper is a country of considerable extent,
which had long consisted of 24 petty estates, whose chiefs were
collectively called the Chaubisi Rajas.  Yet it would not appear that
they were all connected by any common union for defence, by a common
extraction, or by any other tie.  They all, indeed, acknowledged the
superiority of the Yumila Raja, of whom some account will be afterwards
given; but besides these 24 chiefs, he had many others in similar
dependence, which, however, conferred very little authority on the
superior, whose power seems chiefly to have been confined to exhort his
vassals in the support of a balance of power, and to confer the mark
(Tica) of supreme authority on the heirs of each chief.  His superior
rank was, however, never disputed, and his call seems long to have met
with a good deal of attention, when directed to procure assistance, in
preventing one chief from swallowing up the dominions of another.  The 24
chiefs, according to Kanak Nidhi, were the Rajas mentioned in the
following list; but other lists differ considerably.

1.       Piuthana           9.        Palpa       17.       Gajarkot
2.       Malebum or         10.       Garahang    18.       Rising
         Parbat
3.       Galkot             11.       Poin        19.       Ghiring
4.       Isma               12.       Satahung    20.       Tanahung
5.       Dhurkot            13.       Birkot      21.       Lamjun
6.       Argha              14.       Nayakot     22.       Gorkha
7.       Khachi             15.       Kaski       23.       Tarki
8.       Gulmi              16.       Dhor        24.       Musikot

Of the other lists, which I received, it would be useless to give a
detail, but I shall mention that given to Colonel Kirkpatrick, {238}
referring to the names given in my list by prefixing the number.  (21)
Loomjoong.  (15) Kashki.  (20) Tunhoo or Tunnohoo.  (3) Gulkoat.  (2)
Purbut or Mullibum.  (14) Noakote or Nuwakote.  (11) Pyoon.  (12)
Luttohoon.  (10) Gurhoon.  (18) Reesing.  (19) Ghering.  (16) Dhoar.  (9)
Palpa.  (8) Goolmi.  Wigha.  (7) Khanchi.  Dang.  (24) Musikote.  (1)
Purthana.  Jhilli.  Suliana.  (5) Dhoorkote; and (4) Isma.  He thus omits
Gorkha, Tarki, Gajarkot, and Argha of the list which I have given;
although I suspect, that his Wigha is no other than Argha, for in page
288, he reckons Urghaloor as one of the 24 chiefs, and in page 297 he
speaks of the territories of the Urgho Raja.  I have indeed little doubt,
that Wigha is a mistake of the editor for Urgho, and that Urghaloor was
originally written Urghapoor, poor or pura being a common termination of
the names of Indian cities.  Gorkha was probably omitted by the Gorkhali
who gave him the information; as its being included would have been
acknowledging the former supremacy of Yumila, which the chiefs of Gorkha
now wish to disavow.  In place of Tarki and Gajarkot, Colonel
Kirkpatrick’s list introduces Dang and Jhilli, (Chhilli,) both of which I
have placed in the class containing twenty-two chiefs, although perhaps
on slender grounds.

Several of these chiefs had entered with others into leagues for mutual
defence, as the interpositions of Yumila, although of some weight, were
by no means sufficient to procure security.  The leagues were sometimes
connected by a common descent in the chiefs, and such were called
Athabhai, or eight brothers; while other leagues were composed of chiefs
who were of different origins.  Such leagues were called Satbhai, or
seven brothers.

Among the leagues I heard of the following:

I.  Lamjun was at the head of a league composed of Tanahung and Kaski;
but Tanahung was followed in war by Dhor, and Kaski by Satahung, without
any reference to the union of these states with Lamjun.

II.  Birkot was at the head of a league containing Garahang, Poin, and
Nayakot.

III.  Palpa was at the head of a league composed of Gajarkot, Rising,
Ghiring, Argha, Khachi, and Gulmi.

IV.  Malebum had in alliance Gulkot.

V.  Piuthana had in alliance Musikot and Isma, and also the two petty
chiefs of Khungri and Bhingri, who, although their territories were
surrounded by those of the Chaubisiya Rajas, were not included in the
number of these chiefs.

Gorkha, I was informed, was always completely unconnected, and
independent of all these alliances; nor did I learn that Dhurkot or Tarki
were in a contrary situation.

I shall now proceed to give an account of the chiefs who governed this
assembly of states, and of their countries.

I have already given an account of the family of highest rank, including
the Rajas of Palpa, Tanahung, Rising, Ghiring, and Gajarkot; because this
family possessed also large estates to the east of Nepal Proper.  It
therefore remains to describe the other 19 states.

I shall first mention the family which at present has obtained almost
universal empire over the mountains north from the Company’s provinces,
and does not content itself with a gentle rule, such as that exercised by
the Rajas of Yumila, but has seized the entire dominion and power of the
conquered countries, and assumes a menacing countenance even to the
Company.

The family pretends to be of the Pamar tribe; but it is alleged, as I
have already explained, that this is a mere fable, and that, on the
arrival of the colony from Chitaur, this family were Magars.  One of its
branches, however, has long adopted the Hindu rules of purity, and has
intermarried with the best families, although not without creating
disgust; and the other branch remains in primitive impurity, although we
have seen that the same is the case with the Chauhans, who long pretended
to a great superiority over the chiefs of Gorkha.

The first persons of the Gorkha family, of whom I have heard, were two
brothers named Khancha and Mincha, or Nimcha, words altogether barbarous,
and in no manner resembling the high sounding titles of the family of the
sun, from whom the Pamars pretend to be descended.  From whence these
persons came, I did not learn; but Khancha was the founder of the impure
branch of the family, and Mincha was the chief of Nayakot.

The impure branch of the family possessed Bhirkot, Garahang, and Dhor,
which afterwards separated under three chiefs of the same house; but
Bhirkot seems to have been the head of the whole, as its chief was at the
head of a league containing Nayakot, the most ancient family of the pure
descendants of Mincha.  Bhirkot is a very petty state, consisting
entirely of mountains, and containing neither mines nor mart of any
consequence.

The same is the case with Garahang, whose chief adhered to the league
with his kinsman of Bhirkot.  The capital, (Rajdhani or Durbar,) of the
same name with the country, is situated on the top of a hill, with no
water nearer than a cose.  In such a situation, only 60 or 70 huts
surrounded the chief’s castle, which was built of brick.

The impure chief of Dhor did not join in the league of his kinsmen; but
followed in battle the pure chiefs of Tanahung.  His country was as petty
and as mountainous as that of his kinsmen, but contained some iron mines.

I now return to Mincha, whose descendants were reclaimed from their
impurity by the Brahmans.

Mincha was Raja of Nayakot, and the chiefs of this place, although they
lived pure, continued to the last to follow in war the impure
representative of Khancha, who governed Bhirkot.  Nayakot was very petty;
but, besides the capital, contained a town of some note, named Limi, but
no mines of any consequence.

A collateral branch of the Nayakot Rajas obtained a similar state called
Satahung, which, besides the capital, contained a town called Gengdi.
The capital, of the same name with the territory, is situated on a hill,
and contained about 250 thatched huts, besides the brick castle of the
chief.  In the whole territory there might have been 1500 houses.  The
Raja’s share of the land revenue amounted to 2000 rupees a-year.  He
followed in war the chief of Kaski.  The most numerous tribe among his
subjects was the Khasiya.

A second collateral branch of the Nayakot family was Kaski, a more
powerful state than that of the chief from which it sprang.  I believe
that the territory of this chief towards the hills was much wider than is
represented in the map of Kanak, for I was informed, that Gorkha had no
communication with the Bhotiyas, his country being narrowed there between
Kaski and Nepal.  It may, however, have happened, that the want of
communication was owing to the impracticability of the mountains, and not
to the shortness of the frontier.  The chiefs of Kaski leagued with
Lamjun, a collateral branch of their own family, but had as a follower in
war their kinsman of Satahung.  Although adjacent to the mountains
covered with perpetual snow, the southern parts are rather warmer than
the valley of Nepal Proper, but the parts adjacent to the snowy peaks
were inhabited by Bhotiyas, and next to these were some Gurungs.  The
warmer parts were occupied by Brahmans, Khasiyas, and the persons of low
tribes necessary as artisans.  The mountains here formed an uninterrupted
and impenetrable barrier towards the north.  The chief possessed some
mines of copper; and, besides the capital, there is a considerable town
called Pokhara, which is a mart frequented by merchants from Nepal,
Palpa, Malebum, etc. and afforded duties that in so poor a country were
reckoned considerable.  The capital by Colonel Kirkpatrick {242} is
called Buttolachoor, is situated among hills on the Seti river, (Saite,
K.) which is very deep but narrow.

Kaski, the ancient capital, Colonel Kirkpatrick places 7 coses west from
Buttolachoor, with Surrungkoat, a large town with a fort on a hill
between them.

The chief of Lamjun was descended from a younger son of Kaski, and was
originally powerful, the sum appropriated from the land revenue, for his
family expense, being 22,000 rupees a-year; and he was not only followed
in war by his kinsman the chief of Kaski, but by the Raja of Tanahung.
Lamjun, after the loss of Gorkha, was a cold country bordering on the
snowy peaks of Emodus, and inhabited by Bhotiyas, with some Brahmans and
Khasiyas in the warmer vallies.  It contained no mine of any importance,
nor any town of note, except the capital; and the chief advantage, after
the loss of Gorkha, that the Raja enjoyed, was the commerce with Bhotan
or Thibet, which was carried on through a passage in Emodus called
Siklik.  Many goods were conveyed by this route to Lamjun, and from
thence, by the way of Tarku, Tanahung, Dewghat, and Bakra, into the low
country; but this trade has been interdicted by the present government of
Nepal, which is very jealous of the Raja of Tanahung, to whom Bakra still
is secured by the Company’s protection.  Siklik, however, is still the
residence of a Subah or civil governor, and is probably the place called
Seshant in the map of Kanak.  The name merely implies a frontier place,
but among the hills is used to imply a place inhabited by barbarians;
that is, such as reject the doctrines of the Brahmans.  In both meanings
the term is applicable to Siklik, as its inhabitants, Bhotiyas and
Gurungs adhere to the Lamas, and it is the frontier town towards the
empire of China.

One of the Lamjun Rajas, according to Prati Nidhi, had a younger brother
named Darbha Sahi, who as usual held the office of Chautariya; but
rebelled, and took to himself Gorkha, the southern part of the
principality, paying 12,000 rupees of the 22,000 that came to the chief
for his support.

Gorkha is rather warmer than the valley of Nepal, and its chief
inhabitants were Brahmans and Khasiyas, in about equal numbers, with
rather fewer Magars, the Brahmans being the chief cultivators, and the
Khas and Magars the fighting men.  The capital Gorkha is situated on a
very high hill, and was the only place of note in the territory.  It is
said to contain about 2000 houses, and the temple of Gorakhanath, who is
one of the tutelar deities of the reigning family.  From this
circumstance we may perhaps infer, that the proper name of the place is
Gorakha, and that, previous to having adopted the doctrines of the
Brahmans, this family had received the Zogis, or priests of Gorakhanath,
as their spiritual guides.

Colonel Kirkpatrick {244} states the old boundaries of Gorkha to have
been the Trisulganga (Tirsoolgunga) on the east, and the Marichangdi
(Mursiangdi) on the west.  In place of the former he should have stated
the Gandi; but from what he says, (in page 122,) it would seem that he
confounded the Gandi with both the Setiganga and Trisulganga.

Nara Bhupal or Nribhupala, according to Prati Nidhi, was the sixth or
seventh in descent from Darbha.  The account which I received in Nepal
does not materially differ.  The first chief of Gorkha was, however,
there called Rama Sahi, whether a different name for Darbha, or his son,
I do not know; but his descendants were as follows: 1.  Puran.  2.
Chhatra.  3.  Dambar.  4.  Virbhadra.  5.  Prithwi Pati.  6.  Nribhupal.
These chiefs entered into none of the leagues formed by their neighbours,
trusting to their own vigour chiefly, for their country was very poor.

The chiefs of Gorkha being cut off from any direct communication with
either the low country or Thibet, and having no mines nor other
productions as a basis for commerce, were considered as insignificant,
but Nribhupal procured in marriage, first, a daughter of the Palpa
family; and, secondly, a daughter of the sixth son of the chief of
Malebum, both of whom added much to his dignity.

His eldest son Prithwi Narayan (Purthi Nerayn in Kirkpatrick) was a
person of insatiable ambition, sound judgment, great courage, and
unceasing activity.  Kind and liberal, especially in promises to his
friends and dependants, he was regardless of faith to strangers, and of
humanity to his enemies, that is, to all who opposed his views.

When a very young man, he visited Banaras, and having met with what he
considered insolence at some (Chauki) custom-house, instantly put the
officers to death.  He was concealed from the police by a (Vairagi)
person dedicated to religion, who, induced by most abundant promises,
conveyed the highland chief in safety to his cousin, Makunda Sen, Raja of
Palpa, by whom he was very kindly received, and furnished with the means
which enabled him to undertake his first enterprises.  I have already
mentioned the manner in which he repaid this friendship, and in which he
conquered the countries that the Chitaur colony held on the east of the
Gandaki.  Some account of the invasion of Nepal by this chief is given by
Colonel Kirkpatrick, {245} and in the Asiatick Researches will be found a
more full narration by an eye-witness of the manner in which he acquired
that country, to which he immediately transferred the seat of government,
although his nobles and soldiers despise the name of Nepal, and call
themselves Gorkhalis.  I have also mentioned his total failure in an
attempt to extend his dominions to the west, towards which, during the
remainder of his government, and that of his son, the Marichangdi
continued to be the boundary to the west, as it had been in the time of
his ancestors.

The Vairagi, who had saved the life of Prithwi Narayan at Banaras, no
sooner heard of the conquest of Nepal, than he repaired to that country,
and reminded the chief of his promises.  These the chief did not attempt
to deny; but said, that, as the promises had been extorted by fear, he
would give nothing.  The Vairagi, having assembled 500 of the religious
order of Nagas, attempted to use force; but the whole horde was taken,
and put to death, an event of great use to Bengal, which these ruffians
had been in the habit of plundering.

Prithwi Narayan, besides his personal endowments, was much indebted for
success to the introduction of firelocks, which until his time were
totally unknown among the hills; and, so far as he was able, he
introduced European discipline, the value of which he fully appreciated.
His jealousy of the European character always, however, prevented him
from employing any of them in his service, and he is said to have
strongly recommended to his successors to follow, in this respect, his
example.  How far this may have been judicious, I cannot say; but it has
certainly prevented his troops, although in many respects well organized,
from making considerable progress in tactics, or in a dexterous use of
their arms, and these are probably much more defective than his
descendants and their officers think.

Prithwi Narayan died about the year 1771, and left two legitimate sons;
Singha Pratap, who succeeded his father, and Bahadur Sahi, who, after his
brother’s death, was regent of the kingdom during his nephew’s minority,
although he had excited the jealousy of Singha Pratap, and had with
difficulty saved his life by living in exile.

Singha Pratap’s attention, as I have mentioned, was chiefly directed to
secure the conquests towards the east, in which, as I have said, he seems
to have had as few scruples as usual in his family.  He died in 1775, at
Devighat, and left his kingdom to his son Rana Bahadur, placed in charge
of his uncle Bahadur Sahi, a very active enterprising prince, and of his
mother Rajendra Lakshmi, a princess of a similar character.

Two such enterprising personages could not agree: and, until the
princess’s death, there were constant disputes, sometimes the one, and
sometimes the other, acquiring the ascendancy, and then confining or
banishing their adversary.  Yet it is alleged, that in times of
reconciliation, marriage had been proposed between them, the custom of
the lower casts of Hindus, at least, not only permitting, but requiring a
younger brother to espouse his elder brother’s widow.  That such a
proposal should ever have been made, being contrary to the customs which
at present prevail among the high casts, is rather improbable; and,
perhaps, owes its origin to a desire of flattering Rana Bahadur, whose
treatment of his uncle required an apology.  The people of Palpa indeed
allege, that, during the life of Singha Pratap, a more criminal
intercourse had actually taken place between the two regents, and that it
was to revenge the disgrace thrown on his family, that Rana Bahadur
proceeded to extremities against his uncle.  Were this true, the attempt
to unite their differences by a marriage might be supposed possible: but
I attribute the origin of such a story to the disappointed hopes of the
Palpa family, which, after having entered into an iniquitous league with
Bahadur Sahi, found itself in consequence reduced to a state of
dependancy.

I have already mentioned the manner in which Bahadur Sahi thus connected
himself with the Palpa family, and the success that attended Damodar
Pangre, the officer who was most judiciously employed, and who then held
the office of Karyi.  Except Palpa, and its share of the spoil, this
officer speedily reduced the whole country from Gorkha to the boundary of
the country called Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar.  At the
same time, the dominion of Gorkha was extended over the Sikim Bhotiyas of
the east, as I have already mentioned; and several other chiefs of the
Bhotiya nation towards the north were reduced to obedience.

So far the greatest success had attended the regent, when he was tempted
to adopt a very rash measure.  Sumur, a discontented brother of the Tishu
Lamas from Degarchi, came to Nepal, and told the needy chief wonderful
stories concerning the wealth of the convent, in which the Tishu Lama,
spiritual guide of the Chinese Emperor, resided.  Inflamed with a desire
for plunder, and without having the slightest pretence or intercourse
with that priest, a large body of Gorkhalis (it is said 7000) overcame
all the obstructions of a long and very difficult route, and succeeded in
carrying back a large booty, although closely pursued by a Chinese army,
that came to the assistance of the Lama.  This army having been greatly
increased, about the time when Colonel Kirkpatrick visited Nepal,
advanced to Dhayabung, and compelled the regent to submit to several
indignities, although it had suffered severely from the climate, and the
poverty of the country.  For the particulars, however, I may refer to the
Account of Colonel Kirkpatrick, {248a} and of Captain Turner, {248b}
whose opportunities of acquiring information were superior to mine.  So
far as I can learn, the people of Gorkha were very much discontented with
the regent for submitting to the indignities which the Chinese demanded;
and they seem to have thought, that the invading army had been reduced to
a situation rather to offer than demand submission.  The submission was,
however, not impolitic; for I believe, that the tribute agreed upon has
never even been demanded, much less expected, and the Gorkhalis are in
the habit of saying, that, should they have any dispute with the English,
their only formidable neighbour, they will claim the protection of the
Chinese, with whose influence over the Company they seem to be much
better acquainted than one would have expected.  The Chinese general
consented to move back on receiving a supply of grain for his army, and
fifty virgins as an homage for his sovereign; but no stipulation was made
for the restoration of the plunder of Degarchi.  It was given out at
Kathmandu, that the virgins threw themselves from the precipices on the
route, and perished rather than submit to the embraces of infidels
defiled by every impure food: but I have since learned, that their sense
of honour did not carry them to such lengths, and that the Chinese placed
them in a convent near the frontier.  The people of Thibet procured no
satisfaction for the injury, and Chinese garrisons having been placed
through their country, they have become more subject than ever to that
empire, and most of their petty chiefs have been put to death or
banished, while the Chinese have since extended their conquests still
farther west.  The dominions of Nepal are therefore the only thing that
separates them from the British power, and saves them from political
discussions, managed free from the control of their own forms, and from
exposing to their officers and people the view of a nation far their
superior in power.

It is alleged, that at length the regent’s ambition overcame his sense of
duty, and that he intended to keep his nephew in confinement, and seize
the government.  The people of Palpa allege, that he had secured the
assistance of his brother-in-law Mahadatta Sen.  Certain it is, that he
was suddenly dispossessed of power by his nephew, and died in
confinement, some say by the Raja’s own hand, while others assert that he
was starved to death.

Bahadur Sahi, although a prince of great vigour, is supposed to have been
uncommonly superstitious; yet from some anecdotes related by Colonel
Kirkpatrick, {250} it would appear, that he was very capable of evading
with skill the performance of troublesome ceremonies, and that he could
speak on religion with the popish missionaries without harshness, but
with a considerable quickness of repartee.  His superstition was
probably, therefore, of that nature which is usually assumed by princes
placed in difficult situations.

Rana Bahadur received little or no education from his guardians, but was
allowed to indulge in every vice, surrounded by minions and young
profligates of the court.  These not only assisted him in the pursuit of
low vices, but encouraged his natural propensity to cruel diversions.  He
had no sooner secured his rights to the throne, and assumed the power of
the state, than he showed the restless ambition of his family by an
attack on the Yumila Raja, whom all the mountain chiefs acknowledged as
their liege lord.  The Yumila chief, although he had been thrown off his
guard by all manner of professions, having an extensive territory, made a
stout resistance, but was finally compelled to seek refuge in the country
of the Vazir.

Rana Bahadur had married a daughter of the Gulmi Raja, to whom he showed
some favour, compelling the Raja of Palpa to give up to that chief
several estates, of which he had been stript by Mahadatta Sen; but,
perhaps being disgusted by his wife’s having no children, he soon
neglected that virtuous and high-minded lady, and very openly cohabited
with other women.  He first had a son by a common slave girl, and then
one by the daughter of a Brahman.  This gave great offence to the sacred
order, but the ungovernable fury of the Raja’s temper hushed all
complaints.  As a means of disturbing him, however, the skilful in
astrology (Jyotish) published a prophecy, foretelling that the Raja would
not long survive his beauteous favourite of the sacred order, who would
soon be seized with a disease.  As the latter circumstance happened, the
Raja, who, like other Hindus, had no doubt in the science, was in the
utmost consternation.  Some of the learned took immediate advantage, and
informed him, that, by certain ceremonies performed before a certain
image, his favourite might be restored to health.  The Raja, caught by
this device, advanced what was held to be a very large sum, it is said
100,000 rupees; but without effect, for his favourite died in a few days.
The Raja’s ungovernable temper now fully disclosed itself.  He not only
scourged the Brahmans to make them disgorge his money, but he took the
image, and, grinding it to pieces with excrement, threw the fragments
into a river.  His fears, however, were not abated, and the people,
disgusted and terrified at his violence, were ripe for change.  It was
judiciously suggested to him, that, as he could not expect to survive
long, he should endeavour to secure the government to the son of his
favourite, by placing him immediately on the throne, (Gadi,) and by
making all ranks take the oaths of fidelity to the child.  The Raja
approved entirely of this measure, and determined to end his days at
Banaras, and thus to secure a place in heaven.  Every step, however, was
taken to secure the young Raja’s authority.  The Raja of Palpa was
invited to place the mark of royalty (Tika) on his forehead, and some of
the conquered chiefs, I believe chiefly those descended of Khancha and
Mincha, were induced to be present, and promised an annual pension, on
condition of their acknowledging the legitimacy of their illegitimate
kinsman: and so much weight has been attached to this acknowledgment,
that the pensions, I am told, are still continued.

Before all these ceremonies had been performed, much time had elapsed.
Although, therefore, every preparation had been made for the Raja’s
departure for Banaras, and although he had conferred the regency on his
surviving favourite the slave girl, his wife having refused to accept of
the office, and having insisted on accompanying her lord, Rana Bahadur,
no longer called Raja but Swami, finding himself very well, seems to have
repented of what he had rashly done, and suspecting some trick, was
inclined to resume the government.  Both people and chiefs were, however,
in general averse to this measure, as the violence of his temper was
universally feared.  The chiefs, therefore, under the direction of
Damodar Pangre, informed him, that they, having sworn obedience to the
young Raja, would support his government.  The Raja fortified himself in
the town of Lalita Patan, near the capital, and most of the eastern
provinces were disposed to support his authority; but Damodar had shown
such prudence and mildness, when he conquered the west, that the people
of that quarter were determined to adhere to his cause.  Sadhu Ram
alleges, that on this occasion, in the country between Gorkha Proper and
Garhawal, including Palpa, in the strictest friendship with Damodar,
17,000 men of the sacred order, and an equal number of the military
tribes, were ready to support this officer.  After some skirmishing,
Damodar’s party being evidently the strongest, Rana Bahadur retired
privately to Banaras with the character of insanity but, except in an
ungovernable ferocity and cruelty of temper, and in a credulity,
evidently the fault of education, he seems to have been abundantly
judicious, and in fact finally overreached all his adversaries.

Rana Bahadur having incurred a considerable debt to the British
Government, which supplied his wants at Banaras, a treaty was entered
into for a gradual repayment, and for the residence of a British officer
at Kathmandu; and Captain Knox, with whom I went, entered their territory
in February 1802.  We had been there only a few days, when the officers,
who came to meet us, and who were very friendly disposed, were thrown
into great trouble by the arrival of the princess, Rana Bahadur’s wife.
The unprincipled chief had connected himself with one of these frail but
pure beauties, (Gandharbin,) with which the holy city abounds, had stript
his wife of her jewels to bestow them on this wanton companion, and
finally had turned his wife out of doors.  As the slave regent had the
meanness to seize on the income of the town, assigned for the princess’s
dowry, the poor lady was reduced to the utmost distress, and conceived
that we were her enemies, being on an embassy to the low woman, by whom
she had been so shamefully used.  She therefore stirred up to destroy us
a certain Masan Raut, who had under him many thieves and robbers, with
whom he plundered the borders.  We received, however, timely notice, and
our guard being all night under arms, no attempt was made, although the
sentries saw hovering round parties of men, who, no doubt, had come in
the expectation of finding some unguarded part.

As might have been expected, under such circumstances, the slave girl’s
regency had been from the first marked with weakness.  The two most
powerful chiefs then in Nepal were Brahma Sahi of the royal family, and
Damodar of the house called Pangre, which, ever since the conquest, has
been the most powerful family among the Gorkhalis.  Damodar had
strengthened his influence by the marriage of his sister into the
distinguished family of the Viswanaths, and had procured the command of
most of the fortresses, which he intrusted to the care of his own
dependants.  The eldest of his nephews, of the Viswanath family, was then
a fine young man named Kritimohun.  Him the regent appointed Karyi, and
in his abilities reposed the highest confidence, which was supposed to
have been increased by her regard for his person.  Far from supporting
his uncle, this rash young man removed all the adherents of the Pangre
family from the command of the fortresses, and gave them in charge to
dependants of his own, and of Rudravir his illegitimate brother.  In the
meanwhile, envy raised against him many enemies, and he was assassinated
by persons of a rank too elevated to be publicly mentioned.  Among these
was Sri Krishna Sahi, one of the legitimate princes of the royal family,
who was compelled to fly into the Company’s territory; but the principal
odium and suspicion fell on Damodar Pangre, the young minister’s uncle.
As the regent never liked this chief, the circumstance was made a
pretence for attempting his ruin, and for the elevation of Brahma Sahi to
the principal authority in the government.  This personage having joined
with two brothers of the Viswanath family, and with Sher Bahadur,
illegitimate brother of Rana Bahadur, seized on the two sons of Damodar
Pangre; but the old man could not be touched; he was too much versed in
affairs, and was too strongly supported by his friends, and especially by
two warlike brothers.  With these he retired from court; and when Captain
Knox approached the frontier, in the beginning of 1802, was living in
sullen retirement.  At this time an apparent reconciliation took place
between Brahma Sahi and Damodar Pangre; both came to receive the English
embassy; and the sons of Damodar were liberated.  The probable cause of
this reconciliation was the elevation of a low man to the principal
confidence of the regent, while the charge of her conscience and heart
was in possession of a young Sannyasi or religious mendicant, one of the
finest formed men that I have ever seen.  Both circumstances gave offence
to the people.

On our arrival in the valley of Nepal, in April, we found a young
illegitimate Raja, about six years of age, whose nominal chief minister,
Chautariya, was an illegitimate brother, two years older than himself,
and son of the regent slave girl, who had in fact given the whole power
to a very low person, which occasioned universal disgust.  Damodar
Pangre, who had met us on the frontier, did not accompany us to the
court, for what reason I do not exactly know; but it is probable that he
scorned the low favourite, who had been raised to the chief authority in
the kingdom.  The only man of weight at the court was in fact Brahma
Sahi, descended of the royal family; but whether or not legitimate, I
cannot say.  He was, however, highly respected by the people, and has
fewer of the vices of his family than usual, with much good sense and
moderation.

Soon after our arrival we learned, that the distressed princess, spouse
of Rana Bahadur, terrified at the thought of remaining in the unhealthy
forests during the rainy season, deprived of means to support her in the
Company’s territory, and probably encouraged by Damodar Pangre, intended
to come up to Nepal without leave; for the regent could not bear the
approach of her former mistress, and yet would not give her the
stipulated dower.  People were therefore sent, who brought up all the
male attendants of the princess in irons; and it was hoped, I believe,
that she would perish in the woods.  Necessity, however, added boldness
to her measures, and she advanced with ten or twelve female attendants to
Chisapani, a fortress commanding the entrance into Nepal.  It was
evident, however, that the commiseration of the people was daily gaining
strength, and the timidity of the regent gave daily an increase of power
to the princess.  An additional company of Seapoys was sent to Chisapani,
as if soldiers were the proper persons to stop the progress of a few
helpless women.  The officer commanding had received positive orders to
refuse the princess admittance; but he contented himself by executing
merely the letter of his orders.  He took in all his garrison, shut the
gates, and allowed the lady and her attendants to walk quietly round the
walls.  Much anxiety was now evident at the capital, and another company
of Seapoys was dispatched to Chitlang, with positive orders to prevent
the princess from advancing farther; and, if the arrears of dower had
accompanied the officer, I do not believe that she would have made any
attempt; but the sordid dispositions of the regent and her favourite did
not suffer them to part with money.  The officer commanding the company
met the poor princess and her attendants on the road, and, being a man of
true honour, with a good deal of difficulty mustered courage to disclose
his orders.  When he had done so, the high-born lady, unmoved by fear,
pulled out a dagger, and saying, will you presume to oppose the lawful
wife of a Gorkhali Raja, while going to her own estate? she struck him on
the arm; on which, although wounded, he immediately retired, quite
ashamed of the service on which he had been employed; and his men
required no orders to follow his example.  The princess that morning
entered the valley of Nepal, and halted about five miles from the
capital.  No sooner was this known than she was joined by Damodar Pangre,
and all ranks flocked to pay their respects, and among them all the
officers of government, except the low favourite, who immediately fled
towards Thibet.

The regent, thus deserted, retired with the Raja and her son to the
sanctuary of a temple, taking with her all the money in the treasury and
the jewels of the crown.  Next day the princess entered the capital, and,
after a short negotiation, took upon herself the regency, and settled on
her base-born rival an income, which, had she received, she would never
have given any trouble.  In the whole transaction, indeed, she showed
great magnanimity; and the only stain on her character, so far as I know,
during so difficult a scene, was her conduct to the wife of the low man,
whom the late regent had elevated to the office of Serdar.  This
unfortunate woman was put to the torture, to make her disclose where her
husband had concealed his treasure; but, I believe, the treasure was
imaginary, and the report of his having accumulated wealth arose, I
imagine, in base minds, envious of his sudden rise, and anxious to
gratify their envy by misrepresentations to the princess regent.  The
man, indeed, bore on the whole a good character; and the meanness of his
birth and education, with some low conduct, arising more from these
misfortunes than from any inclination to evil, are the only things for
which I ever heard him blamed.

The new regent placed in her chief confidence Damodar Pangre, the officer
in the country of by far the highest reputation; and although she
consulted him chiefly, she expressed great anxiety for her husband’s
return.  She also showed the utmost jealousy of the British embassy as
likely to interfere with that event; and in the end of March 1802 we left
the capital.  It was probably at the instigation of Damodar, that the
Palpa Raja, as I have mentioned, was allowed to return home.  Whether or
not these chiefs had entered into any conspiracy, as has been hinted, I
do not know; but it is generally believed, that Damodar, so far as he was
able, opposed the return of Rana Bahadur, which certainly was neither
desirable for Nepal nor its neighbours.  The natives in general believe,
that he wrote a letter to a gentleman of rank at Banaras, requesting his
influence to keep Rana Bahadur at that city; and that this letter, by the
treachery or mistaken policy of the gentleman, came into the hands of
this ferocious chief.  He instantly departed by post, and was in the
dominions of Nepal before any one suspected that he had left Banaras.  He
was cordially received by his faithful wife, although he did not fail to
send to Banaras for the wanton beauty, by whom he had been there
captivated, and who must have cost him great sums, if we can judge from
the style in which she now lives at Banaras, to which she returned on his
death.

On his approach to the capital, Rana Bahadur was met by Damodar Pangre,
at the head of a large body of armed men.  This certainly had an alarming
appearance, and the intention of a man so prudent and reserved as Damodar
must always remain uncertain; but the prince, supported by the advice of
Bhim Sen, a young attendant, showed no sign of fear, and called aloud to
the officers and men, “Now show whether you will have me or Damodar for
your lord?” on which the whole joined him, and the gallant veteran, and
his eldest son, were bound.

Rana Bahadur contented himself with the title of Swami or Lord, and,
finding that the oath of fidelity had still a considerable influence
among the troops, acted merely as regent for his son; but, in action, he
never hesitated to assume the full power of the prince.  Soon after,
having shown the letter to Damodar, he delivered him and his son to the
public executioner.  As leading to the place, the young man proposed
resistance, and a sudden attempt might have put them in possession of
arms, which, with their known courage, and the veneration for their
character, where no higher authority was present, might have overcome the
guard.  The old general, however, recommended submission, lest their
attempt might have proven totally fatal to their house.  He appears to
have here also acted with his usual judgment; as his only surviving son
was spared by Rana Bahadur, when treacherously delivered up by the Palpa
Raja, as I have above mentioned; and the young man, I believe, now holds
the office of one of the Karyis, the whole soldiery viewing the family
with affection, and considering it entitled to have one of its members
always in possession of that dignity.

Immediately after this, Rana Bahadur determined to enlarge his dominions,
and with that view entrusted Bara Amar Singha with a large force.  This
officer Rana Bahadur, when he arrived from Banaras, found in confinement,
in which he had been placed by his old commander, Damodar Pangre, and, on
this account, he was justly considered as more faithful to the prince.
He rapidly seized on Garhawal, and extended the power of Gorkha beyond
the Yamuna; where, had it not been checked by Ranjit Singha, the Sikh
chieftain, it would soon have extended to the boundary of Kasmira.

I have already mentioned the arts by which Rana Bahadur inveigled Prithwi
Pal, and the chief officers of that prince, into his power; in which he
showed no symptoms of insanity, unless a shameless perfidy be considered
as such.  His career, however, was then near a close.  Most of the chief
officers were disgusted, and kept in constant terror by the remembrance
of Damodar Pangre’s fate, with whom most of them had been intimately
connected; and each daily expected, that this connection might be made a
pretence for his ruin; for the regent or lord consulted only a young man
named Bhim Sen, vigorous, ambitious, and unprincipled as himself.  A
conspiracy is said to have been formed with a view of placing the Palpa
Raja at the head of affairs; and Sher Bahadur, an illegitimate brother of
the regent, who long had held the high office of Chautariya, is supposed
to have been concerned.  In order to remove his brother from such
dangerous enterprises, the regent ordered him to join the army in the
field, but he declined.  The regent was then very angry; and, while in
full court, sent for his brother, with orders to bring him by force if he
declined.  Sher Bahadur followed the messengers into the court, and being
asked, if he would join the army, declined by saying, we are sons of the
same father, go you and I will follow.  What may be exactly meant by this
phrase in an ambiguous language, I cannot say; certainly, however, it so
enraged Rana, that he ordered his brother for execution; but, while no
one was aware, the brother drew his sword, and gave the regent a mortal
blow.  He was instantly put to death by Bhim Sen, into whose hands the
regent, before he expired, delivered his son, the Raja, and commanded all
persons to obey his authority.

When the Raja expired, Bhim Sen immediately retired to another room,
commanding a view of the court, in which the guard was assembled, and,
having addressed the soldiers, and received a promise of their support,
he immediately surrounded the hall, in which the court was assembled, and
put to death all the most active persons, under pretence, at least, of
the conspiracy, and there is reason to suspect, that what he alleged was
not destitute of foundation.  On this occasion, Bidur Sahi, an
illegitimate son of the royal family, then one of the Chautariyas,
Narasingha Karyi, Tribhuvan Karyi, and about fifty military officers,
were killed.  On the same day he put to death the Palpa Raja, and his
chief officers, as has been already mentioned; and his father, Amar
Singha, immediately seized on the dominions of that chief.  Some
variations are told in the circumstances of this event, but the above I
consider as the best authenticated.

Rana Bahadur, although he could not treat his wife with kindness, nor
even decency, does not seem to have been altogether unmoved by her noble
conduct; and, after his return from Banaras, had enlarged her father’s
dominions.  Fortunately for Bhim Sen, the high-spirited lady accompanied
the body of her faithless husband on the funeral pile and freed the new
regent from her presence, which might have been very troublesome.  For
his subsequent conduct in seizing on her father’s petty states, which was
done when he seized Palpa, it will be difficult to account, except on the
principle of insatiable rapacity.  The tragedies of his first day’s
government of course stopped all observations on his conduct.  Disliking
to have at the capital a person so venerable, and of such high rank as
Brahma Sahi, he induced that chief to accept the government of Kumau or
Almora, the most honourable in the kingdom, and augmented in dignity by
the new title of Raja Brahma Sahi, exempt from ambition, and knowing from
his character that he was safe from danger, accepted the office as more
suited to his great years, than the dangerous intrigues of Kathmandu.
The remote government of Saliyana is occupied by his brother Rudravir,
but the youngest brother Hasthadal, and all his legitimate male issue,
are held at Kathmandu, no doubt as hostages; for all the family is
suspected not only of disaffection, but of being too friendly to the
English.  Hasthadal, however, is now one of the Chautariyas.  The command
of the army in the west has been continued to Bara Amar Singha, whose
birth gives him no pretension to raise disturbances; but who has good
abilities, and there is reason to believe is firmly attached to the
present ruler.  Bhim Sen, himself, now in the vigour of youth, and of the
most determined courage, has probably very ambitious views.  Whether or
not he may think these promoted by his disputes with the English, I do
not know; but the Raja approaches manhood, and the objections to his
succession are very numerous, while the disputes with the English have
been a pretence for assembling a very large force, (twenty-five companies
under the son, and thirteen companies under the father,) and for thus
attaching to his family a very large proportion of the army.  The army in
the west is under the command of Bara Amar Singha, father of Ranadhwar,
the chief confidant and coadjutor of the young minister.

From the following genealogical table of the legitimate descendants of
Narabhupal or Nribhupal, composed in spring 1803, it will appear, that
the line of Prithwi Narayan ended in Rana Bahadur; nor do I know what has
since become of the other branches of the family.  They were in obscurity
when the table was composed, and their condition since has probably in no
way been altered, at least for the better; and at any rate, they are
distant relations to Rana Bahadur, nor are they descended from Prithwi
Narayan, the favourite hero of the nation.  Every male of the family,
legitimate or not, takes the title of Sa, Sahi, or Saha, which is always
used in conversation and writing, but need not be repeated in the table.

                      [Picture: Genealogical Table]

There was another family, which contained six petty chiefs, Gulmi,
Khachi, Argha, Musikot, Dhurkot, and Isma; all of whom, except Musikot,
had adopted the rules of purity, and took the title of Sahi, or Saha,
like the chiefs of Gorkha; but it is not alleged, that the two families
had any connection, except by marriage, and two of the branches of the
family, of which I am now giving an account, Gulmi and Musikot, called
themselves Kala Makwani, although no one knows from whence they came, nor
the origin of the appellation.  The Rajas of Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha,
followed Palpa in war; Dhurkot stood independent; and Isma and Musikot
followed Piuthana.

It is probable, that Gulmi was the original seat of the family, as Khachi
and Argha are acknowledged to be collateral branches; but with the claims
of the other three chiefs I am not acquainted.  Gulmi, the capital of the
state so named, is situated on a hill, the ascent of which is said to be
three miles in length.  The castle is built of bricks, and covered with
tiles.  The town contained 500 houses, mostly thatched.  There is no
water within a quarter of a mile of the town.  A part of the great mart,
called Rerighat, mentioned in the account of Palpa, belonged to the chief
of Gulmi.  His territory contains mines of zinc, (dasta,) cinnabar,
(sabita,) and copper, of which one is on a hill, called Chandrakot, and
another on Arakul Pahar, near the former.  These mines would appear to be
valuable.  The allied chiefs of Palpa, Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as I
have mentioned, about the beginning of the eighteenth century, destroyed
the Magar chief of Balihang, and divided among themselves his dominions,
both on the hills and plains.  The division seems to have given rise to
sundry bickerings.  The capital, which was situated on a hill near the
plains, and fortified, fell to the share of Palpa; but Gulmi and Khachi
received a large share of the plains.  Makunda Sen of Palpa, about the
middle of the last century, contrived to seize on Gulmi, by the intrigues
of a Brahman, named Kanak Nidhi, who gives me the account, and he
delivered the fortress to an officer of his master’s, named Kirtibamb
Thapa; but that person very soon restored the place to its lawful owner.
I have already mentioned the base manner in which Mahadatta of Palpa
joined with his son-in-law, Bahadur Sahi of Gorkha, and how he obtained
Gulmi, Khachi, and Argha, as the dear bought fruit of his perfidy.
These, however, he was allowed to possess, so long as he lived.  Siva
Saha, the dethroned chief of Gulmi, retired to Ramnagar, where he found
refuge with the exiled chief of Tanahung, and while there, gave his
grand-daughter in marriage to Rana Bahadur, the young Raja of Gorkha and
Nepal, who no sooner obtained the government, than he compelled Prithwi
Pal to restore the hills of Gulmi to his wife’s father; and when he
returned from Banaras, and had secured Prithwi Pal in confinement, the
original possessions of the Gulmi family were augmented by the whole of
the hills of Balihang; but this flourishing state lasted only for a few
weeks, as, on the death of Rana and his high-minded spouse, all her
father’s possessions were seized by the rapacious Bhim Sen, who now
governs Nepal.  Sidhi Pratap, the chief of Gulmi, is supposed to be still
in the mountains; but others allege, that he has died without issue.  He
is supposed to have been about the thirtieth chief of his race.

In Gulmi and Balihang one-half of the people are Khasiyas, one-eighth
Brahmans, of whom many are of pure birth, (Upadhyayas,) and few
illegitimate, (Jausi.)  The remainder of the population consists of
impure tribes of cultivators and artificers.

The principal crop in these hills is the rice, which is reaped in the
beginning of winter, (Aghani.)

The chief of Khachi, a younger branch of Gulmi, profited much by the
spoils of Balihang, and had a fine territory on the plain adjacent to his
hills.  In the latter were no mines, except one of iron; but at the foot
of the hills was a considerable mart, called Barakadwar, the trade of
which, however, has been almost totally forced to Butaul, since the chief
of Gorkha has seized on both countries.  It is said, that there is a
still more important pass, called Khor, four coses east from Barakadwar.
This is said to be the easiest of all the ascents to the mountains, and
leads to the town of Khachi, from whence there are routes in many
directions leading to places at a great distance, without any very
difficult ascent or descent.  The town of Khachi, which was the capital,
stands on a hill plentifully supplied with water.  The town contained
about 300 houses, mostly thatched; that of the chief was built of brick.
The Raja’s share of the land revenue on the hills, besides the lands for
supplying the officers and soldiers, amounted to 4000 rupees a-year, and
from the plain he annually procured from 500 to 1500 rupees, according as
the cultivators were discontented or satisfied.  Some of the officers had
lands free of rent on the plains; but, as usual among the mountaineers,
the whole revenue from the plain went to the chief.  On the hills of this
state 5-16ths of the people were Khasiyas, Brahmans and Rajputs 3-16ths,
and low cultivators and artisans 8-16ths.  The last Raja’s name was
Durgar Sahi, who was expelled by Mahadatta of Palpa, as already
mentioned.  I have not heard of his subsequent fate.

Argha belonged also to a collateral branch of Gulmi, which is supposed by
some to have become extinct; but others allege, that the son of the last
chief is now in Nepal.  It had a small territory on the plain, bestowed
by Makunda Sen in consequence of a marriage; but both hill and plain were
seized by his son, as I have mentioned.  Argha, the capital, is on a
hill, four coses in ascent, on the summit of which, round the chief’s
castle, are about 150 houses, while there are 350 about the middle of the
ascent.  The houses have mud walls and thatched roofs.  Water is plenty
at the lower town, but is a quarter of a mile distant from the upper.
The hills possessed no mines, nor any considerable mart.  The Raja’s
share of the land rent amounted to about 4000 rupees a-year, and the
whole of his territory might contain 5000 houses.  Not above 100 of these
belonged to Brahmans, and the number of Rajputs was quite trifling.  One
half of the people were Khasiyas, the other half impure cultivators and
tradesmen.

Concerning Dhurkot I learned nothing but what has been already mentioned,
and that its chief had one iron mine.  It was rendered subject to Gorkha
by Damodar Pangre.

Musikot was the residence of the chief of this name, who had a
brick-house on a hill close to the Barigar river, and, unlike the other
chiefs of his race, rejected the pure doctrines of the Brahmans.  The
house of the chief was surrounded by 400 houses of his subjects, mostly
thatched.  He had no possessions on the plain, and his whole territory
might contain 3000 houses, of which 5-16ths were occupied by Rajputs,
1-16th by Brahmans, mostly of spurious birth, (Jausis,) 4-16ths by
Khasiyas, and 6-16ths by impure cultivators and tradesmen.  Most of the
Rajputs were of the Raja’s family, a circumstance uncommon on the hills,
where the governing families seem seldom to have propagated to nearly
such an extent, and were often rather weak.  The Raja’s share of the
landed revenue was estimated at 2000 rupees a-year.  There was no great
mart, but near the Barigar there is a mine of copper.  The great crop
here, also, is winter rice.  When Damodar Pangre seized the country, the
chief and many of his family went to Kathmandu, where a great part has
obtained service.

Isma, the last chief of this family, resided at a fortress of the same
name, situated on a lofty hill, of very difficult access, three coses in
ascent.  Horses could not ascend more than half way, where there were
about 250 houses.  Round the castle, on the summit, were 50 or 60.  These
houses are thatched huts, with walls of stone or planks.  On the hill are
several springs of water.  The Raja had no possessions on the plain, and
his subjects might amount to 2500 houses, from whom his share of the rent
might amount to 2000 rupees.  One half of his subjects were Khasiyas,
1-8th pure Brahmans, (Upadhyayas,) 1-16th bastard Brahmans, (Jausis,)
1-16th Rajputs, and 1-4th low cultivators and tradesmen.  The country
contained neither mines nor marts.  It must, however, be observed, that
both in this country and in Musikot, Corundum (Kusan) is found in
detached masses, either on the surface or mixed with the soil.  Some of
it is bluish like lead, and some is of a copper colour.  The pieces
seldom exceed 4lbs. or 5 lbs. in weight.  It affords no revenue.  The
chiefs of this family waged a constant war with their kinsman of Musikot,
and the twenty-third or twenty-fourth of them married a daughter of
Makunda Sen of Palpa, so that Mahadatta leagued with the chief of Gorkha
to destroy his nephew.

The Raja of Piuthana, among these petty chiefs, was a person of some
consequence, and was followed in war by Isma and Musikot, two chiefs of
the last mentioned family.  He was also followed by the chiefs of Khungri
and Bhingri, whose countries were surrounded by Piuthana; and I think,
that in all probability these two belonged to the Chaubisiyas, although
they are not mentioned in Kanak Nidhi’s list; and I must confess, that
the latter I have heard arranged with the twenty-two Rajas.  All that I
learned concerning these chiefs is, that they were of the same family,
followed Piuthana in war, and were very petty.  The situation of their
countries will be seen in the maps.

Piuthana had no mines of value, but it possessed a considerable tract on
the plain, and paid the revenue of this through the Raja of Bangsi, after
Mahadatta of Palpa had been freed from that vassalage by the Nawab Vazir.
This territory on the plain, called Siwaraj, is, therefore, claimed by
the Bangsi family; but is in possession of the Raja of Gorkha.  The chief
of Piuthana pretends to be a Chandel Rajput, nor had his family
subdivided into different branches.  The town, from whence he derived his
title, is situated on a hill, the ascent to which is two coses in length.
Round their chief’s house, which was built of brick after the fashion of
Kathmandu, were about 400 houses, mostly mud-walled huts with thatched
roofs.  The Jimri, called Rapti in the low country, passes on its south
side.  The whole territory on the hills and plains contained about 2500
houses, of whom 5-16ths were Khasiyas, 3-16ths Brahmans, one-half low
cultivators and tradesmen.  There were a very few Rajputs and Newars.
Manik Chandra possessed this country in quiet, and was succeeded by Mati
Chandra, who retired without a struggle, when attacked by Damodar Pangre.
Rudra Chandra, his son, now resides at Ramnagar with the Tanahung Raja,
for the people of Gorkha seized on Siwaraj, when they took possession of
Piuthana, although it then belonged to the Nawab Vazir, and should now
form a part of the Gorakhpur district.  They at first cajoled the Bangsi
Rajah, promising to pay more than the chief of Piuthana had done; but,
after the first year, he got nothing.  The present representative of the
family, in 1814, was about twenty-eight years of age, and is supposed to
be the twenty-fifth chief of his race.  If so, his pretence to be a
Chandel is probably ill-founded, as no true Rajputs are said to have
settled so early in these hills.

Poin was a very petty chief, who followed in war the impure chief of
Bhirkot, but was himself pure, and called himself a Sirnet, saying that
he came from the mountains south-west from the Yamuna.  Poin is situated
on a high hill, where much snow falls, and there is intense cold.  At
this capital were only 120 houses, and the whole in the territory
amounted to only 2000; but there were iron and copper mines in the
country, and the Raja, for his share of the revenue, had 4000 rupees a
year.

In the list of the twenty-four Rajas given by Kanak Nidhi, a Tarki Raja
is mentioned; but I heard no account of any such person, nor does any
such place appear in the maps.  In place of Tarki I suspect, therefore,
we must introduce the very petty chief of Malihang, usually called the
Sat Bisi, or seven-score Raja, because his revenue amounted to 140 rupees
a year; a poverty which renders St Marino an empire.

There remain two countries, Malebum or Malebamba, and Galkot, which, by
all the authorities that I consulted, were included among the Chaubisiya
or twenty-four Rajas, and, therefore, I shall treat of them here,
although I suspect an inaccuracy.  It is said, that there was a certain
impure chief of the Jariya tribe, who had very extensive dominions.  The
daughter and heiress of this chief married a Gautamiya Brahman, and by
him had twenty-two sons, each of whom obtained a share of his
grandfather’s dominions, and among these, besides Malebum and Galkot, are
the northern Musikot, Jajarkot, Jahri, Bangphi, Rugun, and Salyana, all
reckoned in a class called the Baisi or twenty-two Rajas.  I have not
been able to procure a complete list of these chiefs, some of whose
dominions extend farther north than the knowledge of my informants; but I
think, that the above mentioned circumstance of the twenty-two
descendants of a common origin must have given rise to the
classification, and that Malebum and Galkot in fact belong to the Baisi,
thus making room for Khungri and Bhingri in the Chaubisiyas, among whom
they are placed in the maps.  The same conclusion may be drawn from a
circumstance stated of Nag Bamba of Malebum; who is said in his wars to
have led twenty-two chiefs to battle.

The Brahman common ancestor of this family settled first at Takam, where
his father-in-law probably resided, and this place is in Malebum, or
Parbat, as the country is often called, on account of the immense
mountains that it contains.  This division of the grandfather’s estate
was always by far the most powerful, and was probably the share of the
eldest son.  The Brahman was named Dimba Ray, which savours rather of a
barbarous race.  On his marriage he called himself a Samal Rajput, and
all his descendants have imitated his example, although, according to the
custom of the country, they should be reckoned Khasiyas, being descended
of a Brahman father and impure mother.  I have never before, nor any
where else, heard of a Gautamiya Brahman; and the Gautamiya tribe of the
plains is a spurious branch of the Gautama Rajputs, formerly very
powerful near Allahabad; and I suspect that Dimba Ray belonged to this
race.

Some generations after the fortunate marriage of this chief, the seat of
government was removed from Takam to Dhoral Thana, usually called
Malebum, and situated at the junction (Beni) of the Mayangdi, Mehagdi of
Kirkpatrick, with the Narayani.  On this account the town is often called
Beni Shahar or Beniji, while Dhoral is the name of the castle by which it
is commanded; Malebum is a term applicable to both.  Nag Bamba was then
Raja, and he was a person eminent for strength and courage.  A
prize-fighter (Mal) from Dilli, who had previously overcome all those in
three principalities that dared to engage him, was conquered by Nag
Bamba, on which occasion the king (Padshah) sent him the title of Nag
Bamba Mal.  This chief and his allies had afterwards a long continued war
with his sovereign lord, the Raja of Yumila, who wished to possess
himself of Thenikot.

Long after this Raja Male Bamba Mal communicated his name to the
principality.  His son was Saha Bamba Mal, who was succeeded by his son
Kirti Bamba, reckoned the sixtieth in descent from Dimba, but more
probably from the first of the barbarian race from whom Dimba procured
the country.  The government of Kirti Bamba gave great dissatisfaction to
his officers, who wished to dethrone him, and to place in his stead his
own son Nrisingha Mal, then a child.  This gave Bahadur Saha an
opportunity of conquering the country with little difficulty.  The Raja
with his son retired to Balirampur, in the dominions of the Nawab Vazir,
where the father shortly died, and the son, unable to suffer the heat,
retired to the hills, and lives near Bhirkot on a small allowance from
the Raja of Nepal.

Parbat or Malebum is a very elevated cold country, one-fourth of the
whole being occupied by mountains covered with perpetual snow.  It
contains the remarkable hot springs of Muktanath, with mines of sulphur,
cinnabar, iron, and copper, and some allege of zinc, (Dasta,) although by
others this is denied.  The mines of copper are said to be twenty-five in
number, and produce a great revenue, besides what is used in the country
and Thibet, sending large quantities to the plains of India.  It also has
three mines of Abrac or mica, and several places abound in rock crystal,
(Phatik.)  The crystals are said to be sometimes found as thick as a
man’s thigh, but their usual size is five or six inches in length.  Gold
also is found in the sands of several rivers, especially in the Krishna
Gandaki or Narayani, the Bakhugar or Bathugar, the Modi, and the
Mayangdi.

The upper part of the river, which in the plains of India is called the
Gandaki, is called Kali, and, rising near a place called Damodur kund,
runs through the territories of a Bhotiya chief, called the Mastang Raja,
who is, or at least when I saw him in 1802, was tributary to Gorkha; but
there is reason to think, that since that time the Chinese have compelled
the Raja of Gorkha to cede both Mastang and Kerung.  On passing the
highest peaks of Emodus, the Kali enters Malebum, and receives from the
east a small stream called the Narayani, which rises near the perennial
snow from the warm sources of Muktanath, a very celebrated place of
pilgrimage.  The usual love of fable multiplies the number of these
sources to 1000; but Sadhu Ram, who has visited the place, reduces the
number to seven, and the most remarkable is the Agnikund or spring of
fire, which is in a temple.  The spring is not remarkably copious, but is
perennial, and issues from among stones, accompanied by a flame, which
rises a few inches.  The water falls immediately into a well (Kund) or
cistern, which is about two feet wide.  On the whole, so far as I can
understand the description, it entirely resembles the Sitakunda near
Chitagang, that is, the water has no connexion with a subterraneous fire,
and the flame is occasioned by the burning of an inflammable air, that
issues from the crevices of a rock, over which the water has been
artificially conducted.  The streams of the Kali and Narayani unite at
Kagakoti, take the name of Narayani, and are also called Krishna,
Gandaki, and Salagrami, from the number of stones of that kind, which the
channel contains.

Concerning these places Colonel Kirkpatrick states, {273} that four
journeys beyond the capital, is situated Muktanath, within half a mile of
which the Gandaki takes the name of Salagrami.  It rises north from
Muktanath, and not far from Kagbeini (Kagakoti) in the direction of
Mastang, a place of some note in Upper Thibet, and twelve days’ journey
from Malebum.  Three days’ journey beyond Muktanath is Damodarkund, a
celebrated spring or natural reservoir.  The breadth of the Narayani at
Beni, the capital of Malebum, is said not to exceed thirty yards wide.
Colonel Crawford laid down the upper part of this river’s course, from
the authority of a Lama, who accompanied the Mastang Raja, which is
better than that received by Colonel Kirkpatrick.

Thakakuti, some way below Kaga Koti, is the chief mart for the trade with
Thibet through Mastang, and may contain one thousand houses.  The
Narayani is no where fordable below this place, and is crossed in some
places on wooden bridges, (Sangga,) and in others on jholas or bridges of
ropes made of rattans connected by cords of tough grass.  Thakakuti is
situated in a fine valley extending from Dhumpu to Kaga Koti, which is
compared to the valley of Nepal, but is not so wide, and the hills around
are covered with perennial snow.  The plain is sandy.  Danakoti, some way
below Dhumpu, is a place of some trade.  There is there a bad hill, but
except over that, oxen could, with some difficulty, carry loads all the
way from Rerighat to Kaga Koti.  Goods are, however, conveyed mostly, if
not entirely, on men’s shoulders, or on sheep.  Dhorali, the former abode
of the Rajas, with the adjacent town of Beni, is still the most
considerable place in Malebum.  Kusma on the Modi, near its junction with
the Narayani, has some commerce, but the great route of trade goes
through the hills straight from Dhorali to Rerighat, and from thence to
Butaul, without at all following the course of the river.  Baglungchaur,
according to Colonel Kirkpatrick, {274} is a large town and fort situated
in a valley, and very opulent and populous.

In the whole country it is supposed, that there are 100,000 families, of
whom three-fourths are Gurungs, occupying chiefly the country west and
north from the capital, which is called Seshant.  This country is
cultivated with the hoe, and the crops are, 1. Barley, 2. Uya, which, I
presume, is rye, the natives saying, that it is neither barley nor wheat,
but has a resemblance to both.  It must, however, be confessed, that it
may merely be the kind of rice called Uya, which is reared on the high
uneven land, that, in treating of Nepal Proper, I have mentioned in the
account of agriculture; for the natives speak of the objects of natural
history with such a want of precision, that much reliance cannot be
placed on their comparisons.  3. Maruya, or Eleusine Corocanus, 4.
Kanguni, (_Panicum Italicum_;) and, 5. Phaphar, said by some to be a
species of Amaranthus, called Amardana in the low country; but others say
that this is a mistake.  The other crops are inconsiderable.  The other
part of the country, south and east from the capital, is called Khasant.
One half of its inhabitants are Brahmans, mostly of the bastard (Jausis)
race, who plough and carry burthens; one-fourth consists of Khasiyas, who
call themselves Khatris; and one-fourth consists of other Hindus of a
lower birth, but called also Khasiyas.  Very few of even these spurious
Hindus have settled among the Gurungs, and very few of the latter have
remained in the Khasant.  The houses in both parts have in general stone
walls, and are thatched.  Some of those belonging to the Gurungs have two
stories.

Galkot, which belonged to a chief of the same family with Malebum, is a
territory of small extent, but contains three mines of copper, and one of
iron, which would be very productive, were there a sufficient number of
miners, (Agari;) but there are only a few, and these have an exclusive
right to work the mines.  Although a cooler country than the valley of
Nepal, it is the best cultivated in these parts, partly with the hoe,
partly with the plough.  Except in Malebum, the latter alone is used in
all the territories hitherto described.  The Raja’s share of the revenue,
including the mines, amounted to 3500 rupees a year.  The whole number of
inhabitants were reckoned at 3000 houses, of whom a half were low tribes
of cultivators and tradesmen; one-fourth Khasiyas, and one-fourth Rajputs
and Brahmans.  The chief’s house called Galkot was on a hill, the ascent
to which is reckoned five coses long.  Around it were 500 houses, mostly
thatched huts.  Colonel Kirkpatrick {276} calls Galkot a considerable
fort and town.  The Raja, on being attacked by order of Bahadur Saha,
submitted quietly, and remained in the country.

As I have said, these two last chiefs have been included among the
Chaubisiya or twenty-four Rajas, agreeable to the reports I heard;
although I think it probable that they actually belonged to the Baisi or
twenty-two Rajas.

At Rugun resided one of the twenty-two Rajas, whose territory was
adjacent to Malebum on the west; but my informants had very little
knowledge of that part of the country.

West from Rugun is Musikot, the chief of which also is said to have been
one of the twenty-two Rajas.

West again from Musikot is Jajarkot, whose chief also belonged to the
same class, and to the alliance, at the head of which was the chief of
Malebum.

South from Jajarkot is Bangphi, which belonged to another of the
twenty-two Rajas.

In the same direction I heard of Gajal, Dharma, and Jahari, three petty
states also in alliance with Malebum, and probably belonging to three of
the twenty-two Rajas, but that was not stated.  Their situations are not
placed in the maps, and Dharma may perhaps be a tribe of Bhotiyas, that
was formerly subject to Yumila, and bore the name of Dharma.

In the maps again, I observe Satatala among the twenty-two Rajas; but I
procured no verbal account of the place, and its name implies seven petty
districts, so that, in place of being one petty state, it should have
perhaps been marked as seven.

Malaneta is near it, and belonged to a chief of the Malebum family, who
lived in strict alliance with the Raja of Saliyana of the same race.  The
Malaneta Raja had no mines nor plain country, and was very poor.

Saliyana is also called Khasant, 10-16ths of its inhabitants being
Khasiyas, or bastards of various kinds, 2-16ths are pure Brahmans,
(Upadhyayas,) 1-16th bastard Brahmans, (Jausis,) and 3-16ths consist of
various impure tribes.  Saliyana, the residence of the chief, is situated
on a large hill, and his house was built of brick, and covered with
tiles.  The other houses were mostly mud-walled huts.  The air there is
cool, although not so cold as Kathmandu.  The Raja fortunately held some
part of the plain belonging to the Nawab, and in a valley, between the
mountains and a low ridge of hills, had a considerable mart called Jara
Pani, or cool water, a tempting name on the burning plains of India.  It
is ten coses north-east from Balirampur, and is still a considerable
thoroughfare, although not so great as Butaul.  The Raja possessed also
several mines, yet he was so poor, that, when the late chief married a
daughter of Prithwi Narayan’s, the young lady complained bitterly to her
father, that he had bestowed her on a chief unable to give her food.
Prithwi promised to give her the estate of the neighbouring chief of
Dang, but died before this was accomplished.  It was, however, done by
Bahadur Saha, the lady’s brother, and she and her two sons enjoyed their
estates quietly, until Rana Bahadur was murdered.  Bhim Sen, the present
violent ruler, did not respect the daughter of the favourite hero of his
country; but, when he seized Palpa, seized also on her estates, carrying
her and her younger son to Kathmandu, where he allows them a very scanty
subsistence.  The eldest son fled to his estates on the plain, fortunate
in having the protection of the Nawab Vazir, with whose dominions the
chiefs of Gorkha do not interfere.  Why they respect them more than the
Company’s, I do not exactly know; but that they do so is certain.  This
branch of the Malebum family is supposed to have governed for about 50
generations.

The Raja of Dang, the next neighbour to Saliyana, has adopted the rules
of purity, and is connected by marriage with the Palpa family; but,
whether he was reckoned one of the twenty-two Rajas, I have not learned,
although, from his situation and family, being a Samal, that is, of the
Malebum race, I think it highly probable.  By Colonel Kirkpatrick,
however, as I have already mentioned, he and the next chief of his family
are both classed among the twenty-four Rajas.  The chiefs formerly lived
on a high hill called Dang; and, until deprived of this part of their
estate, they had there a house called Chaugora; but for some generations
they had withdrawn to Phalabamb, which was not on the plain, but on a
hill immediately overhanging it.  This town is now often called Dang, and
consists of huts with mud or wooden walls, the Raja’s house alone being
built of brick.  On the hills were several mines of iron; but the most
valuable part of the chief’s estate was on the plain, and consists of
Pergunah Tulasipur, belonging to the Nawab Vazir.  A part of this, called
the Bhitari Tarai, is separated from the great plain of India by a small
ridge of hills.  The valley between this small ridge and the mountains is
about six coses wide, and belongs partly to Saliyana, partly to Dang.  I
have already mentioned, that Bahadur Saha took the hills of Dang, and
gave them to his sister, the Rani of Saliyana, but New Dang, or
Phalabamb, was protected by the Nawab Vazir.  Nawab Singha, who was
deprived of his estates, was reckoned the fortieth chief of his race.  He
retired to a house called Barapate, twelve coses north from Tulasipur,
and he usually resided there, although he had a house at Tulasipur.  His
son Dana Bahadur is now Raja of Tulasipur, and is said to have about
25,000 families of vassals.  Among these are a few Upadhyayas, Jausis,
and Khasiyas near Phalabamb; but the most numerous casts are Brahmas,
Puns, and Ales, all impure: there are a good many Majhis and Darwes, both
pure, and some Ghartis, partly Misal and partly Bhujal, both impure.
Some Ghartis, who are pure, are called Khasiyas.

Chilli is a very small territory, partly on the plains and partly on the
hills; but it produced, as the Raja’s share, 2500 rupees a-year.  The
chief’s residence was on a hill, the ascent to which may be 1½ cose in
length.  There is round his house a small town containing two hundred
houses.  He is of the Samal tribe, that is, of the Malebum family, and is
a branch of the Dang chief’s house.  Being nearly connected with the
Gorkha family by marriage, when his estates were seized, he went to
Kathmandu, and procured the whole to be restored without even tribute.
If Bhim Sen has respected them, he is the only chief from the Tista to
the Yamuna, that has retained his estates or power.

According to my ideas, Malebum, Galkot, Rugun, Musikot, Jajarkot,
Bangphi, Gajal, Dharma, Jahari, Satatala, Malaneta, Saliyana, Dang, and
Chilli, are fourteen of the twenty-two chiefs, so that there are still
eight wanting; but Satatala, implying seven petty divisions, may account
for six of these, and the two remaining may be Dalu Dailek, or Bilaspur
and Duti, although I did not hear any such thing mentioned, and neither
Raja is of the Malebum family.

By Colonel Kirkpatrick {279} the twenty-two Rajas are called Bansi, no
doubt by an error of the editor for Baessi, or twenty-two.  Unfortunately
the list, which he procured, is as imperfect as mine, and is as follows.

1.  Jumla, (Yumila,) 2.  Jajurkote, (Jajarkot,) 3.  Cham, 4.  Acham, 5.
Roogum, (Rugun,) 6.  Musikote 2d, (Musikot,) 7.  Roalpa, 8.  Mullyanta,
(Malaneta,) 9.  Bulhang, (Balihang,) 10.  Dylick, (Dulu Dailek,) 11.
Suliana 2d, (Saliyana,) 12.  Bamphi, (Bangphi,) 13.  Jehari, (Jahari,)
14.  Kalagong, 15.  Ghoorikote, 16.  Gootum, 17.  Gujoor, (Gajal?) 18.
Darimeea, (Dharma.)

Of these the 1st, so far as I could learn, belonged to neither the
twenty-four nor the twenty-two Rajas, but to the common chief of both
classes, and the 9th, according to the information which I received,
belonged to the class containing twenty-four chiefs.  The 10th number
confirms my conjecture concerning Dalu Dailek being one of the twenty-two
chiefs.  No. 3, 4, 7, 14, 15, and 16, are probably six of the seven
chiefs, which in my list were included under the common name Satatala.
Or if Satatala be considered as the proper name of one territory, the
above-mentioned places would serve to complete the list.  I have heard
nothing myself concerning these places, and can find almost nothing in
Colonel Kirkpatrick’s work.  From a route, however, which he gives, {280}
it would appear that Chhamkote, probably the capital of Cham, is about
thirty one miles road distance west from the Karnali river, (Kurnali
Kola,) and that Acham is thirty-two miles farther west.  Both territories
are west from Yumila, and in the route are said to have belonged to its
chief.  Acham he reckons seventy-two B. miles in a straight line from
Duti, (Dhotee,) and about twenty-four from Yumila, four miles road
distance, on long routes, giving only one in a direct line.

The country between the Beni and Dalu Basandra, by Sadhu Ram, was called
Bilaspur, while by the two Nidhis it was called Dalu Dailek, a name which
should be preferred, as farther west there is another Bilaspur.  The
chief town is at Mathagari, where the government of Nepal, since the
conquest, has built a fort.  It is probable that Mathagari is the name of
this fort, and that the former town was called Bilaspur, but I did not
hear this mentioned.  This capital contains about one hundred and fifty
thatched huts.  The chief’s house is built of stone, and partly thatched,
partly covered with tiles.  The chief was called a Khas, but he rejected
the rules of Hindu purity, and was probably one of the real ancient
Khasiyas.  When attacked by the forces of Bahadur Saha, he retired to
some strongholds and began to plunder, on which all persons of his family
that could be caught were put to death.  This so terrified the chief that
he fled; but to what place my informants do not know.  There are in the
country many Khasiyas, who, I presume, live impure like their former
master.  There were scarcely any pure Brahmans (Upadhyayas) in the
country; but about one-eighth of the people were considered pure, and
were called Jausis and Rajputs.  The most remarkable thing, by far, in
this petty territory is the place of worship called Dalu Basandra.  There
are three springs (Kunds) supposed to issue from the head, navel, and
feet of Vishnu, (Sirasthan, Nabhisthan, and Padukasthan.)  The central
one is about 1½ cose from each of the extreme springs.  At each place,
according to Sadhu Ram, who once performed the pilgrimage, there is a
small natural pool without any building.  The water springs from the sand
in the bottoms of the pools, and is very hot.  Above the small holes from
whence the water issues, of which there are several in each pool, a flame
appears on the surface of the water.

West from Dalu Basandra was rather a considerable chief, called the Duti
Raja, who, according to Prati Nidhi, pretended to be of the family of the
Sun; but, according to Hariballabh, the chiefs of this state were of a
collateral branch of the Shalivahan family.  According to Prati Nidhi,
they had governed for about 40 generations, when Vishnu Sa, the son of
Pradipa Sa, was dethroned by order of Bahadur Sahi.  He was carried to
Nepal, but Prati does not know what has been his fate.  According,
however, to Hariballabh, the chief who was expelled was Dip Sa, the son
of Krishna Sa, the son of Mahendra Sa.  He resided some years at
Pilibhit, where he died, leaving three sons, who have retired to Mahmudi,
in the Nawab’s country, in great distress, the army of Gorkha having
seized the whole of their lands on the plains, as well as on the
mountains.  I have, however, heard it stated, that very lately the heir
has been taken into favour, and restored to his estates, on condition of
paying an annual tribute.  The country extended to the Kali-nadi, or
Black-water, which separated it from Kumau, and through its centre passes
the Setigangga, or White River.  On the banks of this is a fine valley,
two coses long and one broad, in which stands Dipal, the capital,
surrounded on three sides by the river.  It contains about 400 houses
built of stone, and roofed with the same material.  The Rajas possessed
some territory on the plains.  Of the whole population, pure (Upadhyayas)
Brahmans composed a fourth, the bastard Jausis an equal share, Khasiyas
3-16ths, and low labourers and tradesmen 5-16ths.  The principal crop was
winter rice, the second Urid, the third Kurthi, and the fourth barley;
all the others were small.  The oil-seed chiefly reared was the Til, or
Sesamum.

To the north of all these petty chiefs, and reaching within two days’
journey of Dipal and Mathagari, is an extensive country called Yumila,
which, towards the west, was once bounded by the territory of Gar, or
Garhawal, the capital of which is Srinagar; and towards the east by
Mastang, as it extended to Kagakoti on the Narayani, at the northern
extremity of Malebum; but towards the east it was much straitened by
Jajarkot, which extends to within a few coses of Chhinachhin, the
capital.  Large territories also had been gradually seized from its
prince, by the chief of Kumau, who had extended his dominions to the
snowy mountains.

The chief of Yumila was a Rajput, and he was long acknowledged as the
supreme lord or king over all the mountain chiefs towards the west; at
least, as all my informants from that quarter declared, and they extended
his authority to the east also; but this was entirely denied by
Hariballabh, and in these parts his information is more to be trusted
than that of the others.  We may safely, however, conclude, that his
superiority was acknowledged everywhere between the Kali river and Nepal.
His authority, however, was still more limited than that of the late
Cæsars of Germany, his subjects frequently levying war, not only against
each other, but against their sovereign; nor was there any assembly of
states from which he could obtain assistance against a common enemy.  His
power probably resembled that possessed by those who were called the
sovereign kings of India, before the Muhammedan conquest, and consisted
in three privileges.  Each chief sent him an annual embassy, with
presents; he bestowed the mark of royalty (Tika) on each heir, when he
succeeded; and he had a right to interfere in keeping the stronger from
overrunning the weaker; and to exhort all chiefs to preserve the balance
of power.  Except persuasion, however, no means seem to have existed to
enforce co-operation.  Still, however, the evident common benefit of such
a power seems long to have given it some effect; although, in the
struggle for universal dominion by the chiefs of Gorkha, it never seems
on any one occasion to have been employed.

Etawargiri is a merchant nominally dedicated to religion, (Atithi,) who
was born at Chhinachhin, and who still adheres to the Raja.  He left the
country when very young, but has since made three journeys thither to
purchase horses, there being at the place several merchants of this
order, who deal to a considerable amount.  They carry up metals, spices,
and cloths; and bring down cow tails, salt, horses, a woollen cloth
called Pheruya, medicinal herbs, musk, etc.

Etawargiri, setting out from Tulasipur, in the dominions of the Vazir,
crossed the Bheri, and proceeded through Jajarkot, the territory of which
reaches within three coses of Chhinachhin; but from Jajarkot to the
boundary took him nine days over a hilly country.  At the boundary he
entered a fine plain cut with deep ravines, like that of Nepal, but well
cultivated.  It is said to extend eight coses from north to south, and
fifteen from east to west.  It is cultivated by the plough drawn by oxen,
and produces much wheat, barley, _phaphar_, and _uya_; with some _urid_,
peas, lentiles, and maize, and a little transplanted rice.  Sugar-cane,
_kodo_, (_Paspalum frumentaceum_, Roxb.) and _chana_, (_Cicer arietinum_,
Lin.) will not grow there, for there is snow in winter.  In this level
part of the country, each ploughgate of land is said to pay ten rupees
a-year; but in the high poor parts of Yumila, one rupee is the rent.

According to the accounts which Colonel Kirkpatrick received, {284} this
valley is nearly of the same extent as that of Nepal, but is rather more
contiguous to the Himaliya mountains, and more chequered with low hills.
The ridge of mountains immediately to the north is called Seela pahar,
(Sweta pahar, white mountain,) and makes part of the greater Himaliya.

Chhinachhin is a large scattered place.  All the houses are built of
brick or stone, and have flat roofs.  The two most remarkable temples at
Chhinachhin, at least in the opinion of Etawargiri, belong, of course, to
Siva.  The one is called Chandranath, the other Bhairav’nath.  In the
daily market are exposed for sale the birds called Manal and Dhangphiya,
mentioned above, (page 95,) and another called Chakuri, which I do not
know, unless it be the Chakor, mentioned in page 95.  These are commonly
eaten.  There are also exposed for sale many sheep and goats, loaded with
salt, musk, medicinal herbs, and a seed called Bariyalbhera.  Near
Chhinachhin there are some of the cattle whose tails form the chaungri
{285} chamar, or changwari, of the vulgar tongue, and the chamari of the
Sangskrita, and they are very numerous in the hilly parts.  Sadhu Ram
says, that in Bhot there are three kinds of cow; the Changwari, the Lulu,
and the Jhogo.  The tails of all the kinds are bushy from the root, but
those of the changwari are the most valuable.  None of these kinds of
cattle have the undulated dew-lap of the Indian cattle.

Besides the plain on which Chhinachhin is built, the Rajas held a very
great extent of narrow vallies and mountains, many of the latter
perpetually covered with snow.  Towards the east, the country extended
fifteen days’ journey to Bhot.  I know from other circumstances, that it
reached to Kagakoti on the Narayani, which is said to be about nineteen
miles east from Butaul, and Chhinachhin is nearly north from Dalu
Basandra, which, according to the map that I procured, is 124 miles west
from Butaul; the fifteen days’ journey gives, therefore, 143 miles direct
distance, or about 9½ miles for each.  Chhinachhin, at this rate,
allowing it to be six miles from the boundary, would be about ninety
miles north from Jajarkot, which is nearly north from Dalubasandra, and
Jajarkot, according to the map deposited in the India House, is 108 miles
from the plains of India.  But to admit these situations as accurate, we
must suppose, that the snowy mountains take there a great bend to the
north, which is not said to be the case, and we must, therefore, allow
that Jajarkot stands much farther south than it is placed in the map; and
that Yumila is much nearer Jajarkot than Etawargiri supposes.

Colonel Kirkpatrick gives a route from Beni, the capital of Malebum, to
Chhinachhin, the two places lying east and west, distant by the road 250
coses.  Their actual distance, by the native maps, being about 143 miles,
will give, on a long route, rather more than half a mile (0.57) of direct
horizontal distance for the cose of road distance.

One of the most important productions of Yumila is salt, which is said to
come from a place called Mukhola, reckoned ninety or a hundred miles road
distance from Chhinachhin, towards the north-east.  It is said, that, at
Mukhola, there is a large space, containing many pools, that in winter
are covered with snow.  When this melts in spring, the water is thrown
out, and cattle arc turned into the muddy pools to tread the bottom with
their feet.  As summer advances, a crust of salt is formed, and removed.
I do not understand the nature of such a process, and suspect some
mistake, as the dialect spoken by Etawargiri was not clearly understood
by any of my people, much less by myself.

About half way between Chhinachhin and Mukhtanath is a frontier fortress
of Yumila called Tibrikot.  It is remarkable for a temple of the goddess
Tibrisundari.