et salutabis D. Joannem Sturmium et Joannem Calvinum quorum libellos
  cum singulari voluptate legi. Sadoletum optarem ut crederet, Deum
  esse creatorem hominum etiam extra Italiam. Sed hæc persuasio non
  penetrat corda Italorum, cum tam soli præ cæteris exuerint plane
  humanum sensum præ superbia."--Dr. Martin Luther's _Briefe_, edit.
  de Wette, tom. v. p. 411.

  [183] The preface of this Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans is
  dedicated to Simon Grynée, and contains an eulogium of Melanchthon,
  of Bucer, and of Bullinger, accompanied with the following
  reflections:--"God never designed in such a way to exercise
  liberality towards his servants, as that each should be endowed with
  a full and perfect understanding on every point; and doubtless, in
  this respect, he intended, in the first place, to keep us humble,
  and next of all to keep up and maintain the desire and the exercise
  of brotherly love and communion. On this account, since such is the
  case, we have no reason to expect, in this present life, to see what
  would otherwise be so desirable, that in the understanding and the
  exposition of certain passages of Scripture, there ever can be among
  us an out-and-out entire agreement, (in allusion to the sacraments,)
  yet we ought to be particularly careful, when we do depart from the
  opinion of those who have written before us, that we do so without
  being carried away by the silly appetite for saying something new,"
  &c.--_Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans_, Geneva, in 4to, 1562.

XLIII.--TO FAREL.

     Persecutions in France--policy of Francis I. and Charles
     V.--ecclesiastical discipline--University regulations at
     Strasbourg--illness of Farel.

  STRASBOURG, _31st December 1539_.

To-day, immediately after sermon, Fatin[184] intimated that he was
about to leave, when I had been invited to sup with a friend; whence
I returned long after eight o'clock, much refreshed. You must,
therefore, expect a letter from me, as from one who am scarcely
sufficiently free and disengaged for writing. I am sorry that that
holy brother is deceased, as becomes me. Since, however, it has so
happened, I rejoice that the messenger has confirmed your letter
about his death, whereby I can more certainly aver that it is so.
The sentence had not been executed upon Michael so lately as the end
of November, at which period the care of his safety was commended
to me by letter. Our friend Sturm has returned from the convention:
it is not known what has been done. We conjecture, however, that
this silence betokens somewhat of importance. He has brought word,
that the proposal had been made about the brethren: but it seemed
to many, that the present was a very unsuitable time to send an
embassy which could have no other effect than to sour the temper of
the King. Those two sovereigns appear to have agreed together to
attempt the doing of great things.[185] The Emperor is enrolling an
army not far off from this. The pretext is, the cities which have
revolted, but it seems that the great pressure of the war is to be
directed upon Gueldres.[186] But he will neither be abandoned by
the King of England nor by the Elector of Saxony. What alliance he
may have entered into with our friends, or whether there be any,
is uncertain. Two ambassadors have been sent to the Venetians,
the Marquis of Guasta and Marshal Annebault, to reclaim the towns
which they have seized upon belonging to the duchy of Milan.[187]
They rather seem to me to be heralds, than the messengers of peace.
Either all conjectures deceive, or in a short time we shall see the
whole of Europe in a state of war, for already the seven cantons are
said to murmur. There is no hope of peace for our friends except
that which shall have been obtained by war.

  [184] Minister of the Church of Neuchatel.

  [185] The truce of Nice had for the moment reconciled Charles V. and
  Francis I.

  [186] The Duke of Cleves had been put in possession of the town of
  Gueldres, notwithstanding the protestations of the Emperor, and with
  the tacit approbation of the French King.

  [187] The King of France and the Emperor equally put forth
  pretensions to the possession of the Milanese.

Concerning the discipline, you do well to press it; but when the
subject is well weighed, I do not know whether it can be established
unless with the consent of the churches. It is therefore much to
be wished, that some time or other the Churches may assemble to
deliberate about that matter. We see, indeed, how very necessary it
is. There was some slender form of discipline at Basle. What did
exist has been half swamped in the midst of these disputes. So far
have Myconius and Grynée advanced in that championship, which they
imagined, in the defence of Christian liberty. If we can deliberate
together, let us try whether somewhat may not be accomplished.
Capito will write to the Bernese as you have requested, and I will
address our brethren. I think I have already written to you with
considerable prolixity on the case of Caroli. Although I entertain
no hopeful expectation concerning that individual, nevertheless
I am prevented, by the consent of the Church, from despairing of
him altogether. Let us wait and see how he conducts himself where
he now is. Rognac has promised me by letter that he would come
hither within a few days; then, I shall ascertain all about him.
Should we be able to convict him of unfaithfulness, he can have
no ground to hope henceforward to be entertained by us. Gaspar
is more distractingly anxious than he ought to be on account of
having incurred some amount of debt, in order somewhat to prolong
his studies. At this present time he has no money wherewith to
maintain himself for only two months, the time which he had fixed
for himself. If somehow or other so much could be raised for him,
it would be doing him a service. Michael, the bookseller of Geneva,
has informed me that he has sent hither the remainder of my books,
with my brother's wearing-apparel. If they come to you, will you
open the package, and if you can sell any of the books, dispose of
them? Will you undertake the charge of forwarding those which remain
to Basle as soon as possible? Furthermore, since he complains that
my book does not sell, and that he is overburdened with more copies
than he can get rid of, I have written in reply that he might send a
hundred copies to you, which I take on my own account. If he shall
have done so, will you let me know immediately? I have rather chosen
to involve myself in this difficulty than that my credit should be
put in peril. But after this he may seek some one else who for his
sake alone may undertake so much trouble. I experience here the
same insolence as you yourself so much complain of. Some rules for
the Academy have lately been made, by which the discipline will be
tightened in the case of such as are here for the sake of study.
Among our French friends, even among those who live with me, some
are quite frantic. To-morrow it will be intimated to them that they
may depart unless they choose to obey; and I have no doubt that they
will avail themselves of the intimation. Whence you understand how
well disposed they can have come hither, that is, that they may have
more licence. Wherefore it is the rather to be watchfully looked to
by us, that the reverence and authority due to the Church may not
be wanting, in order to subdue those lewd and mischievous desires;
although, nevertheless, I see that some allowance must be made for
the folly of mankind; nor ought the rigour of discipline to be
stretched so far that they may not play the fool on some occasion.
Greet for me most kindly all the brethren. Excuse me also to
Cordier, because for the present I cannot reply to him.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

Although I have omitted what ought to have been done in the first
place, to congratulate you on your restored health, it was not
because I rejoice the less on that account; for while I reflect how
much of the greatest importance may depend on one little man, it is
not possible for me not to be in a more than ordinary degree anxious
about your life. Therefore, from the time that the report of your
illness was brought hither, I have not enjoyed one pleasant moment
until I heard you had recovered. On that account I experienced the
like joy from hearing by the messenger good news of your health, as
he enjoys who is delivered from a long continued sickness.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLIV.--TO FAREL.

     Further mention of Caroli--discussion with Hermann the
     Anabaptist--good understanding of Charles V. and Francis
     I.--alarm of the German Princes--some detail of the propositions
     addressed to Calvin.

  STRASBOURG, _6th February 1540_.

I entreat you, my dear brother, when I expostulate with you, chide
you, get warm with you, accuse you, that you may take it all the
same as if you were dealing thus with yourself. Concerning Caroli,
the Lord will give counsel, in whose case, if there has been
anything sinful on our part, the Lord can correct it. Our friends
also acknowledge, that they were more lenient than they ought to
have been. But because there is not among us that severity of
discipline which ought to exist, they have been compelled to deal
more indulgently with him than they could have wished. Especially
that error hath deceived us all, that we supposed he had been
reconciled to you. For we received him on the condition that all
the engagements should remain binding by which he had been received
to favour again by you at Bonneville. If he shall return, let us
take care that our gentle treatment of him may not prove hurtful
to you. Where he is at present, I do not know that he could do
any harm, even if he would. Should he speak reproachfully of us,
he will not, as I expect, be very likely to be hearkened to. For
I am already aware that he thinks better of you than rashly to
entertain any accusation. Myself, also, that I may acknowledge the
truth, have recommended him to Rognac, but simply on this ground,
because he had repented, because he had returned to us, because,
having acknowledged his offence, he had sought and obtained pardon,
because we hoped that he had cordially returned to us. Thereupon I
requested that, if he did not conduct himself otherwise than became
the servant of Christ, the estrangement which had taken place might
not be prejudicial to him. He has not come to Rognac; therefore,
he has not availed himself of that recommendation. There, however,
Alexandre has been received into favour by Robert Vallis, in whose
family you know that he was formerly. When he had afterwards been
sent hither, I wrote to Rognac that I could not conscientiously
receive him into my house, nor have anything to do with him. He
courteously excused himself, as having sinned through ignorance, not
having been aware that he [Alexandre] had been excommunicated. He
is coming here, however, with his wife this Lent. Then I will make
strict inquiry about Caroli. What you complain of, that the sacred
ministry has so miserably dwindled away in that quarter, is too
true. Wherever you turn your eyes, you may find innumerable causes
of lamentation. And while, of a certainty, I see no way of putting
an end to it, my courage would entirely fail me, if this single
thought did not sustain me, that whatever may happen, the work of
the Lord is never to be deserted. Notwithstanding, in the midst of
so many evils, the Lord from time to time bestows somewhat that
refreshes us. Hermann, who disputed against us at Geneva, besought
me to appoint a day for conferring with him. In regard to infant
baptism, the human nature of Christ, and some other points, he now
acknowledges that he had fallen grievously into error. There are
some other things in which he still hesitates. But this affords good
hope, when so many difficulties have been taken out of the way.
Count John has at length presented his boy, rather big for his age,
to be baptized. I have long borne with his weakness, since he told
me that he thought he had good reasons for delaying. At length he
said, that he no longer cared for those whose perverseness could by
no means be worn out or subdued.

That which has been reported with you about the passage of the
Emperor, is fabulous.[188] Our friends had a person there who might
keep an eye on all that was going forward. It is certain that there
was no discussion of serious matters. A day, however, was fixed,
in the beginning of March, when the Emperor and the King are to
meet at Amiens.[189] If they can agree together, we may well be
apprehensive of their conspiring for our destruction. Ferdinand
will be present, who is already well advanced on his journey. The
rumour goes that the Duke of Savoy,[190] also, is on his journey
through Italy, that he may come into Germany by the Tyrolese Alps,
and certainly there will be little hope of recovering his rights
if these two sovereigns settle the business in his absence. Our
friends have put the Emperor in mind of his promise. Meanwhile,
however, they are as boisterous and unmanageable as if war had
already been declared. The former month they appeared too indolent.
At this present it is marvellous how stirring they are, and how
greatly excited. Nevertheless, in the midst of such commotions as
these, I am so much at my ease, as to have the audacity to think
of taking a wife. A certain damsel of noble rank has been proposed
to me, and with a fortune above my condition. Two considerations
deterred me from that connection--because she did not understand
our language, and because I feared she might be too mindful of her
family and education. Her brother, a very devout person, urged the
connection, and on no other account than that, blinded by his
affection to me, he neglected his own interests. His wife also, with
a like partiality, contended, as he did, so that I would have been
prevailed upon to submit with a good grace, unless the Lord had
otherwise appointed. When, thereupon, I replied that I could not
engage myself unless the maiden would undertake that she would apply
her mind to the learning of our language, she requested time for
deliberation. Thereupon, without further parley, I sent my brother,
with a certain respectable man, to escort hither another, who, if
she answers her repute, will bring a dowry large enough, without any
money at all. Indeed, she is mightily commended by those who are
acquainted with her. If it come to pass, as we may certainly hope
will be the case, the marriage ceremony will not be delayed beyond
the tenth of March.[191] I wish you might then be present, that you
may bless our wedlock. As, however, I have troubled you so much more
than I ought during the past year, I dare not insist upon it. If,
however, any one of our brethren should have a mind to visit us, I
would prefer that it were at that time, when he could supply your
place; although, nevertheless, I make myself look very foolish if it
shall so happen that my hope again fall through. But as I trust the
Lord will be present to help me, I express myself as though I spoke
of a certainty.--To return to public affairs. Since the Emperor has
declared to our Princes, through the Archbishop of Lunden, that he
had not given up the idea of having a Diet, that they may not be
caught unawares, they have desired that some competently learned men
of skill and judgment should be present at Smalkald, to lay down the
method of procedure. Bucer proceeds thither before the 20th of the
present month.

  [188] The town of Ghent having revolted, Charles V. sought
  permission from the French King to pass through France, in order to
  suppress more promptly the revolt. Francis consented, and, on the
  faith of his word, Charles did not hesitate to traverse the states
  of his rival. His expedition was a triumph. The two sovereigns made
  their formal entry into Paris, January 1, 1540.

  [189] Amiens. The interview proposed in that town between the two
  monarchs did not take place.

  [190] Charles, Duke of Savoy, dispossessed of the greater part of
  his territory by Francis I.

  [191] The marriage of Calvin with Idelette de Bure did not take
  place till the following month of August.

Adieu, much longed-for brother. May the Lord preserve you and all
the others your colleagues, whom salute most lovingly in my name,
especially Cordier, my preceptor, Thomas, Onerus, and Nicolas.
Our friends have requested to be kindly remembered. This letter I
send you by Brito, (the Breton,) whom I could have wished to have
retained here a year longer, if I were not forced to approve his
reasons.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLV.--TO FAREL.

     Impressions of Calvin on his recall to Geneva--rigorous
     application of discipline in his church--news of Germany, of
     France, and of England.

  STRASBOURG, _29th March 1540_.

I have already waited so long for your letter that I may well doubt
whether I ought to wait any longer. My anxious wish to hear from you
kept alive my expectation, and shall even yet sustain my hope for
some few days; but if at length my hope shall give way, you will see
how indignantly I have borne this disappointment; and your neglect
is all the less to be tolerated, because Geneva at this present time
affords you such abundant material for correspondence. Du Tailly,
however, has written to me, and yet I do not clearly understand
from his expressions what has been the catastrophe of this drama.
Michael, also, the printer, has communicated to me at Blecheret,
that my return thitherward might be brought about; but rather would
I submit to death a hundred times than to that cross, on which one
had to perish daily a thousand times over. This piece of information
I have wished incidentally to communicate to you, that to the utmost
of your power you may set yourself to oppose the measures of those
who shall endeavour to draw me back thither. And that I may not
appear to be looking in one direction and rowing in another, I will
lay open my mind to you whenever at any time you ask me to do so.
We are as yet in a state of suspense as to the marriage,[192] and
this annoys me exceedingly, forasmuch as the relations of that young
lady of rank are so urgent that I may take her unto myself, which,
indeed, I would never think of doing, unless the Lord had altogether
demented me. But because it is unpleasant to refuse, especially in
the case of such persons, who overwhelm me altogether with their
kindness, most earnestly do I desire to be delivered out of this
difficulty. We hope, however, that this will very shortly be the
case; and during the next four or five days another engagement will
turn away my mind from the subject, and itself will engross all my
attention.

  [192] See the preceding Letter.

In this place hitherto many individuals were in the habit of making
a rash approach to the sacrament of the Supper. On Easter-day, when
I gave out the intimation that we were to celebrate the Supper on
next Lord's-day, I announced, at the same time, that no one would
be admitted to the table of the Lord by me, who had not beforehand
presented himself for examination. The greatest difficulty will
arise in correcting that silly eagerness to press forward which
has taken possession of some Frenchmen, so that it can scarcely be
driven out of them. You are aware of those regulations that have
been made for the Academy, that the young men confining themselves
to the distinction of the student's gown must lay aside the wearing
of a sword, that they must give up their names to the rector, and
such like. Now, in order to evade these rules they renounce entirely
the profession of the belles-lettres; but as this bears upon it the
face of manifest contumacy, I have resolved on no account to allow
it, for I would rather that the whole of them should go away than
that they should remain at the expense of discipline. Leo Juda[193]
lately requested of me to allow him to publish, in German, with
the addition of my name, the first of those two Epistles which I
wrote four years ago;[194] that one, indeed, (I mean the one in
which I am made to coax and flatter the Popish bishops,) he has
published at this fair-time without the name. The answer I gave was
very friendly, but at the same time, contained some rather cutting
admonition. A little before that I had written almost to the same
purpose to Bullinger. If it shall succeed I will let you know
the course I may take. Our friends are hitherto at a standstill
as to what they intend to do. The reason of their offputting is
because they have not as yet received any certain return by way
of answer from the Emperor, who, however, begins to be much more
tractable. The meeting of the King of England with our sovereign has
somewhat tamed his arrogance, which may have considerable influence
in changing the whole of his measures.[195] He made use of this
sophism, that he would not bind himself to the King by promise on
any account, but that he would inflate him with empty hopes for the
future. Already the King seemed to himself to have possession of
Milan. Lately, however, when the Emperor's inclination was put to
proof by the ambassador, he found that it was not easy to bring him
that length. It is said, indeed, that in everything he has given
the King his choice, provided only that he does not ask Milan. On
that account, therefore, it is that the Constable is gone to him,
and if he does not get what he seeks, we suspect that they will be
more ready to go to war than ever. Neither, indeed, will the King
of England, in such a crisis of affairs, yield in any point, much
less the admiral, who is now restored to his former post of honour
and favour. Before few months are over we shall see, if I am not
mistaken, a wonderful change of scene, but, in the meanwhile, the
Lord must be entreated that in this turn of affairs he would both
hasten forward the decision and also confirm the resolution of our
friends. May the Lord keep you all in safety, continually under his
protection. And foremost of them all, adieu, my very excellent and
right trusty brother. Capito, Sturm, Bedrot, Claude, and my brother,
salute you. Nicolas and the others do not know that I am writing.

  CALVIN.

  [_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 259.]

  [193] Minister of the Church of Zurich.

  [194] They are the two letters entitled: Epistolæ duæ, prima
  de fugiendis impiorum illicitis sacris, et puritate Christianæ
  religionis; secunda de Christiani hominis officio in sacerdotiis
  papalis ecclesiæ vel administrandis vel abjiciendis. Genevæ, 1537,
  in 8vo.

  [195] This interview, which had been proposed to be held at Calais,
  in reference to fresh matrimonial projects of Henry VIII., did not
  take place, (see Hume, cap. xxxii.,) and after apparent hesitation
  on the part of the English monarch between an alliance with Francis
  I. and one with the Emperor, he turned to Charles V., sacrificing
  at once the friendship of the King of France and that of the German
  Princes.

XLVI.--TO FAREL.

     Reconciliation of parties at Geneva--insufficiency of the
     ministers of that Church--Policy of Charles V.--courageous
     attitude of the Protestant Princes--favourable news from
     England--cruel persecutions in France--Ecclesiastical discipline
     in the French Church at Strasbourg.

  STRASBOURG, _Month of May 1540_.

Because I promised to write you fully about every thing, in order
that my promise at least in some measure may be fulfilled, I have
set aside the whole of this day to you. You will receive, therefore,
full and weighty performance, unless perhaps unexpectedly I shall be
called away. Concerning the state of the Church at Geneva, we can
discourse more at large, when you shall come hither. That news was
indeed most delightfully welcome, when I heard that a stop had been
put, somehow or other, to these janglings and contentions.[196] For
I have always thought no good was to be expected of that unhappy
city so long as it laboured under that fatal malady. I could only
desire that their reconciliation may prove to be in the Lord. For,
as you say, unless Christ is the bond of our agreement it will be
cursed. Where is the advantage, then, of union out of Christ? since
we know that all such combinations shall be broken up by God. As
for me, I do not yet see that they have respect to the will of
the Lord as they ought. Indeed, they do not sufficiently reflect
upon their past conduct, and as they have no thought of correcting
the mischief, now that a reconciliation has been brought about
among themselves, nor show any anxiety to make their peace with
God, I fear that they will, in the long run, suffer the penalty of
that kind of security. They have, it is true, given some show of
penitence, in that, after so much discord, they have returned to a
good understanding; but they have not yet put on that disposition
which they ought to cherish. It is however something, that they have
begun to be curable, even although they be not yet quite restored to
health.

  [196] The citizens of Geneva, perceiving at length that their
  divisions were ruinous to their country, resolved in a General
  Council, assembled Feb. 1, 1540, to be at agreement with each
  other, and to live in unity together. The recall of the banished
  ministers put the seal to this reconciliation.--Ruchat, _Hist. de la
  Réformation_, vol. i. p. 137.

About the preachers, I cannot yet venture to decide, except that I
always find them to be much wanting. But in so far as you consider
that the publication of my reply to Sadolet, which has been printed
there, is a proof of their being nowise evil-disposed, in that you
are deceived, if others have written me the truth. For they have
declared that the preachers who opposed it made amends, as far
as lay in their power, but that the Senate yielded against their
will. And yet I do not attach much weight to that, provided they so
conduct themselves in the discharge of duty, that they prevent every
occasion of interference either by me or on the part of others.
For although, in as far as regards myself, it is of no consequence
whatever, for that very reason, I do not care by whom it is that the
work of the Lord is carried forward, provided that it is well done;
but they are deceived in thinking that they can get on very well
without help, seeing that they are scarcely got half-way on their
journey, even with the aid of many helpers. As for what I always
express, that I am horrified at the mere mention of a recall, for
that you know that I have good enough reason. Nor am I so entirely
frightened by the consideration that they so obstinately refuse you,
although I confess that to me that is the highest consideration of
all. But there are many others which it is unnecessary at present to
mention, and may better be delayed until your arrival. The farther I
advance the more distinctly do I behold out of what a whirlpool of
danger the Lord has delivered me.

The Diet of the Princes and free Cities[197] came to this
conclusion, to offer to agree to all just proposals, provided that
the Emperor would call a Synod of the whole empire. They received
an ambiguous reply. In the meantime, the Emperor is informed by
the opposite party, that they would not abate one jot of their
resolution, but would endeavour by every means to engage others on
their side. Therefore, he is trying to devise a method by which
he may satisfy both parties; and therefore it is, that among the
Papists, and among our friends, he craftily employs the Chancellor
Granvelle[198] and two Counts,[199] who are to interpose as
mediators, and to sound the views of our friends, that they may
be better able to explain to the Emperor, and to obtain what is
reasonable. If you do not yet understand the artifice, our friends
strove with the utmost earnestness for the Diet which had been
promised them. On the other hand, the Papists sounded the alarm
with a continued blast of the trumpet, crying out, that it was a
very unseemly thing that the Emperor should any longer tolerate the
shufflings of our friends. Because his plans have been hindered,
seeing that he neither dares to proceed with the war, nor is of
opinion that they can have a Synod without turning the whole of
Germany topsy-turvy, he tries to restrain the fury of the Papists,
while he says, that he wishes to keep a cautious lookout, lest by
doing anything rashly and untowardly, they may involve him along
with themselves in the war; and he yields nothing to our side.
Notwithstanding that they perceived they were merely put off by
this pretence, yet they came to the determination, that nothing
on that account should be rejected that might seem to favour the
peace and tranquillity of the Church. They therefore drew up a
joint reply to Granvelle, from which you will understand what may
be their courage.[200] Since the Emperor neither understands the
Latin language nor the German, it has been thought best to send it
written in French. I send it to you, however, on this condition,
that you do not openly divulge it. Only two copies besides this
which you will receive have been copied out; one, which will be
presented to the Emperor, the other, Doctor Ulrich took with him
to Soleure, that it may come to the King, through the ambassador.
I wish therefore that you may communicate it only to a few. But
I mainly beseech you, on no account to allow it to be copied.
Here, moreover, the resolution is unanimous, if they are attacked
instantly to advance forward, and not to wait, unless their
conscience keep them back; for there is not a single individual who
is not quite prepared to undergo all hazards rather than that the
free course of Christ's Evangel be stopt, so far is it from their
mind that they would suffer anything to be taken from it. Here, at
Strasbourg, the Senate having despatched a deputy, has refused the
judgment of the Imperial Chamber. If they continue this system of
attempted terrorism, they will stir up great commotions. Hitherto
the controversies have hung in suspense between the Emperor and the
King. That is the reason which delays the Emperor that he does not
immediately make an onslaught upon us. The Papists strive with all
their might to relieve him of all other business, so that he may
gird himself for attacking us. But chiefly the Duke of Brunswick,
who has brought over the Duke of Gueldres to the Emperor, that they
may treat together about that duchy. Our friends, however, are so
well satisfied with their own strength, that they are not at all
frightened by these manœuvres. Three of the Electors take a
middle course--the Elector-Palatine, of Cologne, and of Treves,
and will rather take part with us than suffer us to be oppressed.
Two we have professedly on our side. Frederick wished by our means
to obtain some advantage from the King of Denmark: he could not
succeed, which the Landgrave also considered to be right. Then he is
forced to cultivate the friendship of the Emperor. You see at how
much Christ is valued where the world has taken such a hold of the
soul of man. The English Parliament is now met.[201] We are informed
that the spirits of all the pious are raised to the highest
expectation. If the Lord shall now put it into the King's heart,
the Gospel will be established in that kingdom. Until we shall have
heard that there is some inclination that way, we shall toil in vain
with regard to Calais.[202]

  [197] The meeting at Smalkald took place the 1st of March, to
  draw up a form of agreement between the Roman Catholics and the
  Protestants.--Sleidan, book xii. p. 351. The meeting separated on
  the 13th April.

  [198] The Chancellor Granvelle, father of the celebrated Cardinal
  Granvelle, minister and ambassador of Charles V.

  [199] They were the Earls of Thierry of Mandersheit, and William
  Nuenar, _magni consilii et dignitatis viri_.--Sleidan, book xii. p.
  352.

  [200] See that answer related fully in Sleidan, book xiii. pp.
  353-61.

  [201] In the intense desire of concluding an agreement with the King
  of England, the German princes shewed their willingness to open a
  colloquy for that object, but these conferences did not take place,
  and the hope of a happy reconciliation between the churches of
  England and Germany was not realized.--Sleidan, book xiii. p. 361.

  [202] Without doubt on the subject of the free proclamation of the
  Gospel in that town, then subject to England. It was not restored to
  France till 1558, by Francis of Lorraine, Duke of Guise.

My affairs are in the same state in which they were before. Our
messenger will be here before the end of the week unless he has
deceived us. Therefore I have detained James with me, so if anything
happen he can let you know in time. Although (as he had already
determined) I shall not longer delay his setting out. I will,
therefore, despatch him after Whitsuntide. He had himself intended
to start off three days earlier.

As to what you ask me about the Letter of Viret, I can tell you
nothing but this, that it has always appeared to Capito, that Viret
and all of you prosecuted this cause in a more sour and peevish
spirit than was right, or at all events, with great scrupulosity and
excess of niceness. They have always promised that they would not
combine together to open up an entrance to him in that quarter, but
that they would rather throw every obstacle in his path in order to
shut up the way. But he was not in the least offended. If you will
take my advice, let us delay on both sides to decide about that
affair. Therefore, I have suppressed the letter of the Count which
you lately sent, that it may not give any offence. For it was so
worded, that it could not be at all acceptable; and also, that I may
cut off every handle for strife, I shall make no reply.

I am struck with horror when I hear with what cruelty the godly are
persecuted in France, at this time, more especially when we can
bring them no help, nor do I doubt that it is the best who will be
most endangered. For the more any one is right-hearted, and preaches
Christ with greater boldness and constancy of spirit, for that very
reason he can all the less be tolerated by Satan. Yet somehow it
now and then happens that the Lord does preserve in safety some of
the excellent ones, while others are hurried off to the stake. A
fellow-countryman to James, who was burnt at Sedan or Melun, was
here last year, and had requested of me a letter of exhortation
to the brethren of that district. I was given to understand for
certain, afterwards, that he had been infested with the errors of
the Anabaptists, and had been raving worst of all on that head.
It has, therefore, grieved me since, that I had opened for him a
pathway by my letter to many good people. I am afraid lest by his
death the Gospel shall have been rather set on fire than promoted.
That I now mention I have not from uncertain rumour, but from his
relations. The person whose sister he married makes no secret
of what sort of person he was. As for the death of Michael, the
statements of one who had been present at the scene of the execution
did not fully agree with your letter. In truth, I think that this
rule ought to be observed by us, that, even when we feel that we can
both speak and think the best concerning those who have suffered for
the Gospel, we ought to be on our guard against overdoing, where it
does not clearly appear how the persons conducted themselves during
life as well as in death.

I am glad that Gaspar[203] has been provided for. He is, indeed
worthy of it; and I hope he will have the charge of the school.
Toussain[204] has requested to have three or four ministers from
me, if I had here such as I could recommend who were qualified for
ruling in the churches. He expressly sought to have James, but he
rather preferred to reserve himself for you.

  [203] Gaspar, called Cormel, minister of Neuchatel.

  [204] Peter Toussain, late canon of Metz and almoner to the Queen of
  Navarre. He was at this time minister of the Church of Montbeliard,
  which he administered till an advanced old age.

What may be the nature of that jurisdiction of Count William[205] I
have not yet been able by frequent inquiry to ascertain. When you
come hither you will perhaps be better able to inform us. We can
also exchange thoughts together about all those matters to which
you think that some remedy ought to be applied. If I supposed that
Cordier was deliberating whether it may not be expedient to return
to Bordeaux, I would willingly declare what I feel, only I do not
think he is so great a blockhead as to set consultations agoing on
any such question. I will tell you, _viva voce_, why we ought not to
write to these French bishops. I return many thanks to the brethren
for having received my advice with so good a grace. As, however,
there is some risk that others may take it amiss that you had begun,
that affair can be delayed for a little while longer, and I am not
sorry for it.

  [205] William du Bellay, Viceroy of Piedmont.

I do not wonder that examination of ours about which I wrote to
you has made the worthy brother hesitate; nor is it anything
new that the well-disposed should dread lest we fall back into
some superstition or other, whenever they hear that we appoint
anything which has the slightest affinity or similarity with Popish
absurdities. Yet, while I have no wish to drive that zeal of
watchfulness out of them, (for in this respect we cannot be more
earnest than is right,) on the other hand, I could have wished that
they were a little more careful in distinguishing the wheat from
the chaff and rubbish. I have often declared to you that it did not
appear to me to be expedient that confession should be abolished in
the Churches, unless that which I have lately taught be substituted
in the place of it. In order that I may the better explain to you
my method, let me first of all state the real nature of the case.
When the day of the sacrament of the Supper draws nigh, I give
notice from the pulpit that those who are desirous to communicate
must first of all let me know; at the same time I add for what
purpose, that it is in order that those who are as yet uninstructed
and inexperienced in religion may be better trained; besides, that
those who need special admonition may hear it; and lastly, that
if there are any persons who may be suffering under trouble of
mind they may receive consolation. But what we have most to guard
against is this, lest the common people, who do not sufficiently
distinguish between the kingdom of Christ and the tyranny of
Antichrist, may think themselves to be brought back under a new
servitude. I endeavour, therefore, to dispel any such apprehension.
I not only bear witness that I disapprove of the Popish confession,
but openly and plainly set forth the reasons why I object to it;
then, in general, I declare that not only are those superstitions
in which the Church was involved to be abhorred, but that no law
of practice is to be brought in, which may bind the conscience in
its snares; for that Christ is the only legislator to whom we owe
obedience. After that, I teach, that this in no way derogates from
our Christian liberty, since I enjoin nothing whatever that Christ
himself has not appointed. What shameless effrontery would it be for
any one not even to condescend to avouch his faith in the face of
the Church with whom he sought communion! and how wretched would be
the state and condition of the Church if she could be compelled to
receive to the partaking in so great a mystery, those of whom she is
altogether ignorant, or, perhaps, regards with suspicion! And, to
say nothing about the Church, how shall the minister himself to whom
the dispensation of this grace is committed, on condition that he
may not cast it before dogs and swine, that he must not pour it out
to the worthy and the unworthy without any distinction, discharge
this onerous duty, unless he proceeds upon some fixed and certain
method for separating the worthy from the unworthy communicants? It
were mere trifling, however, to insist farther upon these matters
with you; time, moreover, would fail me, for what I was afraid of
has happened, that I would frequently be interrupted while writing.
Last of all, I maintain the necessity and advantage of this course
of proceeding, which you will, as thus explained by me, report as
my reply to the good man. The three young noblemen, whom you had
so hospitably entertained, commend your liberality all the more
that you excuse yourself so anxiously for having done less than you
wished to do. More than that, they think they see that in this way
you extenuate your kindness towards them. Capito, Bucer, Sturm,
Bedrot, Claude, all the Frenchmen, desire to be remembered in the
most friendly manner; there is not one of them who does not most
eagerly look for your arrival, not less on my account than that
they may get a sight of you, for as they love both, they think of
both. Nicolas and Henry are closely pursuing their studies; Nicolas,
especially, is quite absorbed. James is staying with me for these
few days before he leaves. Every one of these also reverently salute
you along with my brother. In return, will you greet the brethren
very respectfully for me, and tell them from myself that they do
truly hold a place in my remembrance? My preceptor Cordier, and
Michael, will excuse, or, at least, pardon, that they do not receive
any letters from me. Adieu, my most amiable brother. Do not forget
to remember me to your family.--Ever yours,

  CALVIN.

This messenger is a trustworthy person, and therefore I have
requested him to go straight to you.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLVII.--TO PETER VIRET.

     Excuses for his silence--sad news from France--repugnance of
     Calvin to return to Geneva--his comparative estimate of Capito,
     Zuingli, Luther, and Œcolampadius.

  STRASBOURG, _19th May 1540_.

At length somewhat has been gained by my expostulation, for I have
in some measure broken that unkind silence of so many months; but I
do not take it so well, that when you ought plainly to have sought
pardon, you chose rather to make a return in kind; for you make out
that we are equally to blame except in this one point, that when
both had come short in duty, I seized the opportunity and was the
first to write. You thought, forsooth, to get out of the scrape in
this way, as if in the meanwhile I had not written a hundred times
to Farel, on condition that he would communicate with you, during
which period I neither received a single letter from you, nor did
you send even a salutation, except that which you once wrote at the
end of a letter to Bucer. Therefore, true it is and of verity, that
I cannot acquit you until you shall have approved your diligence for
the future, on condition that if, as you are wont, you begin to grow
slack in your correspondence, I shall be entitled to lay a double
fine upon you. But that I may not appear to press too severely, I
do hereby freely remit whatever there is of failure on your part,
provided, for the future, you both perform your own share of duty,
and pardon me if, perhaps, I shall have become too negligent.

Your letter was a very sad one to me, and all the more so because I
can well imagine that cruel butchery to boil over without measure,
as always happens whenever it has once burst forth, and there is no
way of putting a stop to it. I wrote, however, to Farel, under the
apprehension that what so long kept us in suspense would at length
come to pass. Wherefore, unless the Lord open up some new outlet,
there is no other way of helping our unhappy brethren than by our
prayers and exhortations, which are, besides, so dangerous to their
lives, that it is more discreet to abstain. The only remedy which
almost alone remains, therefore, seems to be, that we commit their
safety to the Lord.[206]

  [206] While he sought the alliance of the Protestant princes
  of Germany, Francis I. persecuted the Protestants in his own
  dominions with an extreme rigour, under the odious designation of
  Sacramentaries. The year 1540 witnessed numerous burnings at the
  stake, in the provinces of Dauphiny, Vivarais, at Paris, and in
  the valleys of Provence. There dwelt for many centuries a pastoral
  population, which was only known to the world by simplicity of
  manners and the purity of its faith. De Thou, liv. v. c. 7;
  _Histoire des Martyrs_, liv. iii. pp. 133-146. The Vaudois of
  Cabrières and Merindol, hated by the Roman Catholic clergy on
  account of their being estranged from the superstitions of the
  time, were devoted to death by the fanatical fury of the parliament
  of Aix. The arrêt, which condemned in the mass an innocent and
  inoffensive people to extermination, was dated 18th November 1540.
  The intercession of the Senate of Strasbourg, of the Swiss Cantons,
  and of the German princes, suspended the execution of it until the
  year 1545.

I read that passage of your letter, certainly not without a smile,
where you shew so much concern about my health, and recommend Geneva
on that ground. Why could you not have said at the cross? for it
would have been far preferable to perish once for all than to be
tormented again in that place of torture. Therefore, my dear Viret,
if you wish well to me, make no mention of such a proposal. It was,
however, most agreeable to me to understand that the brothers La
Fontaines were so anxious concerning my safety, and that you also
had turned your mind to it; for, indeed, I can scarcely persuade
myself that I am worth so much trouble. It is impossible for me,
however, not to be rejoiced by that kindness of good men towards me.

Capito, in his lectures, has some things which may be of much use to
you in the illustration of Isaiah. But as he does not dictate any
part to his hearers, and has not yet reached beyond the fourteenth
chapter, his assistance cannot at present much help you. Zuingli,
although he is not wanting in a fit and ready exposition, yet,
because he takes too much liberty, often wanders far from the
meaning of the Prophet. Luther is not so particular as to propriety
of expression or the historical accuracy; he is satisfied when
he can draw from it some fruitful doctrine. No one, as I think,
has hitherto more diligently applied himself to this pursuit than
Œcolampadius, who has not always, however, reached the full scope
or meaning. It is true that you may now and then find the need of
having appliances at hand, nevertheless I feel confident that the
Lord has not deserted you.

About our affairs I do not write, in order that there may be more
material for writing to Farel. All here greet you in the most
friendly manner, Capito, Bucer, Matthias, Sturm, Bedrot. Hedio I
have not seen since your letter was delivered to me. In return, on
my part, salute Conrad, Corneille, James, Isnard, and the others;
your aunt also, and your wife, whom one and all, I wish to see.

The mention of Conrad, which had occurred to me, brings to mind
that Gaspar, who lived with him for some time, was lately here, and
has complained much to Sturm that I had defamed him in an offensive
manner among good people, at the instigation of Grynée. He said
nought about it to me, and merely saluted when he left my lecture.
I wished you to know this, that in future you may be more on your
guard. Adieu, most excellent and kind brother.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLVIII.--TO FAREL.

     Preparations for the Assembly of Haguenau--symptoms of
     misunderstanding between Charles V. and Francis I.--severe
     judgment of Henry VIII.--evils produced in the Church by the
     absence of discipline--various details.

  STRASBOURG, _21st June 1540_.

After Ferdinand waited about twelve days at Haguenau[207] for the
princes, a few of them came who either have the wish to reform
matters, or to prove their submission to the Emperor. From among the
Electors, he could not succeed in drawing forth a single one except
the Elector-Palatine. He of Mayence, as I hear, excused himself more
than once, that is, he stoutly refused. The Electors of Cologne
and Treves stood in doubt. The Elector of Saxony wished to have it
distinctly understood, that his coming should not prejudice the
protest which he had put in at the election of the King. He sent
letters, however, to the Emperor, in common with the Landgrave,
in which both together signified, that they saw no other way of
pacification that could be gone into than that which had been set
forth at Frankfort; therefore, if for that purpose the Emperor
summons a free diet of the empire, that they would willingly attend;
that at present they had scarcely time enough allowed them to
announce it to their allies; that they had no other alternative than
to send their ambassador with a few theologians, that they might not
appear in any way to disparage the attempt; that they, on behalf of
the theologians and the deputies, and the messengers, whoever they
might be, sought the public protection, that they might receive no
injury. To-day the deputies have set out; when Philip [Melanchthon]
arrives, the theologians will also follow. Blaurer[208] has already
arrived; others are daily expected. The Zurichers and those of Berne
were invited, but they sent back word that they would not come.
This I mention, that you may not suppose that we omitted any part
of our duty. It was written expressly to those of Basle not to send
Carlostad.[209] The opposite faction are at present consulting by
what kind of debate, or on what point to attack us. Our friends will
shew that they are prepared for a friendly compromise, provided
that no part of the truth be departed from. The Emperor will not
be left so completely at his ease by our King as to be able to
concentrate his forces against our side. As yet the state of war has
not commenced, but the seeds begin to spring up; and that friend of
ours is seeking those means of defence which, while he was in terms
of friendship with his brother, he despised, and would yet continue
to despise if things had remained the same. Baisius,[210] who
discharges the office of envoy at the conference, has come hither to
sound the depth of the ford, and to see what can be accomplished, as
many conjecture. It can scarce be otherwise but that great movements
may take place before many months are past. Our friends hope to
obtain some advantage, since they perceive our King to be so very
unlikely to give any assistance to the Emperor. The King of England
is not represented here. I have no doubt, however, that he may be
attempting somewhat elsewhere. In the cause of the Lord he does
not deal very favourably of late; three men of the commonalty have
been burnt, because they had ventured to express themselves on the
subject of the Eucharist in other terms than the royal proclamation
tolerated. But that which is worst of all is, that while he tries to
arrogate to himself the sole authority, and without being scrupulous
as to the means, he tolerates nothing which has not the sanction of
his own authority. Thus it will come to pass that Christ shall avail
them nothing except by the King's permission. The Lord will avenge
this arrogance by some remarkable punishment.

  [207] A meeting was convocated for the month of July 1540, in
  the town of Haguenau, in order to prepare matters for a general
  conference between the Roman Catholic and Reformed theologians. See
  following letter.

  [208] Ambroise Blaurer, minister and reformer of the town of
  Constance.

  [209] Carlostad, the friend, and, at a later period, the hot-headed
  adversary of Luther. At this time he had retired to Basle, where he
  was settled as minister of St. Peter's. He died in 1541.

  [210] Lazarus Baisius, a distinguished and learned man, ambassador
  of the French king at the Diet of Haguenau.

The address of the princes I desire, with good reason, may still
be kept secret by you. We may shortly have a more convenient season
when it can be brought to light, or at all events may be imparted
to those who have an interest. Lately, in the same way, you have
done me much mischief. For you cannot believe how much ill-will
Erasmus has kindled against me in that very shallow publication of
his, where he says, that a book was printed at Strasbourg, in which
both Luther and the Strasburghers were treated with distinction, and
that Luther, nevertheless, had sent him a kindly salutation, &c. ...
while he thus goes a-begging in all directions in order to procure
adherents to his cause, he implicates along with himself others
who do not deserve to be mixed up with the affair. And, really, I
have very good reason to find fault with you, who have suffered a
familiar and confidential letter to get abroad--which ought to have
been kept close in your own bosom--and to fly away as far as Berne.
Now I come to your letter. I could not take it ill that the bearer
of my letter should be despatched by you without a reply, when he
told me that you were engaged in a work of so great a necessity. It
is something, however, that you really do excuse yourself, provided
that you understand that I am satisfied on the condition, that in
future you may be more careful. Nor shall I be very easily appeased
if you omit or trifle with me at any time. I had not properly
understood that Francis had been dismissed, according to your former
letter, on account of misconduct. I was rather inclined to be of
opinion, that some fair pretence was sought for. At present, in so
far as can be surmised from your expressions, I perceive that he is
charged with that crime which I was certainly persuaded he abhors
with his whole soul. I sometimes wish, however, that we could have
you here, where Capito and Bucer might hear all these things from
your own mouth. For Bucer seemed not very patiently to hear what I
say; but I fear that if you intend to be with me on a certain event
taking place, you may have come too late. I have not yet found a
wife, and frequently hesitate as to whether I ought any more to seek
one. Claude and my brother had lately betrothed me to a demoiselle.
Three days after they had returned, some things were told me which
forced me to send away my brother, that he might discharge us from
that obligation. As yet, it is not very evident to me what the
matter is about which the Genevese are either making a disturbance
among themselves, or are disquieted by those of Berne. I foresee,
however, that it will have the very worst consequences, unless the
Lord comes to their help by some wonderful method of deliverance.
You know, I believe, what Marcourt wrote in that letter which
was delivered to me along with yours. He avers solemnly that it
never entered his mind to say that the epistle of Sadolet had been
tampered with, and, therefore, earnestly requests that I may not
allow this impression to settle upon my mind. I shall so reply as
that it may appear that I by no means seek for causes of complaint,
and that there is nothing in which I take less delight than in
strifes and variance.

I will take an opportunity of inquiring whether the Count is
possessed of those territories in Burgundy which you have mentioned.
In France, he certainly has nothing left. There you labour in vain
about Pont de Veyle[211] and other places. If war shall take place,
I know not whether it will be restored. I cannot enough express my
astonishment where or when Cressonnière could have dreamed what he
related to Guerin about my recantation, nor do I know what to say to
it, unless either that he must have been drunk or out of his wits
when he gave utterance to such an absurdity. To Guerin himself, who
I see is somewhat disturbed about it, I will write satisfactorily by
the first opportunity. Nicolas and Henry have excellent appetites;
therefore, unless you make haste to come yourself, you must think
of some way of sending them money. The case of our excellent friend
Zebedee,[212] or rather the state of our own Church, where at
present there is no discipline, grieves me beyond measure. Some
method must be fallen upon by which we may restrain these furies
from such an unwarrantable interference. Since, however, for the
present we have nothing better, I advise that what he spoke about
the very prevalent ignorance of Christ, he may confirm by the
testimony of such persons whose authority will have weight at
Berne. Among the ancients he has many supporters; but he cannot do
a greater despite unto his opponents, than when he puts forward
Luther, Bucer, Brentz, and others, as authority. Above all, it is
important that it be demonstrated how impertinent and unbecoming
it is that a handful of unlearned and inexperienced men, in a dark
corner of the land, should dare to accuse of heresy men who are
actually of the highest distinction and authority in the Church;
and it will be well to write to Konzen, and to assure him of the
odium which he will inevitably draw down upon himself if the eminent
persons above named shall come to know how and with what impunity
their writings are cut and carved on. Take my word for it, he will
kindle a fire about the ears of these rascals which shall not easily
be extinguished, if he only applies himself to it with the talent
which he possesses.

  [211] Pont de Veyle, a small town of the Bresse, handed over at that
  time by the King of France to the Duke of Savoy.

  [212] Andrew Zebedee, minister at Orbe, deposed by the Senate of
  Berne for having set himself in opposition, on some points, to the
  theology of Bucer.

Adieu, my sound-hearted brother; for indeed I am obliged here
to break off my discourse, since I have been too late in rising
up. Will you remember me in the most friendly way to all the
brethren--Chaponneau, Cordier, Thomas, Michael, Fatin, and the
others? Blessed be the Lord, who was present in his strength for
the subduing of that beast which had lifted up the horn against his
glory! Salute also, for me, your brother Walter, with his wife.
The Lord have you in his safe keeping. All our friends salute
you.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

XLIX.--TO MONSIEUR DU TAILLY.[213]

  [213] M. Du Tailly, a French gentleman, who had taken refuge at
  Geneva, a declared partisan of the Reformation and of Calvin, whose
  return he pressingly urged, as the following letter, taken from the
  MSS. of the Company of Neuchatel, sufficiently attests:--

  MONSIEUR DU TAILLY TO FAREL.

  VERY DEAR BROTHER,--At the suasion of the most of the good brethren
  hereaway, I have written to our good brother Calvin that there
  is a need of him to come to the help of his brethren of Geneva,
  without taking any heed to the injury which had been done to Jesus
  Christ in chasing him away, but that he will have to consider the
  desolation in which they are, and his own bounden duty; wherefore I
  have written to him to let me know his mind, before that they send
  away a deputation to him. I shall, besides, entreat of you on your
  part, that you do charge and persuade him what he ought to do. I
  say no more to you. Your letter has been very well taken by those
  hereabout, and I believe that it will greatly profit them, and they
  hold themselves specially bounden to you for having mind of them
  in their time of need, and by that shewing evidently that you are
  a true pastor, not of those who leave them exposed to danger. For
  the rest, the Lord has done his pleasure as concerning Sir Michel
  Balthazar. It is a great loss for the town so far as man can see.
  Nevertheless his will must be done, and none other. May the Lord
  enable you to persevere as you have begun. From Geneva, this 3d
  October 1540.--To the uttermost, your friend and brother,

    DU TAILLY.

     Review of the Conferences of Haguenau--the state of parties in
     Germany.

  STRASBOURG, _28th July 1540_.

MONSIEUR DU TAILLY,--Owing to my having put off writing to you my
last letters until we should have more certain news of the Assembly
of Haguenau to send you, I was unwilling to let this bearer depart
without a letter, albeit the matter has not yet been brought to
a conclusion. I shall, therefore, briefly report progress up to
this present time. You are aware that King Ferdinand had summoned
the princes of his party some time before those of our side, for
the purpose of taking counsel with them as to the quarter in which
it would be most advisable to attack us. After having held their
consultation, they have given it as their opinion to elect four
suitable arbiters, to hear the controverted points on the one
side and on the other, with the view of arriving at some settled
determination. The commissioners were the Count Palatine, the Bishop
of Treves, both electors; the Duke of Bavaria, and the Bishop of
Strasbourg. Not one of our princes has yet appeared, for that they
have been summoned on too short an intimation, and to that effect
have excused themselves to the Emperor; but they have despatched
with a safe conduct their ambassadors and councillors, along with
learned men, to make all the needful arrangements. These same
persons, although they might by rights have refused those whom
they had presented to them as arbiters, or at least a part, have
nevertheless agreed to accept them, so as to let them understand
that they did not wish on any account whatever to draw back. But it
has come to pass, as indeed we always thought it would. Whenever
there has been some stir about making a beginning, Messieurs the
arbiters, not knowing where to commence, have asked our folk what
they had to say. To which they have returned for answer, that they
required, in terms of the Confession presented at Augsbourg, the
Churches might be reformed, offering, on their part, to clear up
any difficulties which might lie in the way, and to explain more
fully whatever might be obscure. Thereupon, Nausea[214] advised
Ferdinand to yield to us at once the marriage of the clergy and the
communion in both kinds; as to other matters in dispute, that it was
not lawful to enter upon them without the leave of our holy father
the Pope. That also met with the entire approval of Faber,[215]
of Cochlæus,[216] and their companions. So, in conclusion, answer
is made by Ferdinand, and by those who were of a like mind with
himself, that it depends on our princes, and it is their fault if no
good method of agreement were fallen upon; that for his part, he was
there to deliberate in friendly conference for that end, but that
they had not deigned to give him a meeting. That notwithstanding all
that, the Emperor will not oppose the assembling of another diet,
in which the points in dispute may be discussed on both sides, but
under such conditions that, after each debate, the definite decision
must be referred to his Majesty [the Emperor] and his Holiness the
Pope. That, in the meanwhile, our folk must not be strengthening
themselves by new alliances, nor entice away any one to receive
their religion, while, at the same time, the confederate alliances
entered upon since the Assembly of Nuremberg[217] must be annulled.

  [214] Frederic Nausea, theologian, known by some writings of a
  controversial kind against the Lutherans.

  [215] John Faber, Vicar-General of the Church of Constance, a
  renowned theologian of the Roman Catholic Church. In recompense of
  his zeal in opposing the Protestants, he obtained the Bishopric of
  Vienna.

  [216] John Cochlæus of Nuremberg, one of the principal opponents
  and detractors of Luther, against whom he displayed more anger than
  skill in his warfare. He appeared at the Conferences of Worms and of
  Ratisbon, in 1541, and died in 1552. We have, of his writing, the
  "_Libri duo Hussitarum Historiæ_," Moguntiæ, 1549.

  [217] The princes of the Empire, met at Nuremberg in 1524, had
  drawn up a list of the abuses of the Court of Rome, proclaimed the
  necessity of a Reformation, and appealed to a general council,
  interdicting, at the same time, the publication of any opinion
  contrary to the dogmas of the Church, previous to the convocation of
  that assembly.

As to that objection, that our princes have hindered the progress
of the treaty, it has been easy enough to meet it with a sufficient
reply, for there was no need for their being present in person,
when they sent their doctors and their councillors with full power.
Moreover, they had promised to come if they saw that a settlement
was contemplated in good earnest. As for the conference, _that_
they received very willingly, but the whole of the conditions they
utterly rejected as unbearable, not to say ridiculous; for it is the
very reverse of what the Emperor had promised at Frankfort.

The intention of our opponents has been to extend their league and
to contract ours; but we hope that God will order and dispose our
lot far otherwise. However that may turn out, those of our side seek
to advance and to extend the kingdom of Christ as much as possible,
and hold on their course with inflexible resolution. We know not at
present what the Lord will be pleased in his providence to send.
There is one section of our adversaries who cry loudly for war. The
Emperor is so embarrassed, that he dare not undertake it. The Pope,
for his part, in good earnest is quite ready to set his hand to it,
for he has made offer, by his ambassador, of three hundred thousand
ducats to begin with. If all those who as yet have not received our
religion would only agree among themselves to attack us, the Emperor
would make no difficulty in lending his name, were it for no other
motive than to break the strength of Germany, so that he might
tame them all the more at his ease; but he has one great let and
hindrance in his way, and that is, that the whole of the electors
are of one mind as to this, that it is desirable to quench these
civil broils without having recourse to arms. The Duke of Saxony
and the Marquis of Brandenbourg are confederate with us. Thus they
have no choice but to follow out the cause they have taken up. The
Archbishop of Cologne is no less to be counted on, for he goes so
far as to admit that the Church needs to be reformed, and sees well
enough that we have truth on our side. The Count Palatine, also, is
very desirous to have some reformation, which he cannot expect to
see accomplished by any other than peaceful means. Mentz and Treves
love the peace and liberty of the country, which they fear might be
sacrificed should the Emperor have subdued us. These considerations
induced them to resist any other course of proceeding against us
but that of a peaceable conference, such as we have called for. The
King of France lends no assistance, except on the condition that
their proceedings are regulated by Christian feeling. His ambassador
is Baysius, who knows nothing at all about the matter in dispute.
Notwithstanding, he receives us kindly enough when we go to call
for him, and has thought right to call here before returning to his
lodging.

All the learned folks who have come hither on our behalf are well
agreed with one another. Seeing that our opponents do nought but
amuse themselves, they have thought good to consult apart how they
might set up some sort of discipline in the Church; but as they
could not come to any conclusion without communicating with the
absent, as with Luther, Philip, and others, and far less carry their
plan into execution without the consent of the princes, they have
only got so far as that each has promised for himself to use his
endeavour with the princes and towns to assemble a meeting of our
friends in order to attend to that. It will be the most important
affair which we shall have to deal with at present.

Melanchthon is not yet come hither, by reason of some sudden
illness, and also because, perhaps, he thought that there was no
need to be in any immediate hurry to come. For my part, my only
object was recreation, as also that of Capito.

  Your brother and good friend,
  JOHN CALVIN.

  [_Fr. Copy_--_Archives of Geneva._ No. 1250.]

L.--TO PETER CAROLI.[218]

  [218] Repulsed at the same time in the requests which he had
  addressed to the Church of Neuchatel and to that of Strasbourg,
  Caroli had retired to Metz, from whence he wrote a letter to Calvin
  full of bravado and reproach, offering to be reconciled with him and
  Farel if they would procure him a benefice. The reply of Calvin,
  equally remarkable for power as well as charity, is a testimony of
  the moderation and of the wisdom of the writer.

     Answer to the complaints of Caroli--refuses to grant to him the
     professorial chair unless he repents of his past offences.

  STRASBOURG, _10th August 1540_.

Grace to you and peace from the Lord, whose Spirit can give sound
advice to you and a right will, and also to us.

I would rather have preferred that you had come hither to confer
with us about reconciliation face to face, than that you should
have tried it by writing, and especially such a letter as yours.
You are very anxious to shew that you did not excite disturbance
in the Church without good reason: as if indeed any honest cause
could ever be advanced for disturbing the peace of the Church.
Suppose we grant that the brethren did not treat you with that
kindly consideration which they ought,--was it therefore right or
becoming on that account, immediately, in the way you have done, to
make so much noise about it? Will you assert that it was the Spirit
of God that impelled you to challenge every one to the contest? I
do not say these things for the sake of reproaching you: I wish
that you had suffered me to remain entirely silent. But when you
league in an alliance with Satan all those who, at least in your own
opinion, have not conducted themselves with such fairness towards
you as they ought, you would justly reckon us stupid indeed, if
you think that such an imputation can pass over in silence. You
say that you were struck with indignation to such a degree as to
reproach both myself and Farel, because we had been the occasion, by
our letters, why the brethren at Neuchatel would not receive you.
In the first place, that has either been concocted by yourself,
or falsely reported to you; for it never entered into my mind so
to write to the brethren at Neuchatel. In Farel's letters, so far
as I hear, (for I have nought but hearsay,) Michael was far more
severely dealt with than you were. As, therefore I had never done
you an injury, either by word or deed, when I had not pricked you
with even the slightest puncture of offence, what sort of kindness
was it to tear me to pieces in such a savage manner? If indeed I had
stood in your way in any matter of private interest or advancement,
even then how inconsistent would such conduct have been in the
case of any Christian man, to be so inflamed with the desire of
revenge, as that he should break forth into such a disorderly course
of proceeding? Since I had always formerly been a brother to you
without any distrust, how has it happened that all at once I should
have become a heretic in your estimation, with whom you abhorred to
have communion? Is not this knowingly to take the most sacred name
of God in vain? You say that you had no other alternative but to
proclaim us to be irreconcilable, (for this is your expression;) but
consider, I beseech you, with yourself for a little, how ridiculous
you make yourself, when it is clear you have sounded a blast of the
trumpet in the midst of peace. But grant that on our part we have
given you cause, what meaning do you attach to the expression you
make use of? Most certainly he is to be considered irreconcilable,
whom, when you have endeavoured, by every method in your power, to
appease, you cannot, however, succeed in any measure or degree to
content or satisfy. When have you ever found such fractious and
obstinate inflexibility in us? You have nothing against me that
you can complain of, while, on the other hand, I have most just
cause why I may expostulate with you, not to speak of anything
more severe. Neither have I ever entertained thoughts of revenge,
so far have I been from planning any mischief against you. As for
Farel, I would desire to know what injury he can have done you. He
wrote, requesting that no one might be admitted to the office and
work of the ministry who had deserted the churches committed to his
superintendence. Ought he not to have done so? Nor is the breach
of solemn obligation in any degree less, when a minister forsakes
the church which he had once bound himself by vow to take charge
of, than if a father were to cast off his sons. But you will say,
that he included you in that number, while you were entirely free
from any such imputation. If you will read over his letter, you
will discover that it is otherwise. For he required nothing more of
the brethren than that they should diligently inquire; if on that
inquiry having been made you were acquitted, was not that what you
ought to have desired? You went to Metz;--how very unsuitable was it
for you to boast among the adversaries of Christ that you had come
prepared and ready to convict us of heresy? And, notwithstanding,
in the meanwhile, you would maintain for yourself that boast, that
you are attempting nothing against the Gospel. But what kind of
proof do you give us of this? If any one professedly wages war with
the servant of Christ, and throws all sort of obstacles in his way,
how can such a one promote the kingdom of Christ? You can scarcely
say that such a man is on the side of the Gospel at all. Look to
it, brother, again and again, whither you are going. We have a
ministry in nowise separated from Christ: if you doubt it, we have
the sufficiently sure and faithful testimony of conscience. You
may flatter yourself as you will, you shall at length feel that by
attacking us you are kicking against the pricks. In the meanwhile,
what harm can you do to us? You will call us heretics. Wherefore?
Among those, forsooth, who reckon you yourself to be a heretic,
although for the present they apply your slander to a different
purpose from what was intended. Among truly pious and learned men,
I am not at all afraid of your being able to do me any harm by your
detraction. All these things have a tendency in that direction, and
so I wish them to be understood by you, that you may realize before
God the course upon which you have entered, and do not think of
defending yourself by the undeserved condemning of other persons,
which not only is without the slightest foundation, but wants
even a decent pretext. If I shall have so far succeeded, that is
enough, I am satisfied. But I would not have you to lay aside hope
and courage. For if you shall manifest to us the true and solid
evidences of an upright heart, we are ready prepared immediately to
return in perfectly good faith to terms of mutual benevolence and
good-will with you, to forget all the past, to forgive, and to blot
them entirely from the memory. I wish that you could look within my
breast; for there is nothing I am more desirous of than first of all
to reconcile you to God, that there may then be a firm and lasting
agreement between us. But take my word for it, you will never
usefully serve the Lord, unless you lay aside that superciliousness
and bitterness of reproach. Therefore, if you wish to be reconciled
to us, we are prepared to embrace you as a brother; nor shall you
find us wanting in any friendly offices, so far as lies in our
power. But with reference to that paction or agreement which you
require of us, how is it possible for us to assent to it? That we
may promise to settle you in a particular church,--how can we do so?
In the first place, the churches are not at our disposal, as you
are well aware; then, with what conscience could we promise that
to you, before we are distinctly agreed upon the head of doctrine?
You do not conceal that you still dissent from us; and yet you wish
that a particular locality should be set apart for you to teach in.
Weigh considerately with yourself how far that would be seemly.
You would be well entitled to esteem us worse than blockheads were
we to comply with you. That I may at length bring this matter to a
conclusion, I beg of you, that with a calm and composed mind you
may attentively consider this whole affair; that you would also
ponder and well weigh this letter in no other balance than that of
a judgment entirely devoid of anger. You will acknowledge, that
certainly nothing can be better than to turn away from a course
of conduct entered upon at first in the spirit of malice. If you
will make trial of us, I undertake that no duty of friendship shall
be wanting on my part towards you: this Farel also in earnest
promises for himself. But do you also be mindful of that charity
which you exact with so much severity, and give some evidence that
it regulates your own conduct towards others. If you consider me
more harsh than I ought to be, bethink yourself what your letters
deserve; although I have in nowise had regard to that, but only that
I might be of service to you, which I did not see how to accomplish
unless I could bring you to the acknowledgment of your sin. Adieu,
my very dear brother in the Lord, if you will only suffer me to
love you and to esteem you as a brother. May Christ the Lord guide
you by the Spirit of counsel and prudence, so that you may quickly
extricate yourself from among those dangerous rocks upon which you
have been driven, and steer you from among the breakers safely into
port. Farel desires to salute you, and wishes that you may seriously
turn to the Lord, and then you will be prepared to return to that
friendship and brotherly agreement with us with which he himself is
ready to embrace you.--Cordially your friend,

  CALVIN.

  [_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 29.]

LI.--TO VIRET.

     Deputations sent to France and into England--the Edict of
     Fontainbleau.

  STRASBOURG, _8th October 1540_.

When your letter arrived, the second post had already been
despatched to our princes, by which our friends asked for that
embassy about which they had formerly treated. Next, that another
also be sent to the King of England, who keeps two of the
bishops[219] and many of the brethren detained in prison, because
they have refused to sign his insane decrees. You need not entertain
any doubt, my dear Viret, that our Senate lays the matter thoroughly
to heart. I speak not of my own anxiety and that of our friends,
whose care, however, of the worthy brethren affects them more than
you imagine. If you think we are only giving you good words as often
as you do not see the success that you wish for, you do not make
proper allowance for what we may have a right to expect, and that
you ought not by any means to impute the delay to our negligence.
Our Senate, also, is greatly surprised that no messenger has been
sent back to them with at least an answer of some sort, and does
not doubt that the present state of affairs prevents the princes
from arriving at any settled determination. I have translated the
Royal Edict,[220] and have taken care to keep a copy of it. We are
by no means negligent, but we cannot by all our diligence uniformly
accomplish what might be wished by all good men. A new hindrance has
also of late arisen out of the quarrel of Count William with the
Constable of France, which I wish in the long-run may come to good.
Whenever the answer is brought to us, whatever it may be, I will let
you know. Oh that the answer may meet our wishes! The letters which
arrive from the different provinces of France say nothing about
the Edict; and certainly, while occupied in translating it, the
composition gave rise to some suspicion, for it has nought of the
elegance of courtly diction about it. I keep it however beside me,
that it might not be made use of to the hurt of the brethren. Upon
what terms we have come to a settlement with Caroli you shall know
by and by, when lecture is over. At present, also, I am writing to
Farel, what he will be able to communicate also to you. As usual, I
am obliged to bear the whole brunt of their spite and malice. But
as the matter is at an end, you will also endeavour that all old
offences may be done away with. Adieu, my brother.

All the brethren salute you, Capito, Bucer, Sturm, and the
rest.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

  [219] Hugh Latimer and Nicolas Saxton.

  [220] The Edict of Fontainbleau, put forth the 1st of June 1540,
  called on the inquisitors, the bishops, and the parliaments to
  repress the crime of heresy, and by which it was assimilated to the
  crime of treason. The number of victims increased greatly on the
  promulgation of this edict, and the punishment was rendered more
  cruel by the atrocious tortures which preceded.

LII.--TO FAREL.

     Sickness of Calvin--preparation for departure to the Diet at
     Worms--letter to the Queen of Navarre on behalf of the faithful
     persecuted in France.

  STRASBOURG, _October 1540_.

When your letter was first brought to me I could scarcely lift a
finger, on account of bodily weakness, and therefore reply to yours
somewhat later than I ought. Since that time to the present such
has been my state of doubt and hesitation, that it was impossible
for me to write any thing for certain; it seemed, indeed, as if it
had been so ordered on purpose that our wedlock[221] might not be
over joyous, that we might not exceed all bounds, that the Lord thus
thwarted our joy by moderating it. On the 3d of September I was
seized with stuffing of the head, a malady so frequent with me that
it gave me no great concern. Next day, being the Lord's-day, when
I had got a little warm in the delivery of the forenoon sermon, I
felt those humours which had gathered in the head begin to loosen
and dissolve. Before I could leave the place the cough attacked me,
and I was very much troubled with the continual defluxion until
the Tuesday. On that day, when I was preaching, as usual, and
found great difficulty in speaking, owing to the nostrils being
blocked up with mucus and the fauces choked with hoarseness, all of
a sudden I underwent a strange sensation; the cough, to be sure,
ceased, but rather unseasonably, while the head continued to be
crammed with evil humours. On the Monday a circumstance occurred
which had provoked my anger; for when the housekeeper, as oft she
does, spoke more freely than became her, and had addressed some
rude expression to my brother, he could not brook her impertinence;
not, however, that he made any stir about it, but he silently left
the house, and vowed solemnly that he would not return so long as
she remained with me. Therefore, when she saw me so sad on account
of my brother's departure, she also went elsewhere. Her son, in
the meanwhile, continued to live with me. I am wont, however, when
heated by anger, or stirred up by some greater anxiety than usual,
to eat to excess, and to devour my meat more eagerly than I ought,
which so happened to me at that time. Whenever the stomach is
oppressed overnight with too much, or with unsuitable food, I am
tormented in the morning with severe indigestion. To correct that
by fasting was a ready cure, and that was my usual practice; but
in order that the son of our housekeeper might not interpret this
abstinence to be an indirect way of getting rid of him, I rather
chose, at the expense of health, not to incur that offence. On
Tuesday thereafter, when the cough, as I have already mentioned,
had ceased, about nine o'clock, after supper, I was seized with
a fainting fit. I went to bed; then followed severe paroxysm,
intense burning heat, a strange swimming of the head. When I got
up on Wednesday, I felt so feeble in every limb and member, that
I was at length forced to acknowledge that I was labouring under
severe illness. I dined sparely. After dinner I had two fits,
with frequent paroxysms afterwards, but at irregular intervals,
so that it could not be ascertained what particular form of fever
it was. There was such a degree of perspiration that nearly the
whole mattress was moistened by it. While I was under this sort of
treatment your letter arrived. So utterly unable was I to do what
you required, that it was with difficulty that I could make out
the length of three paces. At length, whatever may have been the
original nature of the disease, it turned into a tertian fever,
which at first came on with acute shooting pains, but intermittent
at every third paroxysm. There came on, to be sure, afterwards, an
access of fever, more or less, but that was not so severe. When I
began to recover, the time had already gone by, and my strength was
not equal to the journey. This, however, by no means prevented me
from deliberating with Capito and Bucer, as though I had been quite
stout and well; and when the fit time arrived, and in the midst of
my sickness, I never desisted from beseeching Bucer rather even to
set out by himself, that we might not disappoint the hope which we
had given you reason to entertain.[222] Although he was himself very
much inclined to accomplish the task he had undertaken, he rather
preferred that I should accompany him, nor had the letter of Grynée
at all prevailed with him, in which he dissuaded him, whatever might
happen, from joining himself to us, if we should continue to differ
in opinion. While I was still suffering under the weakness of which
I have spoken, my wife took a fever, from which she is now beginning
to get well, and that with a different kind of complaint; for since
the last eight days she has been so exhausted by frequent vomitings
and otherwise, that she can with difficulty sit up in bed. Albeit,
to confess the truth, none of these things had stood in the way of
my journey if there had not been a yet greater hindrance. About
a fortnight ago a report was spread, which even now continues to
prevail, that the Emperor was on the way to Worms, for the purpose
of holding the Diet of the Empire which they had appointed to meet
at Haguenau. He has not, indeed, hitherto put forth an edict to fix
the day, but our friends are somewhat apprehensive of his wishing
to make use of the same crafty devices which he put in practice in
calling the conference at Haguenau. For he reduced them to such
straits, that they had no opportunity of meeting together even for
a previous private conference. It is on this account therefore,
that at present they fear lest he come upon them before they are
prepared to deal with him. This state of matters detains Bucer here,
so that he cannot move a step. He therefore particularly requests
of you, that since you perceive it has happened by no fault on his
part, that he cannot fulfil his promise, you would consider him
excused. This I can freely affirm to you for his exculpation, that
never have I seen a man more ready to enter upon any enterprise
than he was to undertake this journey, if he had not been bound up
by this concurrence of circumstances. It will perhaps be evident,
in a short time, that this anxiety was superfluous; but what could
our friends do in the meantime, when they hear that lodgings had
already been bespoke at Worms, that the Emperor was approaching,
except that they should be very intensely on the lookout? During the
interval, you must also know, that the Emperor in person, with the
most unheard-of rapacity, has pillaged Flanders, Holland, Brabant,
Luxembourg; it may even rather be said, that he has completely
gutted these territories. But if nothing occurs to prevent, call us
whensoever it shall seem good. Bucer promises solemnly that without
shrinking, he will come immediately on receiving the summons. As
regards myself, there is no great occasion for a laboured excuse,
for it was not possible to contend with God, who confined me to my
bed at the very time when the journey was to be undertaken. For
the willingness, I do not think you can entertain a doubt. Most
certainly, those who were present at the time are aware that this
was my continual complaint, "Now Farel will be disappointed in his
expectation." But notwithstanding, we ought each of us patiently to
submit, because the Lord has either removed the hope we entertained,
or delayed the fulfilment until a more convenient season. We may
well believe that he foresaw more clearly what would be best than
we could possibly forecast, either by consultation or by our most
reasonable conclusions in regard to this business. We have nothing
new here, unless that the King and the Emperor, while contending in
cruel persecution of the godly, both endeavour to gain the favour of
the Roman idol. There was a certain personage here lately, a native
of Gascony, one of the magnates as appeared; he had an escort of
five horsemen along with him; by whom I have written to the Queen
of Navarre,[223] and have earnestly besought her that she would
not desert us in a time of so great affliction. Publicly we can do
nothing, matters continue in such a doubtful state. The Emperor,
as you have heard, hastens his journey to Worms, but not at great
speed. He has, however, shewn that he wishes to have a convention
of the princes. Afterward to hold a Diet of the whole Empire at
Ratisbon, where deliberation may be had, and those points finally
settled which had been discussed in the former Diet, both concerning
religion and the state of the Empire. That city, however, is very
inconveniently situated, in regard that all those princes who are
more desirous of peace, on account of the length and difficulty of
the journey do not come thither; and our friends have the impression
that the road is not very safe, because it is in the middle circle
of Bavaria, where the princes are hostile to them, and combined
with the Emperor in that wicked league. At Tübingen, sixty-seven
houses have been burnt down. They say that the fire has been kindled
by incendiaries, but no one knows who they are or by whom set
on....[224]

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

  [221] Calvin, in the month of August 1540, had married Idelette de
  Bure, the widow of an Anabaptist of Liege, John Störder, whom he had
  brought back to the Reformed faith. He lived nine years with her in
  the most entire union, and remained a widower in the month of April
  1549.

  [222] Bucer was on the eve of setting out for the Conference of
  Worms, which he was to have attended, accompanied by Calvin.

  [223] Marguerite, sister of Francis I. The letter to which Calvin
  here refers is unfortunately lost.

  [224] The end is wanting.

LIII.--TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.[225]

  [225] Directed on the back,--To the Magnificent and Honourable Lords
  Messieurs the Syndics and Council of Geneva.

  Two years had scarcely passed away since the banishment of Calvin,
  and already the victorious party, left to itself, had exhausted
  itself with its own excess and disorders. Of the four Syndics who
  pronounced the expulsion of the ministers, two were exiled to Berne;
  the other two had perished by a violent death.--Spon, _Hist. de
  Genève_, liv. i. pp. 280-282. Anarchy produced its ordinary fruit,
  regret for the absence of authority. Taught by severe experience,
  the people of Geneva demanded to have Calvin brought back again, and
  the new Syndics,--organs of the popular sentiment, sought to recall
  him.--Arch. of Geneva, _Registres du Conseil_, ann. 1540, _passim_.

     Excuses himself from returning to Geneva by the necessity of his
     attendance at the Diet of Worms.

  STRASBOURG, _Oct. 23, 1540_.

MY VERY WORTHY, NOBLE, AND HONOURABLE LORDS,--Albeit that, besides
the letters which you have been pleased to send me, you had given
charge to the bearer to declare more fully by word of mouth your
wish, and that he has not found me in the place where he thought to
find me, so as to deliver his message,[226] I have, nevertheless,
sufficiently understood by them the scope of your intention. I
reply, I can testify before God that I hold your Church in such
consideration that I would never be wanting in her time of need to
do whatsoever I could for her help. Furthermore, I have no doubt
whatever but that she must be very desolate, and also in danger of
being broken up and scattered besides, if that has not happened
already. And on this account I am in singular perplexity, having the
desire to meet your wish, and to wrestle with all the grace that
God has given me, to get her brought back into a better condition,
while, on the other hand, I cannot slightingly quit the charge or
lay it down lightly, to which the Lord has called me, without being
relieved of it by regular and lawful means; for so I have always
believed and taught, and to the present moment cannot persuade
myself to the contrary, that when our Lord appoints a man as pastor
in a church to teach in his word, he ought to consider himself as
engaged to take upon himself the government of it, so that he may
not lightly withdraw from it without the settled assurance in his
own heart, and the testimony of the faithful, that the Lord has
discharged him. Moreover, it has been arranged by those of the
council of the town of Strasbourg, that I should go with some of my
brethren to the Assembly at Worms, not to serve one church solely,
but for the common interest, in which number yours is included.
I do not think myself to possess such knowledge, or prudence, or
experience, that I can be of much use there, but when the object
in view is a matter of so great importance, and that it has been
appointed not only by the council of that town, but also by others,
that I should proceed thither, to be present for whatsoever it shall
please God to employ me in, I am constrained to follow, and cannot,
with a sound conscience, neglect that call.

  [226] The bearer of this letter was Amy Perrin, who sought anxiously
  to bring about the recall of the Reformer, whose most determined
  adversary he became some years afterwards at Geneva.--Spon, tom. i.
  p. 283. Note P.

Seeing myself, therefore, involved in such trouble and uncertainty,
I have communicated your letter to the chief pastors of this church,
who have ever been singularly desirous of your wellbeing and
edification, and would earnestly, with all their heart, assist you
to the utmost of their power in this matter, as also in every other.
We have consulted together, since I must undertake this journey, if
it please you, in the meantime, to call our brother, Master Peter
Viret, that your church may not be left destitute; for he will
not be an entire stranger among you, and will have that sort of
affection toward you as of one who has been occupied in promoting
your edification, from the very commencement. In the interval, our
Lord will open up a way on the one hand and on the other, as we
do hope, such as your present need requires, and as you may find
expedient. I promise you that nothing shall be denied you on my part
in all that is allowable, but that I will do my utmost to serve you
so far as God permits, and those to whose counsels he has commanded
me to hearken.

And now, right honourable, noble, and eminent Lords, after my humble
commendation to your favourable entreaties, I pray the Lord God to
have you always in his holy protection, increasing in you from day
to day his gifts and graces, making them helpful for the advancement
of the glory of his name, that you may ever prosper and be in peace.

  Your humble servant,
  JOHN CALVIN.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Archives of Geneva._ No. 1250.]

LIV.--TO FAREL.

     Exposition of the motives which prevent him from returning to
     Geneva.

  STRASBOURG, _27th October 1540_.

I have no doubt whatever that you have taken good care to apologize
for me to those brethren who advised that I should return to Geneva,
that I have not replied to them. For you are well aware how on
that account I was thrown for two days into such perplexity and
trouble of mind that I was scarcely half myself. Some time after
that, however, that I might humour you, I made an attempt to write
somewhat to them in common; but when I took into account what
usually happens with these general letters addressed in common, I
changed my mind. For what is sent only to a select few, flickers
about hither and thither incessantly from hand to hand, until at
length it is thoroughly well published. This, therefore, was my
reason why I wrote only to you: it was that you may not take into
your confidence any other readers than those from whom you know that
you need be under no apprehension of any danger. Why, therefore, I
did not wish what I intrust to your confidence to be more widely
spread, you will understand when you have read to the end of this
letter. Although I trust that you completely take up my meaning,
and that you have also faithfully explained it to others, I shall
briefly repeat now how I stand affected. Whenever I call to mind the
state of wretchedness in which my life was spent when there, how can
it be otherwise but that my very soul must shudder when any proposal
is made for my return? I pass over entirely that disquietude by
which we were perpetually tossed up and down, and driven from one
side to another, from the time when I was appointed your colleague.
I know indeed from experience, that wheresoever I might turn, all
sorts of annoyances were strewn in my way; that if I would live to
Christ, this world must be to me a scene of trial and vexation: the
present life is appointed as the field of conflict. But, at the
same time, while I call to mind by what torture my conscience was
racked at that time, and with how much anxiety it was continually
boiling over, pardon me if I dread that place as having about it
somewhat of a fatality in my case. You yourself, along with God, are
my best witness, that no lesser tie would have been sufficient to
retain me there so long, had it not been that I dared not to throw
off the yoke of my calling, which I was well assured had been laid
upon me by the Lord. So long, therefore, as I was thus bound hand
and foot, I preferred to suffer even to the uttermost extremity,
than for one moment to entertain those thoughts that were apt to
arise in my mind of changing my place of abode,--thoughts which
often stole in upon me unawares. But now that by the favour of
God I am delivered, should I be unwilling to plunge myself once
more into the gulf and whirlpool which I have already found to
be so dangerous and destructive, who would not excuse me? Yea,
forsooth, where shall you find any one who will not plainly accuse
me of being over easily persuaded, when knowingly, and with free
consent of will, I rashly surrender at discretion? But then, even
supposing that I may be nowise alarmed at my danger, how can I have
any reasonable expectation that my ministry can be of any use to
them? For you know with what a quickness of apprehension the most
of them thereaway are gifted. They will neither be bearable by me,
nor shall I be endurable by them. Besides all this, take into your
consideration that the battle which I shall have to fight will be
fully stouter and more difficult with my colleagues than with those
who are without. Of what avail will be the exertions of a single
individual, hampered by so many lets and hindrances on every side?
And in addition to all, to say truth, even although everything was
laid ready very much to my hand, from disuse I have somehow become
oblivious of those arts which are required for the guiding and the
direction of the multitude. Here, at Strasbourg, I have only to
take the oversight of a few, and the greater number hear me, not
so much as a pastor, as with the attention and reverence due to an
instructor. You allege that I am too nice and delicate, and after
having been daubed with these flatteries, cannot now bear with
patience to hear any harsher sound.

You will find yourself mistaken, however, if you allow yourself
really to think so; but when I do find it an arduous work to
superintend and oversee as I ought those few who in some sort may
be called teachable, willing to be trained and disciplined, how
shall I ever be able to restrain and keep within due bounds so
great a multitude? Whatever may be their design in recalling me,
I scarcely dare venture to contemplate; for if they are led to do
so with a sincere and honest purpose, why do they recall me rather
than the man whose ministry was not less needed for the renewal
and upbuilding of their Church than even it was at the first for
founding it? What if they only recall me that they themselves
may not become a laughing-stock to the other party, because they
have been left destitute by those persons, trusting in whom for
assistance they have ventured to banish us? And yet all these
considerations are of no avail to prevent my acquiescence in the
call; for the more that I feel disposed to turn away with abhorrence
from that province of labour, on that very account I am the more
inclined to suspect myself. Therefore I do not allow myself to
deliberate on the matter at all; and I request of our friends that
they would not take me at all into consultation along with them.
That they may determine all the more freely and sincerely, I conceal
for the most part from others these heart-burnings. What else could
I do? For I much prefer to be entirely blind, that I may suffer
myself to be guided by others, than to go astray by trusting to
my own purblindness. If, in these circumstances, I shall ask your
advice as to whose judgment I ought chiefly to defer to, you will
reply, if I am not mistaken, that there are none more proper to be
consulted than Capito and Bucer. What they think upon the matter
you have heard from themselves. I wish that you would explain the
whole case fully to the brethren, and that divesting themselves of
prejudice on either side, they would seriously consider what ought
to be done.

This is the sum of the whole: That I am not in this affair actuated
by craft or cunning--the Lord is my witness; neither do I search
about for loopholes whereby to make my escape. Certainly, indeed, it
is my desire that the Church of Geneva may not be left destitute;
therefore, I would rather venture my life a hundred times over
than betray her by my desertion. But forasmuch as my mind does not
induce me spontaneously to return, I am ready to follow those who,
there is some good hope, will prove safe and trusty guides to me.
There need, however, be no trouble taken about receiving me until
the Diet of Worms is over, since they have sent no deputy. On next
Lord's-day there will be public prayer in every church. On Monday
we set out. Do you also pray for us in the Spirit, that we may be
strengthened to sustain the contest. It is quite evident what it is
that our adversaries are endeavouring to bring about. They would
have all the States of the empire leagued together and armed for our
destruction. But what the artifices are by which they are resolved
to attack us is less certain. By and by, however, they will unfold
more clearly whatever craftiness there may be in this latter. Adieu;
salute all in the most friendly manner,--Cordier, Thomas, Fatin, Le
Clerc, and the rest. All our friends here do kindly entreat you,
both you and them.

  [_Lat. orig. autogr._--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

LV.--TO THE SEIGNEURY OF GENEVA.[227]

  [227] In accordance with the desire expressed by the ministers of
  the Church at Strasbourg, Calvin had repaired to the Diet at Worms,
  to assist at the conferences which were about to take place between
  the theologians of the two modes of worship. It was in this town
  that he received the deputies of the Council of Geneva, bearers of
  the following letter:--

  TO DOCTOR CALVIN, MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL.

  MONSIEUR, OUR GOOD BROTHER AND SPECIAL FRIEND,--We commend ourselves
  very affectionately unto you, for that we are thoroughly informed
  that you have no other desire than the growth and advancement of the
  glory and honour of God, and of his sacred and holy word. On the
  part of our lesser, great, and general councils, (which hereupon
  have strongly admonished us,) we pray you very earnestly that you
  would transfer yourself hitherward to us, and return to your old
  place and former ministry; and we hope, with the help of God, that
  this shall be a great benefit, and fruitful for the increase of the
  holy Evangel, seeing that our people greatly desire you among us,
  and will conduct themselves toward you in such sort, that you shall
  have occasion to rest content.--Your good friends,

    THE SYNDICS AND COUNCIL OF GENEVA.

    _This 22d October 1540._

    With the seal: Post tenebras spero lucem.

     Calvin at Worms--he excuses himself to the magistrates of Geneva
     for his inability to comply with their request, on account of
     the mission with which he had been charged into Germany in the
     general interest of the Church.

  WORMS, _12th November 1540_.

MY VERY WORTHY, POTENT, AND HONOURABLE LORDS,--I have received the
letters which you have been pleased to write me; have heard, at the
same time, the statement of your ambassadors conformable thereto.
Were it only on account of the courtesy and the consideration of
every kind which you shew towards me, I could no otherwise discharge
myself of my duty, except in striving to the utmost of my power to
agree to your request. And besides, it is so reasonable, that it
ought well to persuade me to accede to the wish expressed in it.
Nevertheless, there is still a reason which constrains me to pay
attention to the method and the means whereby duly to comply with
your will. It is the special love which I bear to your Church,
having always in remembrance that she has been formerly recommended
to my care and intrusted to my oversight by God, and that on that
account I am for ever obliged to seek her welfare and prosperity.

Howbeit I think I have so just and adequate an excuse for not
immediately acquiescing in your wish and my own desire, that is to
say, declaring the affection of my heart by doing what you wish,
that you shall not be very much displeased with the answer which
I have made to your ambassadors. I pray you then, as I wrote you
not long ago, always to keep in mind that I am here at present
on-waiting in case of need, according to the small ability which God
has bestowed, in the service of all the Christian Churches, in which
number yours is also comprised; and for that reason I can neither
relinquish nor delegate such a vocation, but am constrained to await
the issue, and to see what success the Lord will give. For although
of myself I can do nothing, it ought to suffice me that I am set
here in this place by the will of the Lord, on purpose to employ
me in whatsoever he would have me to apply myself; and howsoever
that we do not see the matters in hand disposed to go forward very
expeditiously, so much the more must we take heed diligently and
keep upon our guard, inasmuch as our enemies would desire nothing
better than to surprise us unawares; and what is more, as they are
full of guile and craftiness, we do not know what they are planning.
Wherefore, we ought to be preparing to meet them in another new
diet, should they succeed in obtaining the end and aim of their
intrigues at present, which is, that nothing of real business may
be despatched in the diet which is here met. Thus it happens, that
for the present I cannot come to serve you in the preaching of the
Evangel, and in the ministry of your Church. For like reason, in so
much uncertainty, I dare not fix upon any appointed time, on this
account, as I have already said, that this assembly will probably
occasion a second, to which I may be sent, and I cannot refuse.[228]
While I entertain some doubt how far this reply will be agreeable to
you, yet, were I in your place, I would take the same advice from
you.

  [228] The Conferences of Worms, where Melanchthon and Eck appeared
  as the principal actors, were in fact broken off at the request of
  the Emperor, and resumed with greater _éclat_ the year following
  at the Diet of Ratisbon. Calvin went thither, and his wonderful
  intelligence procured for him, on the acknowledgment of Melanchthon
  himself, the surname of _Theologian_. He retraced the picture of
  that Assembly in several of his Latin letters, and above all, in
  the following writing:--"The Proceedings of the Imperial Diet held
  in the City of Regensbourg, otherwise called Ratisbon, the year one
  thousand five hundred forty and one, about the differences which are
  at present concerning Religion." Geneva, 1541.

Over and above all this, the instant that God shall have vouchsafed
me the leisure and opportunity, that is to say, when I shall be
freed from this extraordinary employment, I assure you, that in
every manner of way that it shall be possible to employ me to help
your Church in her time of need, I will therein do my duty, just
the same as if I had already accepted the charge to which you have
called me--exactly as though I was already in the midst of you doing
the office of pastor. This anxious wish that I entertain, that your
Church may be rightly governed and held together, will not suffer me
to rest without attempting, by every possible means, to assist in
the time of her necessity.

True it is, indeed, that I cannot quit the call in which I am at
present placed at Strasbourg without the advice and consent of
those to whom our Lord has given the authority in that matter; for,
that we may not confuse the order of the Church, as we ought not
to undertake the administration and government of a well-regulated
Church without some one presenting us, in the same manner we ought
never to desert the Churches which are committed to us according
to our mere fancy, but to wait until those who have the power have
freed us from the charge in a right and lawful way. Thus, as not
being free, I desire always to regulate myself by the advice of my
brethren who serve in the ministry of the word along with me, but
that shall not prevent me from a readiness to do you all the service
which the Lord would graciously bestow upon you; for themselves,
indeed, are no otherwise inclined than to induce me, rather than to
hinder me that I should come to the aid of your Church, inasmuch
as they do acknowledge that it is expedient for her safety and
preservation. Wherefore, I beseech you affectionately, that you
would repose that confidence in me to believe, that heart and mind,
my whole soul, is engaged to prove to you that I am thoroughly
prepared to assist your Church in so far as shall be allowable, and
to see that she be provided according to her consequence in regard
to worldly goods and provision. Furthermore, I thank you very humbly
for the good inclination which you have been pleased graciously to
declare in my behalf, as I have understood by your letter, and more
fully by the relation of your ambassadors.

And now, worthy, potent, and honourable Lords, after my humble
commendation to your kindly favour and consideration, I pray the
Lord that, from day to day, he would increase the grace already
begun in you, and so keep you by his Holy Spirit that you may hold
your dignity as subserving to the glory of his name, so that the
state and government of your town may be daily prospered by his
blessing. Above all things, I beseech you, in the name of the Lord
Jesus, to maintain peace and good agreement among yourselves, as far
as shall be possible, and not only among yourselves, but also with
those who are joined together with you in our Lord.

  Your humble servant in the Lord,

  JOHN CALVIN.

  [_Fr. copy_--_Archives of Geneva._ No. 1250.]

LVI.--TO FAREL.

     Details of the interview of Calvin with the Deputies from Geneva.

  AT WORMS, _13th November 1540_.

Were you, my dear Farel, situated as I am, somewhat, perchance,
of that hesitation which so intensely afflicts me would keep you
also not a little anxious. For my perturbation is not confined
to myself only; those also who labour with me, for many and good
reasons, are not free from anxiety, while, at the same time, they
are men who are not wont to be alarmed for nothing. You are the only
persons who determine without any controversy what I ought to do.
But since I waver somewhat myself, and I see every one else in a
state of fluctuation and indecision, I am utterly unable to arrive
at any settled determination, except that I am prepared to follow
fully the calling of the Lord, so soon as he shall have opened it
up before me. When the deputies from Geneva had presented their
letter to the Council of Strasbourg, they were told that I was gone
away, without whose consent they could promise nothing. To which
the deputation replied, that they would willingly come hither that
they might ascertain distinctly my inclination in regard to the
application. A horseman was sent forward, post-haste, to intimate
to us that they were on their way. The post preceded them by two
days. To their deputies here, however, the Council gave direction,
to do their endeavour so as to prevent my making any promise. Never
had I believed that our Council set so much value by me. Nor did
those who were present read their letter without astonishment at
their being so anxious about retaining me, to whom I appeared to be
so little known. But mayhap they did so because they were not well
enough acquainted with me. For what is there in me to recommend me?
Howsoever that may be, the deputies, having first of all explained
the purport of the letters, exhorted and advised that I would ponder
and consider what I thought would be most for the glory of Christ;
in the meanwhile nevertheless, they declared distinctly enough what
was their own opinion. Immediately, upon the spot, I requested the
brethren to favour me with their advice. There was somewhat of a
debate. We thought it better, upon the whole, that everything should
remain as it stood until the arrival of the deputation from Geneva;
so that having been informed correctly as to the state of that city,
we might judge and determine more satisfactorily upon the whole
matter. While all this was in progress, having laid before them your
letter, and also that of Viret, again I requested their advice.
There is no need of my repeating over again to you my address to
them. I besought them, however, in every way that I could think of,
not to make any account of me in their determination. Whether I was
in earnest in making that declaration they understood from what
happened, when tears flowed faster than words; so that even twice
they so interrupted my discourse, that I was compelled for a season
to withdraw. I may proceed no further. Only this you may be sure of,
I am quite conscious that my perfect sincerity is unquestionable.
The arrangement has at length proceeded so far, that for the present
I could not bind myself, but could only hold out a good hope to
the Genevese. I have, however, obtained of our friends thus much,
that they would throw no impediment in the way to prevent my going
thither when this Diet is concluded; provided only, that the Bernese
give us to understand that they had no dislike to the arrangement.
The Council, indeed, as I perceive, will let me away only with very
great difficulty. The deputies who are here do scarcely give their
assent. And Capito is of that opinion. But Bucer will do what he can
that I may not be retained, provided that no adverse gale shall have
arisen from the quarter of Strasbourg. Do you also confirm them in
the hope they have entertained; and, in the meantime, will you state
to me in detail whatsoever you shall think of importance for our
affairs? When we shall have returned, should it then be thought fit,
you may press my departure with greater urgency. You, however, will
obtain more by your letters than any one else. But more as to these
arrangements when the time arrives. What may be expected from the
assembling of this Diet, I have briefly stated in the paper which
the brethren will show you, and a short while since I explained
to yourself. I will write to you more at length when I have more
leisure. Will you greet Viret most lovingly, and make my special
excuse for not writing, requesting of him to be satisfied for the
present with this letter? Adieu, my excellent and very dear brother;
may the Lord preserve you all.

  [_Calvin's Lat. Corresp._, Opera, tom. ix. p. 259.]

LVII.--TO NICOLAS PARENT.[229]

  [229] From the Assembly at Worms, where he sustained with Bucer and
  Melanchthon the weighty interests of the Reformation, Calvin cast a
  look of attentive regard on the humble parish of which he was the
  pastor at Strasbourg, and addressed to the Deacon Nicolas Parent,
  who was charged with the duty of supplying his place while absent,
  several letters, animated with the most lively interest in the
  spiritual wellbeing of his parishioners.

     Testimony rendered to the French Church at Strasbourg and to the
     pastor in charge of it during the absence of Calvin--matters of
     advice.

  WORMS, _26th November_ [1540.]

I congratulate myself, and rejoice for the Church's sake rather
than on your account, that all attend so regularly and hear sermon
reverently; for it was my chief desire and prayer, when I was about
to leave, that none of our brethren whom Christ ruled by my ministry
might fall off from attendance on account of my absence, that
nothing of that order might be put in peril wherewith the entireness
of the flock of Christ is kept together in a body; besides, that
compact order is of more importance and benefit to them than to me.
As, however, a well-ordered church is the pastor's glory and crown,
even so he can neither exult nor rejoice in anything regarding it,
except in so far as the salvation of souls is concerned. Blessed,
therefore, be the Lord, who keeps the hearts and minds of all in the
fear and reverence of his own word, and also instructs and informs
your spirit with the gifts which may give satisfaction to the
hearers. I wish that some time or other he may thus also provide
the Genevese, that they may give over their solicitations;[230] for,
indeed, it sorely grieves me, that while I earnestly desire them to
be relieved, yet I see no method by which that can be brought about
until we shall have returned thither, and Farel shall have written
word how matters stand at present among them; for we have obtained
this present breathing time on that condition, that we may take
counsel and consider the state of the Church, such as it shall be at
the time. Now, therefore, while everything remains in this suspense,
I begin to rest a little from that anxiety which the difficulty of
this consultation has brought upon me, and to breathe more freely.

  [230] Calvin had received at Worms the letter of recall and of the
  ambassadors of the Senate of Geneva. See the preceding Letter.

To return, however, to our Church; I am well content that it can
endure my absence without any great longing for my return. You have
done well in giving intimation about the celebrating of the Lord's
Supper, that, indeed, had not occurred to me when I came away; but
you have made the announcement too late, for the day has elapsed on
which it ought to have been made, or will certainly have gone by
before any letter from me can have reached you. And I fear lest, in
laying aside the usual probation before receiving the sacrament,
that this speckled examination may give us some disturbance
hereafter. On the whole, I think it will be better if we defer for
the present, since it was not thought of at the proper time, unless,
perhaps, Claude[231] has returned, so that you can consult with
him; for if he agree with you to proceed, I would be unwilling to
interpose delay; only I am afraid that it may prove hurtful to us
hereafter, if we innovate upon what has been already settled; else
if it can be so arranged with a due regard to order, I shall not
delay it. Adieu, my dear Nicolas; greet most lovingly in my name
Sebastian, Enard, and your other fellow-workers. May the Lord have
you all in his keeping, and by his own Spirit direct you to every
good work.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

  [_Lat. copy_--_Library of Geneva._ Vol. 106.]

  [231] Claude was the other deacon of the French Church at
  Strasbourg.

LVIII.--TO NICOLAS PARENT.[232]

  [232] See the note appended to the preceding French Letter. Nicolas
  Parent became, at a later period, minister of the Church of
  Neuchatel.

     Instructions regarding the Supper, and on various points of
     Ecclesiastical Discipline.

  WORMS, _14th December 1540_.

I am well pleased that you have delayed the holy Supper for
another month, for at the present time you could not administer it
without neglecting that order which, for very sufficient reasons,
I earnestly desire to be carefully attended to. I am greatly
delighted, according to what I hear, that our Church holds well
together, so that no inconvenience is felt from my absence; in the
midst of my annoyances, it is especially refreshing and consolatory.
Although I only spoke incidentally and very briefly, before my
departure, what appeared to me to be worth while, I nevertheless
gave faithful counsel. I rejoice that you take it in good part, not
because it was mine, but because I am confident that it will prove
not unuseful to you and wholesome to others. I am not a little
perplexed in the devising of a method by which to give assistance
to the poor. But you see the extreme destitution of our church, nor
have I ever been able so to arrange matters that some help might be
sent to us from France. Sturm left the other key at his own house.
If only so much shall be found in the poor-box from whence you can
supply the present need until my return, we shall then deliberate
together what better can be done. There is no reason why you should
give yourself much concern about those flying reports, which you
understand are spread with no evil intent, but from mere idle folly.

I am really grieved on account of Philip, that his complaint is
of so long continuance. He is a pious young man; modest, upright,
prudent, so far as appears to me. Therefore, if the Lord shall
preserve him to us, I have conceived the best hopes of his excellent
natural disposition and understanding. Will you greet him kindly in
my name? The other person you mention, the more he is destitute of
help or comfort, the more carefully we ought to relieve him. What
you tell me about the elderly woman, because there was something
which looked so much out of the ordinary course of nature in the
account, I could not at first be brought to the belief of it. Not
that I thought you had done rashly that you had advertised me of it,
since the story had been spread abroad by the discourses of many.
Nor ought we feigningly to pass by scandals which are thus blown
about upon the breath of rumour, even although they may be obscure,
and not very well ascertained on good authority. For while it may
be our duty to put down rashly-concocted slanders, we cannot duly
distinguish between truth and falsehood, if we negligently pass
over scandals which are in everybody's mouth. Now when Charles has
given me certain information, that there are not only appearances of
wantonness, which rather lead to a suspicion that there is something
wrong, than enable us to deal with it, but has also announced the
marriage, I have been utterly stupefied. It is certainly a scandal,
which all the saints ought to hold in abomination. For what appears
even more fabulous than when we read in the poets that women of
sixty years of age are still wantons? And, indeed, this silly old
woman has already arrived at her seventieth year, and has a son of
an age which generally puts an end to the love-passages of married
women. Had she only joined herself in marriage to some man of
already declining years, she might have pretended that she sought
something else than the delights of matrimony. She has now taken
away not only every defence, but also every appearance of excuse.
They thought that they laid their plans very cleverly, when they
took advantage of a clandestine benediction. But they find by
experience, both of them, how dangerous a thing it is to trifle with
God. If you now ask me what may be your duty in this matter, I can
scarcely help you forward in it. For although I consider that they
ought to be severely reprehended, (nor can we avoid that, unless we
are willing to forego our duty,) because, however, it is not free
of danger, there is need of great caution being had, lest, being
exasperated by us, they may overleap the fences, and burst away from
each other with the same rashness by which they came together,
and with greater scandal and more offensive profligacy. Therefore,
unless some special occasion shall have been presented to you, I do
not advise that you exchange a word with her upon the subject. But
if a suitable occasion shall have presented itself, you may then
shew her how greatly you were displeased that she had so little
considered, in the conduct she had pursued, either her own character
or the edification of the Church, and that there was not one serious
or decent man who did not highly disapprove it. That you also did
not entertain a doubt that this news will be both very bitter and
very sad to me. At the same time, however, that she may not be
utterly distracted or break out into insanity, you can soften the
harshness of these expressions by kindly expressions, and exhort her
to endeavour to make up for what has been so ill begun, by bringing
the matter to a better ending. Lastly, you must use such discretion
in the matter, that all shall be in order when I return.

I am so perplexed, or rather confused in my mind, as to the call
from Geneva, that I can scarce venture to think what I ought to
do,--that whenever I enter upon the consideration of this subject,
I can perceive no outlet by which to escape. Wherefore, so long as
I am constrained by this anxiety, I am suspicious of myself, and
put myself into the hands of others, to be directed by them. In the
meantime, let us beseech the Lord that he would point out the way
to us. Adieu, dear brother. Greet for me, most lovingly, all our
friends.--Yours,

  CALVIN.

When I was about to send away this letter, your other letter reached
me, in which you describe the nuptials. You have certainly proved
yourself a man of courage in having dared to approach Mathias, who
does not easily suffer the word of admonition, much less that of
rebuke. I rejoice, however, that it has been so well taken. Let us,
therefore, be satisfied with this friendly expostulation, without
pursuing the interest of the Church any farther. This example
admonishes us, that in future nothing of a disorderly kind ought to
be passed by. In so far as regards the man and wife, I would have
you observe such moderation, that foolish as they are already, they
may not become insane altogether. I know the pride, bitterness,
and arrogance, of the woman. As for the monk, I believe that the
solitary winter nights seemed to him too long to be spent at home.
It is therefore to be feared lest for the sake of whiling away
the time, he may betake himself elsewhere; for you are aware that
this class of persons enjoy the privilege of gadding about. I have
advertised Sturm, although, of his own accord, he was about to do
what you ask. Therefore, that person whom you speak of, will receive
a letter by Crato.

My very dear brother, adieu. In haste, as the messenger is wishing
to get on horseback and away. Present my most friendly salutation to