Colonel Elliott does not possess the influence over them that Captain
McKee does.  In conversation with him you may take an opportunity of
intimating that I have not been unmindful of the interests of the
Indians in my communications to ministers; and I wish you to learn
(as if casually the subject of conversation) what stipulations they
would propose for themselves or be willing to accede to in case of
either failure or success.  I wish the engineers to proceed
immediately to strengthening Fort Amherstburg, the plan for which I
shall be glad to see as soon as possible."

On September 18th the general wrote to his brother Savery: "You
doubtless feel much anxiety on my account.  I am really placed in a
most awkward predicament.  If I get through my present difficulties
with tolerable success I cannot but obtain praise.  But I have
already surmounted difficulties of infinitely greater magnitude.
Were the Americans of one mind the opposition I could make would be
unavailing; but I am not without hope that their divisions may be the
saving of this province.  A river of about five hundred yards divides
the troops.  My instructions oblige me to adopt defensive measures.
It is thought that without the aid of the sword the American people
may {281} be brought to a due sense of their own interests.  I firmly
believe I could at this moment sweep everything before me between
Fort Niagara and Buffalo, but my success would be transient."  No
doubt the general thought of that other victory, which by the
supineness of the commander-in-chief had been taken so little
advantage of.

[Sidenote: 49th Regiment]

The letter continues: "I have now officers in whom I can confide.
Six companies of the 49th are with me here, and the remaining four
are at Kingston under Vincent.  Although the regiment has been ten
years in this country, drinking rum without bounds, it is still
respectable and apparently ardent for an opportunity to acquire
distinction.  It has five captains in England and two on the staff in
this country, which leaves it bare of experienced officers.  The
United States regiments of the line desert to us frequently, as the
men are tired of the service.  Their militia, being chiefly composed
of enraged Democrats, are more ardent and anxious to engage, but they
have neither subordination or discipline.  They die very fast.  You
will hear of some decided action in the course of a fortnight, or in
all probability we shall return to a state of tranquillity.  I say
decisive, because if I should be beaten the province is inevitably
gone; and should I be victorious, I do not imagine the gentry from
the other side will care to return to the charge.  I am quite anxious
that this state of warfare should end, as I wish much to join Lord
Wellington and to see you all."

[1] Chief Justice Powell.

[2] From John Lovett to J. Alexander, dated August 26th, 1812.

{283}

CHAPTER XXI

CONSEQUENCES OF ARMISTICE

The month of September had seen the arrival at Montreal of the
wretched prisoners from Detroit.  Colonel Baynes wrote that they had
reached there in a very miserable state, having travelled without
halt.  They had been sent to Fort William Henry on their way to
Quebec.  The officers were to be on parole and the men confined in
the transports on the river.  General Hull had been allowed to return
home on parole, and also most of the officers who had families with
them.  "General Hull," Colonel Baynes said, "seemed to possess less
feeling and sense of shame than any man in his situation could be
supposed to have.  The grounds on which he rests his defence are not
well founded, as he said he had not gunpowder enough for one day.
Sir George showed him the return of the large supply found in the
fort.  It did not create a blush!"

The unfortunate and incapable general was tried by court-martial on
his return on parole to the United States.  He was found guilty and
sentenced to death.  His defence was that he had not provisions
enough to maintain the siege, that he expected the enemy would be
reinforced, and that he knew the savage ferocity of the Indians.  His
sentence of death was remitted on account of his past {284} services,
but his name was struck off the roll of the army, and he passed the
remainder of his life in disgrace and obscurity.

Colonel Baynes reported in September that about half of the 8th, or
King's Regiment, three hundred men, were at Côteau du Lac and the
Isle aux Noix.  These two places were the keys of Lower Canada, the
former commanding the navigation of the St. Lawrence at its entrance
into Lake Francis, the latter, in the Richelieu River, being the
barrier of Lower Canada from the Champlain frontier.  In the conflict
of the eighteenth century these places had been much thought of by
French engineers.  They were, after the conquest, fortified by
General Haldimand.  Colonel Baynes was confident, he wrote, that the
British could bring as many men into the field as the Americans, and
of superior stuff, as the militia had improved so much in discipline,
and therefore in spirit and confidence.  Montreal, he thought, could
turn out two thousand volunteer militia very tolerably drilled.

A naval success on the Atlantic on August 19th, when H.M.S.
_Guerrière_ was taken by the _Constitution_, had gone far to console
the Americans for their discomfiture at Detroit, and they were
hopefully preparing for another invasion, in this instance on the
Niagara frontier, where Major-General Van Rensselaer[1] had assembled
an army of over six {285} thousand men, with headquarters at the
village of Lewiston, opposite Queenston.

[Sidenote: Dearborn's command]

At Plattsburg there were about five thousand troops, half of them
regulars under the immediate command of Major-General Dearborn, who
wrote on September 26th to General Van Rensselaer: "At all events we
must calculate on possessing Upper Canada before the winter sets in."
Ex-President Jefferson wrote: "I fear that Hull's surrender has been
more than the mere loss of a year to us.  Perhaps, however, the
patriotic efforts from Kentucky and Ohio by recalling the British
force to its upper posts, may yet give time to Dearborn to strike a
blow below.  Effective possession of the river from Montreal to
Chaudiere, which is practicable, would give us the upper country at
our leisure."

So spoke the generals and politicians.  In the meantime, courteous
messages were passing from Major-General Van Rensselaer to
Major-General Brock as to the disposition of the prisoners of war,
and of the women and children who had accompanied them from Detroit.
General Brock writes to the American general: "With much regret I
have perceived very heavy firing from both sides of the river.  I am,
however, given to understand that on all occasions it commenced on
your side, and from the circumstance of the flag of truce which I did
myself the honour to send over yesterday, having been repeatedly
fired on while in the act of crossing {286} the river, I am inclined
to give full credit to the correctness of the information.  You may
rest assured on my repeating my most positive orders against the
continuance of a practice which can only be injurious to individuals,
without promoting the object which both our nations may have in view."

Another letter from John Lovett,--secretary to General Van
Rensselaer--to Joseph Alexander, gives an idea of the state of
affairs from the American point of view, and indirectly bears
testimony to the unceasing labour and watchfulness of the British
general:--

_Headquarters, Lewiston, September 32nd, 1812._ "The enemy appears to
be in a state of preparedness to give or receive an attack.  Every
day or two they make some movement which indicates a disposition to
attack us immediately.  The night before last every ship they have on
Lake Ontario came into the mouth of Niagara.  Then, to be sure, we
thought it time to look out for breakers.  But yesterday, when
Colonel Van Rensselaer went over with a flag to Fort George, there
was not a ship in sight nor a general officer there; where gone we
know not.  Notwithstanding the most positive orders on both sides,
our sentries have kept up almost a constant warfare for a month past.
On the bank of the river musket balls are about as thick as
whip-poor-wills on a summer evening.  We are promised reinforcements
by companies, battalions, regiments, brigades, {287} and I might
almost say armies, but not a single man has joined us in some weeks.
Besides our men here are getting down very fast.  The morning's
report of sick was one hundred and forty-nine.  Give Mrs. Lovett the
inclosed.  It contains an impression of General Brock's seal, with
his most appropriate motto, 'He who guards never sleeps.'"

[Sidenote: The Niagara frontier]

Although this did not happen to be the general's motto, it very well
expressed his attitude.  That forty miles of frontier to defend with
his limited force, was a problem ever present to him.  The American
army on the Niagara frontier consisted of five thousand two hundred
men of the New York militia, three hundred field and light artillery,
eight hundred of the 6th, 13th and 23rd Regiments of Foot (regulars),
in all six thousand three hundred men, stationed between Niagara and
Lewiston, under the command of Major-General Van Rensselaer.  At
Black Rock and Buffalo, twenty-eight miles distant, were one thousand
six hundred and forty regulars three hundred and eighty-six militia
and two hundred and fifty sailors under the command of
Brigadier-General Smyth.  Four hundred Seneca Indians had also joined
the United States forces.

Major-General Brock had under his immediate command part of the 41st
and 49th Regiments, a few companies of militia and three hundred
Indians, a force in all of about fifteen hundred men, dispersed
between Fort Erie, opposite Black Rock, and Fort George, thirty-six
miles distant.  Only a {288} small number could be available at any
one point.  With unwearied diligence the British commander watched
the motions of the enemy, but under the circumstances he knew that it
was impossible to prevent the landing of the hostile troops,
especially if their operations were carried out at night.  There was
one point in his favour, the want of accord between the American
generals.  Smyth thought the crossing should be made above the Falls,
Van Rensselaer favoured the attack on the river below.

A letter to Brock from Sir George Prevost of September 25th, showed
that he still held the idea of simply being on the defensive, and had
a slavish fear of doing anything that might draw on himself blame
from the English ministry.  He wrote: "It no longer appears by your
letter of the 13th that you consider the enemy's operations on the
Niagara frontier indicative of active operations.  If the government
of America inclines to defensive measures, I can only ascribe its
determination to two causes, the first is the expectation of such
overtures from us as will lead to a suspension of hostilities
preparatory to negotiations for peace; the other arises from having
ascertained by experience our ability in the Canadas to resist the
attack of a tumultuary force.  I agree in opinion with you that so
wretched is the organization and discipline of the American army,
that at this moment much might be effected against them; but as the
government at home could derive no substantial advantage from any
disgrace we {289} might inflict on them, whilst the more important
concerns of the country are committed in Europe, I again request you
will steadily pursue that policy which shall appear to you best
calculated to promote the dwindling away of such a force by its own
inefficient means."

These were certainly rather enigmatical words from the
commander-in-chief, and calculated rather to dampen than to inspire
the ardour of the defenders of the country.  The evil effect of the
policy of inaction was soon apparent.

[Sidenote: The "Detroit" and "Caledonia"]

On October 9th the brig _Detroit_ (late United States brig _Adams_),
and the North-West Company's brig _Caledonia_ (one hundred tons),
having arrived at Fort Erie the preceding day from Detroit, were
boarded and carried off at dawn by Lieutenant Elliott of the American
navy with a hundred seamen and soldiers in two large boats.  This
officer was stationed at the time at Black Rock, superintending the
equipment of some schooners purchased for service on Lake Erie.  Had
it not been for the defensive measures forced on General Brock by the
commander-in-chief, these schooners would probably have been
destroyed.  The two British vessels contained forty prisoners, some
cannon and small arms captured at Detroit, and also a valuable lot of
furs in the _Caledonia_ belonging to the South-West Company.  The
Americans who attacked the two brigs far out-numbered the crews and
militia on board, who amounted {290} in all to sixty-eight men.
After the capture Lieutenant Elliott ran the _Caledonia_ close under
the batteries at Black Rock, but on account of the heavy fire from
Fort Erie he was compelled to abandon the _Detroit_ at Squaw Island.
Here she was boarded by a subaltern detachment from Fort Erie, which
had come to the rescue.  Unfortunately their efforts were unavailing,
and the Americans set her on fire.

[Sidenote: The capture]

General Brock's letter relating to the disaster is dated Fort George,
October 11th, 1812: "I had scarcely closed my despatch to your
Excellency, of the 9th, when I was suddenly called away to Fort Erie,
in consequence of a bold, and I regret to say, successful attack by
the enemy on His Majesty's ship _Detroit_ and the private brig
_Caledonia_, which had both arrived the preceding day from
Amherstburg.  It appears by every account I have been able to
collect, that a little before day a number of boats, full of men,
dropped down with the current unobserved, boarded both vessels at the
same moment, and cutting their cables were proceeding with them to
the American shore, when Major Ormsby who witnessed the transaction,
directed the batteries to open upon them, and soon compelled the
enemy to abandon the _Detroit_, which grounded about the centre of
Squaw Island, a little more than a mile below Black Rock.  She was
then boarded by a party of the 49th Regiment, but as no anchor
remained, and being otherwise unprovided {291} with every means by
which she could be hauled off, the officers, throwing her guns
overboard, after sustaining a smart fire of musketry, decided to quit
her.  A private, who is accused of getting drunk, and a prisoner of
war, who was unable from his wounds to escape, with about twenty
prisoners brought by the _Detroit_ from Amherstburg, remained,
however, behind; these it became necessary to remove before the
vessel could be destroyed, and Cornet Pell, major of the Provincial
Cavalry, offered his services.  Being unfortunately wounded as he was
getting on board, and falling back into the boat, a confusion arose,
during which the boat drifted from the vessel, leaving on board two
of the 41st who had previously ascended.  In the meantime the
_Caledonia_ was secured by the enemy, and a cargo of furs belonging
to the South-West Company landed.  I reached the spot soon after
sunset, and intended to have renewed the attempt to recover the
_Detroit_, which I had every prospect of accomplishing, assisted by
the crew of the _Lady Prevost_, which vessel had anchored a short
time before, but before the necessary arrangements could be made, the
enemy boarded her, and in a few minutes she was seen in flames.  This
event is particularly unfortunate, and may reduce us to incalculable
distress.

"The enemy is making every exertion to gain a naval superiority on
both lakes, which if they accomplish I do not see how we can retain
the {292} country.  More vessels are fitting out for war on the other
side of Squaw Island, which I should have attempted to destroy but
for your Excellency's repeated instructions to forbear.  Now such a
force is collected for their protection as will render every
operation against them very hazardous.  The manner our guns were
served yesterday points out the necessity of an increase, if
possible, of artillerymen to our present small number of regulars.
The militia evinced a good spirit, but fired without much effect.
The enemy, however, must have lost some men, and it is only wonderful
that in a contest of a whole day, no life was lost on our side.  The
fire of the enemy was incessant, but badly directed till the close of
the day, when it began to improve.

"Lieutenant Rolette, who commanded the _Detroit_, had, and I believe
deservedly, the character of a brave, attentive officer.  His vessel
must, however, have been surprised--an easy operation when she lay at
anchor, and I have reason to suspect that this consideration was not
sufficiently attended to by the officers commanding on board and on
shore.  We have not only sustained a heavy loss in the vessel, but
likewise in the cargo, which consisted of four 12-pounders, a large
quantity of shot and about two hundred muskets, all of which were
intended for Kingston and Prescott.  The only consolation is that she
escaped the enemy, whose conduct did not entitle him to so rich a
prize.

"The enemy has brought some boats overland {293} from Schlosser to
the Niagara River, and made an attempt last night to carry off the
guard over the store at Queenston.  I shall refrain as long as
possible under your Excellency's positive injunctions, from every
hostile act, although sensible that each day's delay gives him an
advantage."

[Sidenote: Colonel Procter]

On the same day General Brock wrote to Colonel Procter, who was still
in command on the Detroit frontier.  After various instructions the
letter concludes as follows: "An active, interesting scene is going
to commence with you.  I am perfectly at ease as to the result,
provided we can manage the Indians and keep them attached to your
cause, which, in fact, is theirs.  The fate of the province is in
your hands.  Judging by every appearance we are not to remain long
idle in this quarter.  Were it not for the positive injunctions of
the commander of the forces I should have acted with greater
decision.  This forbearance may be productive of ultimate good but I
doubt its policy--perhaps we have not the means of judging correctly.
You will, of course, adopt a very different line of conduct.  The
enemy must be kept in a state of constant ferment.  Nothing new at
Montreal.  Lord Wellington has totally defeated Marmont, near
Salamanca."

[1] General Van Rensselaer, "padron" of New York, was not a
professional soldier, but relied in military matters on the advice of
his cousin and adjutant, Colonel Van Rensselaer.

{295}

CHAPTER XXII

QUEENSTON HEIGHTS

It was on October 6th, 1812, General Brock's forty-third birthday,
when the despatches announcing the victory of Detroit and the colours
taken there, arrived in London.  It was a time when England waited
breathless for news of her arms abroad.  She was in the midst of her
life and death struggle with her arch-foe in Europe, and blood and
treasure were being poured on the fields of Spain.  No wonder, then,
that news of a victory even in distant Canada was hailed with
acclaim, and bells were set ringing and guns were fired to let the
people know the good news.

Early in the day the wife of William Brock asked her husband why the
park and tower guns were saluting.  "For Isaac, of course," was his
reply.  "Do you not know that this is his birthday?"  Later he learnt
that what he had said in jest was true.  It was indeed for Isaac
Brock that bells were ringing and guns saluting.

Sir George Prevost's despatch to Lord Bathurst told of the great
ability and judgment with which General Brock had planned, and the
promptitude, energy, and fortitude with which he had effected the
preservation of Upper Canada with the sacrifice {296} of so little
British blood.  The answer was prompt.  Lord Bathurst wrote: "I am
commanded by His Royal Highness to desire you to take the earliest
opportunity of conveying His Royal Highness' approbation of the able,
judicious and decisive conduct of Major-General Brock, of the zeal
and spirit manifested by Colonel Procter and the other officers, as
well as of the intrepidity of the troops.  You will inform
Major-General Brock that His Royal Highness, taking into
consideration all the difficulties by which he was surrounded from
the time of the invasion of the province by the American army under
the command of General Hull, and the singular judgment, firmness,
skill and courage with which he was enabled to surmount them so
effectually has been pleased to appoint him an extra knight of the
most honourable Order of the Bath."

[Sidenote: The Order of the Bath]

On October 10th the honours were gazetted.  It was on October 13th, a
date not to be forgotten, that Irving Brock received the short note,
written at Detroit: "Rejoice at my good fortune and join me in
prayers to heaven.  Let me hear you are united and happy."  William
Brock writes on that day to his brother Savery in Guernsey: "Since I
sent you on Tuesday last the _Gazette_ containing the despatches, I
have been so engrossed with the one all-exciting subject as to be
unable to attend to your business.  As I well know that Isaac would
not consider his good fortune complete unless a reconciliation took
place between Irving and {297} myself, I went up to-day on seeing him
and shook hands.  He then showed me two lines which he had just
received from Isaac.  It is satisfactory to me that we shook hands
before I was aware of the contents.  I have again seen Captain Coore,
who told me that the Prince Regent had spoken to him about Isaac for
nearly half an hour.  His Royal Highness was pleased to say that
General Brock had done more in one hour than could have been done in
six months' negotiation with Mr. Russell, that he had by his exploit
given a lustre to the British army, etc.  The very prompt manner in
which the red riband has been conferred, confirms the flattering
remarks of the prince, and proves the favourable impression of the
ministry.  I look forward to Isaac receiving the thanks of parliament
when it meets again.  Captain Coore thinks he will now take Niagara.
May Sir Isaac long live to be an example to your Julian and an honour
to us all."

While the brothers were rejoicing in his good fortune, the general
was passing anxious days and nights.  It was apparent that an attack
on the frontier was coming, but at what point on the line it was
impossible to determine.  An American spy had visited the British
camp and reported that General Brock had left for Detroit with all
the forces he could spare from Niagara.  Possibly this report
encouraged the American general to hasten his movements.

The night of October 12th was cold and stormy.  {298} General Brock
sat late at his desk writing despatches and instructions for the
officers commanding at different points of the river.  His last
letter to Sir George Prevost was written then.  It reads: "The vast
number of troops which have been this day added to the strong force
previously collected on the opposite side, convinces me, with other
indications, that an attack is not far distant.  I have, in
consequence, directed every exertion to be made to complete the
militia to two thousand men, but I fear that I shall not be able to
effect my object with willing, well-disposed characters."

It was past midnight when the general sought repose.  Was the
beatific vision again vouchsafed him of his brothers once more united
and happy?  Before the dawn, about four a.m., the sound of distant
firing roused him from his short slumber.  The hour so long expected
had come at last.  In a few moments the general was in his saddle,
and not waiting even for his aide-de-camp to accompany him, he
galloped off by the road to Queenston, seven miles away, whence the
ominous sound came.

It was not the general only who had waited with impatience for the
decisive moment.  One of the young volunteers on guard, Lieutenant
Robinson, in his account of that fateful day, writes: "The lines had
been watched with all the care and attention which the extent of our
force rendered possible, and such was the fatigue which our men
underwent from want of rest, and exposure to the {299} inclement
weather, that they welcomed with joy the prospect of a field which
they thought would be decisive."[1]

[Sidenote: The river Niagara]

All along the river bank from Fort George to Queenston, a mile or two
apart, Canadian batteries commanded different points where a crossing
might be made.  The principal were at Brown's Point, two miles from
Queenston, and Vrooman's Point, nearer that village.  At the former
was stationed a company of York volunteers, under the command of
Captain Cameron.  The latter, which commanded Lewiston and the
landing at Queenston, was guarded by another company of York
volunteers under the command of Captain Heward.

Above the village of Queenston the channel of the river narrows, and
the banks rise to the height of three hundred feet, thickly covered
with trees and shrubs.  At the ferry between Lewiston and Queenston
the river is one thousand two hundred and fifty feet in breadth, with
a depth of from two to three hundred feet and a very rapid current.
Half way down the hill, or the mountain, as it was called, was the
redan battery, where the flank light company of the 49th Regiment,
under Captain {300} Williams was stationed.  The other flank company
of the 49th, the grenadiers, numbering only forty-six men, under
Major Dennis, was at the village of Queenston, where also was
stationed Captain Chisholm's company from York, and Captain Hall's
company of 5th Lincoln militia.  There was a small detachment of
artillery in the village, with two 3-pounders, under the command of
Lieutenant Crowther and Captain Ball.  On the height opposite
Queenston, on the American side, was Fort Grey, whose guns commanded
that village.  From this point the firing first came.

It was about half an hour before daylight, probably about four a.m.,
in the midst of a violent storm of wind and rain, that, under cover
of darkness, the Americans began crossing the river.  They were seen
by the militia sentinel on guard at Queenston, who immediately ran to
the guardhouse to give the alarm.  As soon as possible, the grenadier
company of the 49th and the militia company stationed there, began
firing on them, using also the two 3-pounders with good effect.
Colonel Van Rensselaer, a relative of the general, who had charge of
the troops crossing, was at this time severely wounded, as well as
many of the rank and file, before the boats had gone far from their
side of the river.  The gun at Vrooman's Point, which commanded the
landing at Lewiston, also joined in, and many of the boats were
driven back, whilst others in a battered condition drifted down the
{301} river and ran ashore near Vrooman's Point.  Those on board,
many of them wounded, were made prisoners.

[Sidenote: The York volunteers]

The detachment of York Volunteers at Brown's Point, two miles below,
had heard the firing, and made ready to join their comrades in
helping to drive the invaders back.  Dawn was now glimmering in the
east, but the semi-darkness was illumined by the discharge of
musketry and the flash of artillery.  In spite of the constant fire,
some boats succeeded in effecting a landing.

Captain Cameron, in command of the York company at Brown's Point, was
at first undecided whether to advance or to remain at the post
assigned him to defend.  It had been thought that the enemy would
make various attacks at different points on the line, and this might
be a feint, while the real landing would take place elsewhere.
However, he decided to go to the aid of the troops above, and had
scarcely set off on his march in that direction when General Brock
galloped past alone.  He waved his hand as he flew by, bidding the
little troop press on.[2]  Little need to tell them to follow.  Their
confidence in their general was unbounded.  They were ready to follow
him through danger and death.  In a few minutes the general reached
and passed Vrooman's Point, and was soon followed by {302} his two
aides, Major Glegg and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell.

The reception given to the invaders had been a warm one.  To quote
from Lieutenant Robinson: "Grape and musket shot poured upon them at
close quarters as they approached the shore.  A single discharge of
grape from a brass 6-pounder, directed by Captain Dennis of the 49th,
destroyed fifteen in a boat.  Three of the _bateaux_ landed below Mr.
Hamilton's garden in Queenston and were met by a party of militia and
a few regulars, who slaughtered almost the whole of them, taking the
rest prisoners.  Several other boats were so shattered and disabled
that the men in them threw down their arms and came on shore, merely
to deliver themselves up as prisoners of war.  As we advanced with
our company, we met troops of Americans on their way to Fort George
under guard, and the road was lined with miserable wretches suffering
under wounds of all descriptions, and crawling to our houses for
protection and comfort.  The spectacle struck us, who were unused to
such scenes, with horror, but we hurried to the mountain, impressed
with the idea that the enemy's attempt was already frustrated, and
the business of the day nearly completed."

[Sidenote: The Redan battery]

Thus far, everything had gone well for the defense, and the general,
on his approach to Queenston, was greeted with the news that the
greater number of the boats had been destroyed or taken.  Another
{303} brigade of four boats was just then setting off from Lewiston,
and the 49th Light Company, which had been stationed at the redan
battery on the mountain, was ordered down to assist in preventing
them landing.  General Brock had ridden forward to inspect this
battery, where the 18-pounder had been left in charge of eight
artillerymen.  He had just dismounted to enter the enclosure when
shots from above warned him that the enemy had gained the crest of
the hill.  As was learned afterwards, Captain Wool, of the United
States army, on whom devolved the command of the boats when Colonel
Van Rensselaer was wounded, had very skilfully conducted his men up
the river, and on shore, until they came to a fisherman's path
leading up the south side of the mountain, a path so steep and narrow
that it had been left unguarded.  They had succeeded in reaching the
height unobserved, where they remained concealed by the crags and
trees.  It was now about seven in the morning.

In the dangerous and exposed position in which General Brock found
himself, there was nothing to be done but to order the gun to be
spiked and to evacuate the battery with all the speed possible.
There was no time for him even to mount his horse.  He led it down
the hill and entered the village to reform his troops and gather them
for an assault on the enemy above.  There were but two hundred men
available for the work, two companies of the 49th, about a hundred
men, and the same number {304} of militia.  It was a hazardous and
daring enterprise to attempt to regain the heights with so small a
force, but regardless of danger, as was his wont, General Brock, on
foot, led his men to the charge up the hill.  In vain was the
attempt.  The enemy above were so advantageously placed, and kept up
such a tremendous fire, that the small number ascending were driven
back.  Again the general rallied them, and proceeded by the right of
the mountain, meaning to attack them in flank.  His tall form and
prominent position as leader made him too easy a mark.  Scarcely had
he ascended a few paces when the fatal bullet struck him in the
breast, and he fell, "too prodigal of that life so needed by all."

Of the last words of a hero there are always conflicting stories.
Some say Isaac Brock called on his men to press forward, some say he
murmured his sister's name; but who can doubt but that his faithful
heart, in that supreme moment, was back with his loved ones, and it
was not the heights of Queenston he was climbing but the steep cliffs
of Guernsey, and it was not the roar of the cannon or the rush of the
river that filled his dying ear, but the sound of the waves as they
surged in the caverns of his island home.

They bore him from the place where he fell to a house at the foot of
the hill, where his comrades covered his lifeless form, and then went
back to the work he had left them to do.  The handful of troops {305}
had retreated to the village, where they were joined by the two
companies of York Volunteers from Brown's and Vrooman's Points.
About half-past nine Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, aide-de-camp,
formed them again for an advance up the hill to dislodge the enemy.

[Sidenote: A hot fight]

Lieutenant Robinson tells the story: "We were halted a few moments in
Mr. Hamilton's garden, where we were exposed to the shot from the
American battery at Fort Grey, and from several field pieces directly
opposite to us, besides an incessant and disorderly fire of musketry
from the sides of the mountain.  In a few minutes we were ordered to
advance.  The nature of the ground and the galling fire prevented any
kind of order in ascending.  We soon scrambled to the top to the
right of the battery which they had gained, and were in some measure
covered by the woods.  There we stood and gathered the men as they
advanced, and formed them into line.  The fire was too hot to admit
of delay.  Scarcely more than fifty had collected, about thirty of
whom were of our company, headed by Captain Cameron, and the
remainder of the 49th Light Company, commanded by Captain Williams.

"Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell was mounted and animating the men to
charge....  The enemy were just in front, covered by bushes and logs.
They were in no kind of order, and were three or four hundred in
number.  They perceived us {306} forming, and at about thirty yards
distance, fired.  Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, who was on the left
of our party calling upon us to advance, received a shot in his body
and fell.  His horse was at the same instant killed.  Captain
Williams, who was at the other extremity of our little band, fell the
next moment apparently dead.  The remainder of our men advanced a few
paces, discharged their pieces, and then retired down the mountain.
Lieutenant McLean was wounded in the thigh.  Captain Cameron, in his
attempt to save Colonel Macdonell, was exposed to a shower of
musketry, but most miraculously escaped.  He succeeded in carrying
off his friend.  Captain Williams recovered from the momentary effect
of the wound in his head in time to escape down the mountain.  This
happened, I think, about ten a.m."

The two companies of the 49th and the militia, retreated to Vrooman's
Point to wait there for further reinforcements, and the Americans
remained in possession of the hill.  They were enabled by the
cessation of fire from the Canadian side to land fresh troops
unmolested, and to carry back their dead and wounded in their boats.

[Sidenote: At Fort Erie]

The morning had ended most disastrously for the British.  The beloved
and trusted general was still in death, and near him lay his friend
and aide-de-camp, mortally wounded.  All along the line from Fort
George to Erie, the evil tidings sped.  How the news of defeat was
brought to Fort Erie is told {307} by an officer[3] of the 100th
stationed there.  He relates how on the morning of October 13th the
booming of distant artillery was faintly heard.  Hunger and fatigue
were no longer remembered, and the men were ordered to turn out under
arms, and were soon on their way to the batteries opposite the
enemy's station at Black Rock.  The letter continues:--

"We had not assumed our position long, when an orderly officer of the
Provincial Dragoons rode up and gave the information that the enemy
were attempting to cross at Queenston, and that we must annoy them by
every means in our power along the whole line, as was being done from
Niagara to Queenston.  The command was no sooner given than, bang,
went off every gun we had in position.  The enemy's guns were manned
and returned the fire, and the day's work was begun.  It was about
two o'clock in the afternoon when another dragoon, not wearing sword
or helmet, bespattered horse and man with foam and mud, rode up.
Said an old 'green tiger'[4] to me, 'Horse and man jaded, sir, depend
upon it he brings bad news'  'Step down and see what news he brings.'
Away my veteran doubles and soon returns.  I knew from poor old
Clibborn's face something dreadful had occurred.  'What news,
Clibborn--what news, man?' I said, as he advanced toward {308} the
battery that was still keeping up a brisk fire.

"Clibborn walked on, perfectly unconscious of the balls that were
ploughing up the ground around him.  He uttered not a word, but shook
his head.  The pallor and expression of his countenance indicated the
sorrow of his soul.  I could stand it no longer.  I placed my hand on
his shoulder.  'For heaven's sake, tell us what you know.'  In
choking accents he revealed his melancholy information.  'General
Brock is killed, the enemy has possession of Queenston Heights.'
Every man in the battery was paralyzed.  They ceased firing.  A cheer
from the enemy on the opposite side of the river recalled us to our
duty.  They had heard of their success down the river.

"Our men who had in various ways evinced their feelings, some
weeping, some swearing, some in mournful silence, now exhibited
demoniac energy.  The heavy guns were loaded, traversed and fired as
if they were field pieces.  'Take your time, men, don't throw away
your fire, my lads.'  'No, sir, but we will give it to them hot and
heavy.'  All the guns were worked by the forty men of my company as
if they wished to avenge the death of their beloved chief."[5]

At Niagara, the other extremity of the line, in obedience to General
Brock's last order, sent from Queenston, a brisk fire had been kept
up all morning {309} with the American fort opposite, whence hot shot
poured on the little town, threatening to envelop it in flames.
Captain Vigareaux, R.E., by a daring act of valour, saved a powder
magazine from being ignited.  As at Fort Erie, news of the disaster
at Queenston only impelled the artillerymen to redouble their
exertions.  So well directed was their fire that by mid-day the
American fort was silenced.

[Sidenote: General Sheaffe]

Major-General Sheaffe had, early in the morning, in obedience to a
summons from General Brock, prepared to march to Queenston with about
four companies of the 41st, three hundred and eighty rank and file,
and nearly the same number of militia, together with the car brigade
under Captain Holcroft.  News of the repulse and the loss of the
general was followed by a second despatch, telling of
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell's attempt to take the hill, which had
ended so disastrously.

General Sheaffe, with the field pieces of the car brigade, arrived at
Vrooman's Point about eleven o'clock, and found there the handful of
troops who had retreated to that place to await his arrival.  Captain
Holcroft's company, with the heavy guns, was placed in position to
command the landing at Lewiston, and to prevent any more troops from
crossing.  The general decided that it was useless to attempt a
charge up the hill in the face of the addition that had been made to
the enemy's force, and their commanding position on the heights.
{310} He determined, therefore, to make a long detour through the
fields and woods behind Queenston.  His force had been strengthened
by about one hundred and fifty Mohawk Indians, under Chief Norton,
who had come from the lake shore near Niagara, had skirted the
village of St. Davids near Queenston, and then had silently moved
eastwards through the dense forest, hemming the Americans in.  About
two p.m. Major Merritt's troop of cavalry appeared on the scene, and
later still, a detachment of the 41st and two flank companies of
militia arrived from Chippawa.

[Sidenote: The battle]

It was three o'clock in the afternoon when the real battle of
Queenston Heights began.  General Sheaffe had gradually advanced
towards the battery on the mountain held by the enemy.  One spirit
animated all the men, a fierce desire to avenge the death of their
beloved chief, and to drive the aggressors back from Canadian soil.
The main body on the right consisted of the 41st, and the flank
companies of the Niagara militia, with two field pieces, 3-pounders,
which had been dragged up the hill.  The left consisted of the Mohawk
Indians and a company of coloured troops, refugee slaves from the
United States.  The Light Company of the 49th, with the companies of
York and Lincoln militia, formed the centre.  In all a little over a
thousand men, of whom half were regulars.

The Indians were the first to advance, and the Americans, who were
expecting an attack from {311} quite another direction, were
completely taken by surprise.  General Sheaffe had succeeded in
reaching their rear unseen.  There was scarcely time for them to
change their front when a fierce onslaught was made on them from all
sides, the Indians uttering their terrific war whoop, and the rest of
the troops joining in the shout.

In vain did the American officers, among them Winfield Scott, attempt
to rally their men.  A panic seized them in the face of the
determined fire that was poured upon them, and, scarcely waiting to
fire a volley, they fled by hundreds down the mountain, only to meet
more of their enemies below.  There was no retreat possible for them.
It was indeed a furious and avenging force that pressed upon them,
and drove them to the brink of that river whose deep waters seemed to
offer a more merciful death than that which awaited them above.  They
fell in numbers.  "The river," says one who was present,[6]
"presented a shocking spectacle, filled with poor wretches who
plunged into the stream with scarcely a prospect of being saved."
Many leaped from the side of the mountain, and were dashed to pieces
on the rocks below.

At last the fire from the American batteries at Lewiston ceased, and
the battle was over in one short hour.  Brock was indeed avenged.
Two officers were now seen approaching bearing a white flag.  They
were conducted up the mountain to {312} General Sheaffe, and with
difficulty the slaughter was stopped.  By the surrender, General
Wadsworth and over nine hundred men, including sixty officers, were
made prisoners of war.  It was a complete victory, but dimmed by a
national loss.  That loss was felt through the two years of fighting
that followed the battle of Queenston Heights.  Sheaffe, who
succeeded the fallen general, was lacking in the qualities that are
requisite for a successful commander.  His conduct at the taking of
York in 1813, proved his unfitness for the position.  Procter who had
been left in command on the western frontier also lacked the firmness
in action and fertility of resource that characterized the leader who
had opened the campaign so brilliantly.  But the influence which the
lost leader wielded on the youth of the province lived after him, and
stimulated them throughout the long struggle "to keep the land
inviolate."  Under Vincent and Harvey and Drummond and Macdonell and
de Salaberry they fought as veterans, and when at the close of the
war they laid down their arms not one foot of Canadian territory was
occupied by the enemy.

Three times were Sir Isaac Brock's funeral rites observed.  First, on
that sad October day when a pause came in the conflict, and minute
guns from each side of the river bore their token of respect from
friend and foe for the general who had fallen in the midst of the
battle.  He was laid to rest first {313} in the cavalier bastion of
Fort George which he himself had built.  Dark days were yet to fall
on Canada, when shot and shell poured over that grave in the bastion,
and fire and sword laid the land desolate; but the spirit kindled by
Brock in the country never failed, and though his voice was stilled,
the echo of his words remained and the force of his example.

[Sidenote: His monument]

When peace came again, a grateful country resolved to raise to his
memory a monument on the field where he fell, and twelve years
afterwards a solemn procession passed again over that road by the
river, and from far and near those who had served under him gathered
to do him honour.  A miscreant from the United States shattered this
monument on April 13th, 1840, a crime that was execrated in that
country as well as in Canada.

In order to take immediate steps to repair the desecration, Sir
George Arthur, the governor-general, called upon the militia of Upper
Canada and the regular troops then in the country, to assemble on
Queenston Heights on June 30th of that year.  The summons was obeyed
with enthusiasm, and no greater civil and military display had ever
been held in Canada.  The youths whom Isaac Brock had led were
gray-headed men now, judges and statesmen, the foremost in the land,
but they had not forgotten him, and once again, in eloquent words,
the story was told of how he had won the undying love and respect of
the people.

{314}

[Sidenote: A tribute]

A resolution was unanimously passed, that another monument, higher
and nobler still, should be built in place of the one destroyed.  No
public money was asked, but the regular troops, officers and men, and
the militia gave a freewill offering.  In due time the sum of fifty
thousand dollars was raised.  While the monument was building,
General Brock's body was placed in a private burying-ground in Mr.
Hamilton's garden at the foot of the hill.  In 1854, more than forty
years after the battle, the column was finished, and once again a
long procession followed the hero's bier.  Nor was this all.  In 1860
there was a notable gathering on that historic hill, when King Edward
VII, then Prince of Wales, came to do honour to the dead hero, and
laid the topmost stone on the cairn that marks the spot where he
fell.  One hundred and sixty survivors of the volunteers of 1812 were
present.  Sir John Beverley Robinson was their spokesman.  In his
address to the prince he said: "In the long period that has elapsed
very many have gone to their rest, who, having served in higher rank
than ourselves, took a more conspicuous part in that glorious
contest.  We rejoice in the thought that what your Royal Highness has
seen and will see of this prosperous and happy province will enable
you to judge how valuable a possession was saved to the British Crown
by the successful resistance made in the trying contest in which it
was our fortune to bear a part, and your Royal Highness will then be
{315} able to judge how large a debt the empire owed to the lamented
hero Brock, whose gallant and generous heart shrank not in the
darkest hour of the conflict, and whose example inspired the few with
the ability and spirit to do the work of many."  In reply the prince
said: "I have willingly consented to lay the first stone of this
monument.  Every nation may, without offence to its neighbours,
commemorate its heroes, their deeds of arms, and their noble deaths.
This is no taunting boast of victory, no revival of long passed
animosities, but a noble tribute to a soldier's fame, the more
honourable because he readily acknowledges the bravery and chivalry
of the people by whose hands he fell.  I trust that Canada will never
want such volunteers as those who fought in the last war nor her
volunteers be without such a leader.  But no less I fervently pray
that your sons and grandsons may never be called upon to add other
laurels to those which you so gallantly won."

The noble shaft on Queenston Heights dominates a wide expanse of land
and lake.  Deep and strong is the current of the river that flows at
its base, but not deeper and stronger than the memory of the man who
sleeps below.

[1] This letter appears in full in the present writer's "Ten Years of
Upper Canada."  When that book was published the name of the writer
of the letter was not known, as the manuscript containing it found in
the archives at Ottawa was not signed.  Happily, from a draft of the
letter which was among the Robinson family papers, it was discovered
that the writer of this admirable account of the battle of Queenston
Heights was Lieutenant Robinson, afterwards the distinguished Sir
John Beverley Robinson, chief justice of Upper Canada.

[2] This command, the author thinks, is the origin of the report that
Brock's dying words were, "Push on, brave York Volunteers."  It is
more probable that this was the occasion on which he used them.

[3] Captain Driscoll.

[4] The 49th Regiment was known by that sobriquet.

[5] "Laura Secord," by Mrs. Curzon.

[6] Lieutenant J. B. Robinson.

{317}

INDEX

A

ABERCROMBY, GENERAL, 13, 14, 15, 16, 20, 21, 34, 64

Act, non-importation, 85

_Adams_, United States brig, 178, 256

Albany, 50, 192, 203, 233

Amherstburg, Fort (Malden), description of, 59; 41st Regiment at, 74;
assistant quartermaster-general stationed at, 80; Indians gather
there, 152; militia at, 177; Brock gives his attention to, 196;
Colonel Procter arrives, 216; Brock and his squadron set out for,
230-2; the advance expected, 235; first skirmish, 236; Brock's
general order from, 247-8; another attack expected, 273-4; Captain
Muir returns to, 275

Amherst, General Lord, 35, 70, 179

Amiens, peace of, 9, 30-1, 43, 78

Armistice, the, 233, 261, 270-2, 276

Armstrong, General, 81; American minister in Paris, 112

Assembly, House of, 76, 143-5, 183, 184, 228, 229

B

BABY, COLONEL, 209, 229, 248

Bâton Rouge, on the Mississippi, 7, 139

Baynes, Colonel, adjutant-general, letters to Brock, 134, 137-8, 145,
155, 180, 185, 204, 205, 208; Brock writes to, 183, 185, 198; sent to
General Dearborn with the proposition for an armistice, 233

Bédard, Captain, 105; arrest of, 127-9; release of, 145; appointed
judge, 158

Bowes, Colonel, 69, 73, 78

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 6, 9, 23, 24, 30, 38, 40, 41, 45, 71, 140, 167,
188

Brock, Daniel de Lisle, 70

Brock, Elizabeth, wife of John E. Tupper, 71

Brock, Irving, 71, 102, 131, 132, 140, 143, 162, 163

Brock, Isaac, his birthplace, 1; family of, 5, 6; sent to school, 7;
obtains a commission by purchase, 7; purchases his lieutenancy, 8;
gazetted as captain, 8; service in the West Indies, 9; purchases a
majority, 10; becomes senior lieutenant-colonel of the 49th, 10;
associated with Nelson and Stewart, 24-5; leads the 49th, 27; arrives
in Canada, 33; at York, 48, 60-3; in command at Fort George, 64; his
report, 64-7; at Quebec, 69; made a full colonel, 70; as
commander-in-chief, 75; his correspondence with President Dunn, 76,
77; correspondence about Indian affairs, 78; looks into accounts, 79,
80; supervises the marine department, 80; in Quebec, 86, 90; on
military service, 96; letter to Colonel Gordon, 97; letters to Ross
Cuthbert, 98, 102; leaves Quebec and takes command in Montreal, 99;
appointed acting brigadier-general, 99; letter to his brother Irving,
102; returns to Quebec, 115; longing for service in Europe, 123, 124;
settled at Fort George, 133; his books, 135-6; letters, 140; a visit
to York, 143; correspondence with Sir James Craig, 149, 151, 152,
176; made major-general, 157; appointed president and administrator
of the government of Upper Canada, 159; misfortune to, 161-7;
declines permission to return to England, 180-1; his measures in the
House of Assembly, 184-5; preparations for war, 189-90; letter to
Colonel Baynes, 198; general order from Niagara, 205-6; general order
from Fort George, 212-13; his appeal, 219-21; his powers in his
combined military and civil capacity, 225-7; describes Tecumseh, 247;
general order from Amherstburg, 247-8; demands Hull's surrender of
Detroit, 250-1; celebrates the victory, 258; regrets the armistice,
261; letter to his brothers, 266-8; receives congratulations from Sir
George Prevost, 268-9; writes from Fort George, 272-3; letter _re_
the attack on Fort Wayne, 276-7; letter to Savery Brock, 280-1;
regiments under his immediate command, 287; his report of the loss of
the _Detroit_ and the _Caledonia_, 290-3; appointed a knight of the
Order of the Bath, 296; last letter to Sir George Prevost, 298; his
ride to Queenston, 298-301; orders the evacuation of the redan
battery, 303; leads the attack on the heights, 304; his death, 304;
funeral rites, 312-15

Brock, John, father of Sir Isaac, 6

Brock, Mary, wife of T. Potenger, 71

Brock, Savery, 15, 17, 18, 19, 27, 71, 123, 132, 161, 162, 163, 166

Brock, William, 5, 70, 124, 161, 163, 165, 167

Brownstown, 237, 238, 243, 245

Bruyères, Lieutenant-Colonel, 157, 230

C

_Caledonia_, brig, 210; captured by Americans, 289-92

Cameron, Captain, 299, 301, 306

_Canadien, Le_, newspaper, 92, 104, 116, 127, 147

Canning, George, secretary of war, 81, 83, 84, 85, 118, 119, 120, 122

Carleton, Sir Guy, see Lord Dorchester.

Castlereagh, Lord, 103, 118; succeeds the Marquis of Wellesley in
office, 191

Chambers, Captain, 218, 235; major, 247

Champagny, Napoleon's secretary of war, 111, 172

Château de Ramezay, Brock quartered at, 101

Château St. Louis, 34, 46, 75, 90

_Chesapeake_, the, 82-6

Chippawa, Fort, 53, 58, 202, 310

_Constitution_, American frigate, 123, 284

Copenhagen, 23, 26, 30, 31, 106, 124

Craig, Sir James, governor-general and commander-in-chief, 90-2; his
first duty, 93; appoints Brock brigadier-general, 99; writes to Lord
Castlereagh, 103; distrusts the French Canadians, 104; refers to the
effect of the embargo, 115; asks for reinforcements, 118; prorogues
the House, 127; seizes the press of _Le Canadien_, 127; unwilling to
grant Brock leave of absence, 130; ill health, 142; last public act,
145; his triumph over the assembly, 145; utterly broken down, 147; in
reference to the Indians, 149, 153; leaves Canada, 156; his death, 156

D

DEAN, private, 236-7, 258

Dearborn, Fort, (Chicago), 174, 266

Dearborn, General (United States), 192, 233, 261, 285

Decrees, Bayonne, 122; Berlin, 81-2, 93, 105, 172, 193; Milan, 110,
172, 193

_Detroit_, formerly the _Adams_, 274; captured by the Americans,
289-92

Detroit, Fort, 53, 54, 177, 190-1, 195, 197, 218, 235, 238, 245; its
attack and capture, 248-60

Dorchester, Lord, (Sir Guy Carleton), 34, 36-8, 47, 53, 56, 75, 103,
152

Drummond, Major-General, 115, 157

Dunn, Thomas, president and acting governor, 69, 73, 76, 77, 86, 94,
96, 157

E

EGMONT op Zee, 17, 18

Elliott, Colonel, 230, 245, 280

Elmsley, Chief Justice, 69, 76

Embargo, the, 85, 108; effect of, 109; repeal of, 113

_Emulous_, vessel, 224

Erie, Fort, 53, 59, 178, 181, 206, 216

F

FITZ GIBBON, COLONEL, 18, 66, 67

Florida, West, 42, 43, 112, 139

G

GALLATIN, secretary of the United States navy, 81, 108

_Ganges_, battleship, 27

_Gazette, Upper Canada, _ 57; Quebec, 93; Montreal, 93

George, Fort, description of, 56; planned by Simcoe, 58; Procter
commands at, 74; boats kept at, 80; Brock winters at, 153; magazines
prepared at, 182; Brock's headquarters, 204; counter appeal issued
from, 217; another proclamation from, 219; Myers in charge of affairs
at, 225; prisoners at, 263-4; Brock buried there, 313

Glegg, Captain, A.D.C., 204, 207, 232, 251, 255, 259, 271, 302

Glengarry Fencibles, proposed, 97-8; the corps raised, 180; Brock
proposes giving grants of land to members of, 185; part of the force
for the defence of the frontier, 201

Gore, Sir Francis, lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, 8, 78, 97,
138, 159, 167-8

_Guerriére_, H.M.S., 173, 284

H

HARRISON, GENERAL, ("Old Tippecanoe"), 175-6

Henry, John, agent on secret mission, 120, 186-8

Hull, General, marches for Michigan, 203; his advance, 208-9;
occupies Sandwich, 213; his proclamation to the people of Canada,
213-14; loses heavy baggage and stores, 218; writes to Washington,
236; abandons Sandwich for Detroit, 238; receives and refuses Brock's
demand to surrender, 251; surrenders, 255; criticized, 257; as
prisoner of war, 261; home on parole, 283; trial and sentence, 283-4

Humphrey, Captain of the _Leopard_, 83

_Hunter_, sloop of war, 178, 217, 218, 243, 249

Hunter, General, lieutenant-governor of Upper Canada, 45, 50, 51, 59,
60, 63, 65, 69

J

JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT, 38, 41, 43, 108, 112, 113, 259, 285

K

KEMPT, COLONEL, afterwards General Sir James, 140-1

Kingston, 56, 65, 173-9, 203, 229, 268

L

_Leopard_, the, 82-3

Lewiston, 285, 299, 300, 303, 309, 311

_Little Belt_, a corvette, 173

Louisiana, handed back to France, 38; its purchase, 41-3

Lovett, John, secretary to General Van Rensselaer, 264, 286

M

MACDONELL, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, chosen as aide-de-camp, 230; sent with
the demand for the surrender of Detroit, 251; goes back to Detroit to
arrange the terms of capitulation, 255; at Vrooman's Point, 301-2; at
the battle of Queenston Heights, 305-6.

McArthur, Colonel, United States, 203, 249

Madison, President, 120, 139, 173, 187, 213

Maguaga, 238-43, 245

Malden, Fort, see Amherstburg.

Michilimackinac, Fort, 53, 177, 205, 210-11, 227-8

N

NAPOLEON, EMPEROR, 71, 72, 73, 81, 82, 98, 105, 106-8, 111-13,
117-19, 125-6, 172, 188

Nelson, Lord, 24-30, 47

Niagara (Newark), 60; invasion expected between Fort Erie and, 178;
Brock gives his attention to, 195; general order from, 205; well
fortified, 225

Niagara, Fort (U.S.), 54-6; its attack suggested, 219; stores and
troops arriving, 269, 274; silenced, 309

Nichol, Lieutenant-Colonel, 206, 207, 248, 253

Non-Intercourse, Bill, 120

O

ORDERS-IN-COUNCIL, 93, 106, 111; withdrawal of, 120-1, 223, 269

P

PANET, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, speaker of the assembly, 104, 105, 115

_President_, United States frigate, 173

Prevost, Sir George, arrives in Halifax, 101; assumes command, 157-8;
letter from Brock to, 178-9; hampered by home instructions, 184;
cautious and forbearing, 190, 194-5, 216, 288, 204; receives word of
declaration of war, 207-8; despatch from Brock to, 223;
correspondence _re_ Brock's powers, 226-7; his views concerning the
capture of Fort Michilimackinac, 227-8; congratulates Brock, 268-9;
advises evacuation of Detroit, 277

Procter, Lieutenant-Colonel, commands at Fort George, 74; to assume
command between Niagara and Fort Erie, 205-6; sent to Amherstburg,
216; sends a detachment to Brownstown, 237; in charge of the western
district, 247; in command at Detroit, 262; letter from Brock to, 293;
compared with Brock, 312

Q

QUEBEC, description of, 33-4; centre of society, 46; mutineers and
deserters sentenced at, 63; Brock quartered at, 69; 49th and 100th
Regiments there, 74; fortifications of, 75-7, 94; boats at, 80; old,
89-98; gaiety in, 132; House of Assembly at, 143-5; the town militia
volunteers, 205

Queenston, 58, 61, 206; battle of Queenston Heights, 298-312

R

RIDOUT, SURVEYOR-GENERAL, letter from, 168

Roberts, Captain, 202, 205, 210, 227

Robinson, Lieutenant, afterwards Sir John Beverley, 298, 299 (note),
302, 305, 314

Rolette, Lieutenant, 218, 243, 292

Rottenburg, Colonel Baron de, 123, 134, 137, 217

Ryland, H. W., secretary, 47, 86, 92, 105, 120, 129, 145-7, 186, 203

S

SACKETTS HARBOUR, 178, 201, 269, 270, 271

Sandwich, 50, 213, 218, 229, 238, 248, 250, 251

Saumarez, Admiral Lord de, 6, 124

Sheaffe, Lieutenant-Colonel, at Egmont op Zee, 19; in command in
Jersey, 22; at Fort George, 48; mutiny under, 61-4; in Quebec, 74; a
hint from Thornton, 159; major-general on the staff, 223; at
Queenston Heights, 309-12

St. George, Colonel, 214, 216, 218, 236, 247

St. Joseph, Fort, 74, 202, 204, 210, 227

T

TECUMSEH, Indian chief, 150-1, 174-6, 237-8, 243, 245-7, 251, 254, 257

V

VAN RENSSELAER, MAJOR-GENERAL, 284, 285, 288

Van Rensselaer, Colonel, 284 (note), 300

Vincent, Colonel, 124, 134, 229

Vesey, Colonel, 138-9, 153-4; made major-general, 157

W

WADSWORTH, BRIGADIER-GENERAL, 213

Wayne, Fort, a base of supplies for the United States army, 262;
unsuccessful expedition against, 274-5

William Henry, Fort, 80, 283

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. Sir W., secretary of the colonies, 75

Y

YORK, DUKE OF, 13, 15, 16, 20-1, 64, 70, 155, 159

York (Toronto), 45, 51; seat of government, 57; number of vessels at,
80; its fortifications begun, 182; House of Assembly opened at, 183;
news of declaration of war reaches Brock at, 204; Brock returns to,
221-3