the recovery of America. When I recollect the delay they have made in
delivering the forts in America, and that little more than a year ago, one
of the British ministry wrote to the King a letter, in which were these
remarkable words, 'if your Majesty pleases, America may yet be yours;' add
to this, if it were possible for the present ministry in England to effect
such a matter, they would secure their places and their power for a long
time, and should they fail in the end, they would be certain of holding
them during the attempt, which it is in their power to prolong as much
as they please, and, at all events, they would boast of having endeavored
the recovery of what a former ministry had abandoned--it is possible." A
similar surmise has come in a letter from a person in Rotterdam to one at
this place. I am satisfied that the King of England believes the mass of
our people to be tired of their independence, and desirous of returning
under his government; and that the same opinion prevails in the ministry
and nation. They have hired their newswriters to repeat this lie in their
gazettes so long, that they have become the dupes of it themselves. But
there is no occasion to recur to this, in order to account for their
arming. A more rational purpose avowed, that purpose executed, and when
executed, a solemn agreement to disarm, seem to leave no doubt that the
re-establishment of the Stadtholder was their object. Yet it is possible,
that having found that this court will not make war in this moment for any
ally, new views may arise, and they may think the moment favorable for
executing any purposes they may have, in our quarter. Add to this, that
reason is of no aid in calculating their movements. We are, therefore,
never safe till our magazines are filled with arms. The present season
of truce or peace, should, in my opinion, be improved without a moment's
respite, to effect this essential object, and no means be omitted, by
which money may be obtained for the purpose. I say this, however, with
due deference to the opinion of Congress, who are better judges of the
necessity and practicability of the measure.

I mentioned to you, in a former letter, the application I had made to the
Dutch ambassadors and Prussian envoy, for the protection of Mr. Dumas.
The latter soon after received an assurance, that he was put under the
protection of the States of Holland; and the Dutch ambassador called on
me a few days ago, to inform me, by instruction from his constituents,
"that the States General had received a written application from Mr.
Adams, praying their protection of Dumas; that they had instructed their
_greffier_, Fagel, to assure Mr. Adams, by letter, that he was under
the protection of the States of Holland; but to inform him, at the same
time, that Mr. Dumas' conduct, out of the line of his office, had been so
extraordinary, that they would expect de l'honnêteté de Mr. Adams, that
he would charge some other person with the affairs of the United States,
during his absence."

Your letter of September the 8th, has been duly received. I shall pay
due attention to the instructions relative to the medals, and give any
aid I can in the case of Boss' vessel. As yet, however, my endeavors to
find Monsieur Pauly, _avocat au conseil d'etat_, _rue Coquilliere_, have
been ineffectual. There is no such person living in that street. I found
a Monsieur Pauly, _avocat au parlement_, in another part of the town; he
opened the letter, but said it could not mean him. I shall advertise in
the public papers. If that fails, there will be no other chance of finding
him. Mr. Warnum will do well, therefore, to send some other description by
which the person may be found. Indeed, some friend of the party interested
should be engaged to follow up this business, as it will require constant
attention, and probably a much larger sum of money than that named in the
bill enclosed in Mr. Warnum's letter.

I have the honor to enclose you a letter from O'Bryan to me, containing
information from Algiers, and one from Mr. Montgomery, at Alicant. The
purpose of sending you this last, is to show you how much the difficulties
of ransom are increased since the Spanish negotiations. The Russian
captives have cost about eight thousand livres apiece, on an average. I
certainly have no idea that we should give any such sum; and, therefore,
if it should be the sense of Congress to give such a price, I would be
glad to know it by instruction. My idea is, that we should not ransom, but
on the footing of the nation which pays least, that it may be as little
worth their while to go in pursuit of us, as any nation. This is cruelty
to the individuals now in captivity, but kindness to the hundreds that
would soon be so, were we to make it worth the while of those pirates
to go out of the Straits in quest of us. As soon as money is provided,
I shall put this business into train. I have taken measures to damp at
Algiers all expectations of our proposing to ransom, at any price. I feel
the distress which this must occasion to our countrymen there, and their
connections; but the object of it is their ultimate good, by bringing down
their holders to such a price as we ought to pay, instead of letting them
remain in such expectations as cannot be gratified. The gazettes of France
and Leyden accompany this.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

  [_The annexed are translations of the declaration and counter-
       declaration, referred to in the preceding letter._]

DECLARATION.

The events which have taken place in the republic of the United provinces,
appearing no longer to leave any subject of discussion, and still less of
dispute, between the two courts, the undersigned are authorized to ask,
if it be the intention of his most Christian Majesty to act in pursuance
of the notification given, on the 16th of last month, by the Minister
Plenipotentiary of his most Christian Majesty, which, announcing his
purpose of aiding Holland, has occasioned maritime armaments on the part
of his Majesty, which armaments have become reciprocal.

If the court of Versailles is disposed to explain itself on this subject,
and on the conduct adopted towards the republic, in a manner conformably
to the desire evinced by each party, to preserve a good understanding
between the two courts, it being also understood, at the same time, that
no hostile view is entertained in any quarter, in consequence of the past;
his Majesty, always eager to manifest his concurrence in the friendly
sentiments of his most Christian Majesty, agrees forthwith that the
armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war, shall be mutually
discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations shall be placed
on the footing of a peace establishment, such as existed on the first of
January of the present year.

                                                       Signed.{DORSET.
                                                              {WM. EDEN.

     At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1887.

COUNTER-DECLARATION.

It neither being, nor ever having been, the intention of his Majesty to
interpose by force in the affairs of the republic of the United provinces,
the communication made to the court of London by M. Barthelemy, having had
no other object than to announce to that court an intention, the motives
of which no longer exist, _especially since the King of Prussia has made
known his resolution_, his Majesty makes no difficulty in declaring, that
he has no wish to act in pursuance of the communication aforesaid, and
that he entertains no hostile view in any quarter, relative to what has
passed in Holland.

Consequently, his Majesty, desiring to concur in the sentiments of his
Britannic Majesty, for the preservation of a good understanding between
the two courts, consents with pleasure to the proposition of his Britannic
Majesty, that the armaments, and, in general, all preparations for war,
shall be mutually discontinued, and that the marines of the two nations
shall be replaced upon the footing of the peace establishment, as it
existed on the first day of January of the present year.

                                                         Signed. MONTMORIN.

     At Versailles, the 27th of October, 1787.

TO JOHN JAY.

                                       (Private.)  PARIS, November 3, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I shall take the liberty of confiding sometimes to a private
letter such details of the small history of the court or cabinet, as may
be worthy of being known, and yet not proper to be publicly communicated.
I doubt whether the administration is yet in a permanent form. The
Count de Montmorin and Baron de Breteuil are, I believe, firm enough in
their places. It was doubted whether they would wait for the Count de La
Luzerne, if the war had taken place; but at present, I suppose they will.
I wish it also, because M. de Hector, his only competitor, has on some
occasions shown little value for the connection with us. Lambert, the
Comptroller General, is thought to be very insecure. I should be sorry
also to lose him. I have worked several days with him, the Marquis de
La Fayette, and Monsieur du Pont, (father of the young gentleman gone to
America with the Count de Moustier) to reduce into one _Arret_, whatever
concerned our commerce. I have found him a man of great judgment and
application, possessing good general principles on subjects of commerce,
and friendly dispositions towards us. He passed the _Arret_ in a very
favorable form, but it has been opposed in the Council, and will, I fear,
suffer some alteration in the article of whale oil. That of tobacco,
which was put into a separate instrument, experiences difficulties also,
which do not come from him. M. du Pont has rendered us essential service
on these occasions. I wish his son could be so well noticed, as to make
a favorable report to his father; he would, I think, be gratified by it,
and his good dispositions be strengthened, and rendered further useful to
us. Whether I shall be able to send you these regulations by the present
packet, will depend on their getting through the Council in time. The
Archbishop continues well with his patroness. Her object is, a close
connection with her brother. I suppose he convinces her, that peace will
furnish the best occasion of cementing that connection.

It may not be uninstructive, to give you the origin and nature of
his influence with the Queen. When the Duke de Choiseul proposed the
marriage of the Dauphin with this lady, he thought it proper to send a
person to Vienna, to perfect her in the language. He asked his friend,
the Archbishop of Thoulouse, to recommend to him a proper person. He
recommended a certain Abbé. The Abbé, from his first arrival at Vienna,
either tutored by his patron, or prompted by gratitude, impressed on
the Queen's mind, the exalted talents and merit of the Archbishop, and
continually represented him as the only man fit to be placed at the helm
of affairs. On his return to Paris, being retained near the person of
the Queen, he kept him constantly in her view. The Archbishop was named
of the Assembly des Notables, had occasion enough there to prove his
talents, and Count de Vergennes, his great enemy, dying opportunely, the
Queen got him into place. He uses the Abbé even yet, for instilling all
his notions into her mind. That he has imposing talents and patriotic
dispositions, I think is certain. Good judges think him a theorist only,
little acquainted with the details of business, and spoiling all his
plans by a bungled execution. He may perhaps undergo a severe trial. His
best actions are exciting against him a host of enemies, particularly
the reduction of the pensions, and reforms in other branches of economy.
Some think the other ministers are willing he should stay in, till he has
effected this odious, yet necessary work, and that they will then make him
the scape-goat of the transaction. The declarations too, which I send you
in my public letter, if they should become public, will probably raise an
universal cry. It will all fall on him, because Montmorin and Breteuil
say, without reserve, that the sacrifice of the Dutch has been against
their advice. He will, perhaps, not permit these declarations to appear
in this country. They are absolutely unknown; they were communicated to
me by the Duke of Dorset, and I believe no other copy has been given here.
They will be published doubtless in England, as a proof of their triumph,
and may thence make their way into this country. If the Premier can stem
a few months, he may remain long in office, and will never make war if he
can help it. If he should be removed, the peace will probably be short.
He is solely chargeable with the loss of Holland. True, they could not
have raised money by taxes, to supply the necessities of war; but could
they do it were their finances ever so well arranged? No nation makes war
now-a-days, but by the aid of loans; and it is probable, that in a war
for the liberties of Holland, all the treasures of that country would have
been at their service. They have now lost the cow which furnishes the milk
of war. She will be on the side of their enemies, whenever a rupture shall
take place; and no arrangement of their finances can countervail this
circumstance.

I have no doubt, you permit access to the letters of your foreign
ministers, by persons only of the most perfect trust. It is in the
European system, to bribe the clerks high, in order to obtain copies of
interesting papers. I am sure you are equally attentive to the conveyance
of your letters to us, as you know that all are opened that pass through
any post-office of Europe. Your letters which come by the packet, if put
into the mail at New York, or into the post-office at Havre, wear proofs
that they have been opened. The passenger to whom they are confided,
should be cautioned always to keep them in his own hands, till he can
deliver them personally in Paris.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.

                                                   PARIS, November 6, 1787.

SIR,--I take the liberty of asking your Excellency's perusal of the
enclosed case of an American hostage, confined in the prisons of Dunkirk.
His continuance there seems to be useless, and yet endless. Not knowing
how far the government can interfere for his relief, as it is a case
wherein private property is concerned, I do not presume to ask his
liberation absolutely; but I will solicit from your Excellency such
measures in his behalf, as the laws and usages of the country may permit.

The Comptroller General having been so good as to explain to me in a
conversation that he wished to know what duties were levied in England on
American whale oil, I have had the honor of informing him by letter, that
the ancient duties on that article are seventeen pounds, six shillings and
six pence, sterling, the ton, and that some late additional duties make
them amount to about eighteen pounds sterling. That the common whale oil
sells there but for about twenty pounds sterling, the ton, and of course
the duty amounts to a prohibition. This duty was originally laid on all
foreign fish oil, with a view to favor the British and American fisheries.
When we became independent, and, of course, foreign to great Britain,
we became subject to the foreign duty. No duty, therefore, which France
may think proper to lay on this article, can drive it to the English
market. It could only oblige the inhabitants of Nantucket to abandon
their fishery. But the poverty of their soil offering them no other
resource, they must quit their country, and either establish themselves
in Nova Scotia, where, as British fishermen, they may participate of the
British premium, in addition to the ordinary price of their whale oil,
or they must accept the conditions which this government offers, for the
establishment they have proposed at Dunkirk. Your Excellency will judge,
what conditions may counterbalance, in their minds, the circumstances of
the vicinity of Nova Scotia, sameness of language, laws, religion, customs
and kindred. Remaining in their native country, to which they are most
singularly attached, excluded from commerce with England, taught to look
to France as the only country from which they can derive sustenance, they
will, in case of war, become useful rovers against its enemies. Their
position, their poverty, their courage, their address and their hatred,
will render them formidable scourges on the British commerce. It is to be
considered then, on the one hand, that the duty which M. de Calonnes had
proposed to retain on their oil, may endanger the shifting this useful
body of seamen out of our joint scale into that of the British; and also
may suppress a considerable subject of exchange for the productions
of France: on the other hand, that it may produce an addition to his
majesty's revenue. What I have thus far said, is on the supposition, that
the duty may operate a diminution of the price received by the fishermen.
If it act in the contrary direction, and produce an augmentation of price
to the consumer, it immediately brings into competition a variety of other
oils, vegetable and animal, a good part of which France receives from
abroad, and the fisherman thus losing his market, is compelled equally to
change either his calling or country. When M. de Calonnes first agreed
to reduce the duties to what he has declared, I had great hopes the
commodity could bear them, and that it would become a medium of commerce
between France and the United States. I must confess, however, that my
expectations have not been fulfilled, and that but little has come here
as yet. This induces me to fear, that it is so poor an article, that any
duty whatever will suppress it. Should this take place, and the spirit of
emigration once seize those people, perhaps an abolition of all duty might
then come too late to stop, what it would now easily prevent. I fear there
is danger in the experiment; and it remains for the wisdom of his Majesty
and his ministers to decide, whether the prospect of gain to the revenue,
or establishing a national fishery, may compensate this danger. If the
government should decide to retain the duty, I shall acquiesce in it
cheerfully, and do everything in my power to encourage my countrymen still
to continue their occupation.

The actual session of our several legislatures would render it interesting
to forward immediately the regulations proposed on our commerce; and the
expiration of the order of Bernis, at the close of this month, endangers a
suspension and derangement in the commerce of tobacco, very embarrassing
to the merchants of the two countries. Pardon me therefore, Sir, if I
appear solicitous to obtain the ultimate decision of his Majesty's Council
on these subjects, and to ask as early a communication of that decision,
as shall be convenient.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most profound esteem and
respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HON. JOHN JAY.

                                                   PARIS, November 7, 1787.

SIR,--By a letter of the 2d instant, from the Count de Moustier, I
perceive he is still at Brest. The wind has been now near a month in
the south-western quarter, and if it remains there a few days longer, my
despatches by the packet may reach you as soon as those by Monsieur de
Moustier. This being the last post which can reach the packet, should
she sail on the 10th, I avail myself of it to inform you of the only
circumstance, since the date of my letters delivered to Mr. Stuari,
worth your knowledge; that is the appointment of the Chevalier de La
Luzerne, Ambassador to the Court of London. This fortunate issue of those
expectations which made him unwilling to return to America, together
with the character of his successor, will, I hope, render it pleasing to
Congress that his return was not too much pressed. He would have gone back
with dispositions toward us very different from those he will carry for
us to the Court of London. He has been constantly sensible that we wished
his return, and that we could have procured it, but that we did not wish
to stand in the way of his promotion. He will view this as in some measure
the effect of our indulgence, and I think we may count on his patronage
and assistance wherever they may be useful to us. I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

                                                  PARIS, November 13, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--This will be delivered you by young Mr. Rutledge. Your
knowledge of his father will introduce him to your notice. He merits it
moreover, on his own account.

I am now to acknowledge your favors of Oct. the 8th and 26th. That of
Aug. 25th was duly received, nor can I recollect by what accident I was
prevented from acknowledging it in mine of Sept. the 28th. It has been
the source of my subsistence hitherto, and must continue to be so, till I
receive letters on the affairs of money from America. Van Staphorsts and
Willinks have answered my drafts. Your books for the Marquis de La Fayette
are received here. I will notify it to him, who is at present with his
Provincial Assembly in Auvergne.

Little is said lately of the progress of the negotiations between the
courts of Petersburg, Vienna and Versailles. The distance of the former,
and the cautious, unassuming character of its minister here, is one cause
of delays: a greater one is, the greediness and unstable character of the
Emperor. Nor do I think that the Principal here will be easily induced
to lend himself to any connection, which shall threaten a war within a
considerable number of years. His own reign will be that of peace only,
in all probability; and were any accident to tumble him down, this country
would immediately gird on its sword and buckler, and trust to occurrences
for supplies of money. The wound their honor has sustained festers in
their hearts; and it may be said with truth, that the Archbishop, and
a few priests determined to support his measures, because, proud to see
their order come again into power, are the only advocates for the line
of conduct which has been pursued. It is said and believed through Paris
literally, that the Count de Montmorin, "_pleuroit comme un enfant_,"
when obliged to sign the counter-declaration. Considering the phrase as
figurative, I believe it expresses the distress of his heart. Indeed,
he has made no secret of his individual opinion. In the meantime, the
Principal goes on with a firm and patriotic spirit, in reforming the
cruel abuses of the government, and preparing a new constitution, which
will give to this people as much liberty as they are capable of managing.
This, I think, will be the glory of his administration, because, though
a good theorist in finance, he is thought to execute badly. They are
about to open a loan of one hundred millions, to supply present wants,
and it is said, the preface of the _Arret_ will contain a promise of the
convocation of the States General, during the ensuing year. Twelve or
fifteen Provincial Assemblies are already in action, and are going on
well; and I think, that though the nation suffers in reputation, it will
gain infinitely in happiness, under the present administration. I enclose
to Mr. Jay, a pamphlet which I will beg of you to forward. I leave it open
for your perusal. When you shall have read it, be so good as to stick a
wafer in it. It is not yet published, nor will be for some days. This copy
has been ceded to me as a favor.

How do you like our new constitution? I confess there are things in it
which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an Assembly
has proposed. The house of federal representatives will not be adequate
to the management of affairs, either foreign or federal. Their President
seems a bad edition of a Polish King. He may be elected from four years
to four years, for life. Reason and experience prove to us, that a
chief magistrate, so continuable, is an office for life. When one or
two generations shall have proved that this is an office for life, it
becomes, on every occasion, worthy of intrigue, of bribery, of force, and
even of foreign interference. It will be of great consequence to France
and England, to have America governed by a Galloman or Angloman. Once
in office, and possessing the military force of the Union, without the
aid or check of a council, he would not be easily dethroned, even if the
people could be induced to withdraw their votes from him. I wish that at
the end of the four years, they had made him forever ineligible a second
time. Indeed, I think all the good of this new constitution might have
been couched in three or four new articles, to be added to the good, old
and venerable fabric, which should have been preserved even as a religious
relique. Present me and my daughters affectionately to Mrs. Adams. The
younger one continues to speak of her warmly. Accept yourself, assurances
of the sincere esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.

P. S. I am in negotiation with de La Blancharie. You shall hear from me
when arranged.

TO COLONEL SMITH.

                                                  PARIS, November 13, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of October
the 4th, 8th, and 26th. In the last, you apologise for your letters
of introduction to Americans coming here. It is so far from needing
apology on your part, that it calls for thanks on mine. I endeavor to
show civilities to all the Americans who come here, and who will give me
opportunities of doing it; and it is a matter of comfort to know, from
a good quarter, what they are, and how far I may go in my attentions to
them.

Can you send me Woodmason's bills for the two copying presses for the
Marquis de La Fayette and the Marquis de Chastellux? The latter makes
one article in a considerable account, of old standing, and which I
cannot present for want of this article. I do not know whether it is
to yourself or Mr. Adams, I am to give my thanks for the copy of the
new constitution. I beg leave through you to place them where due.
It will yet be three weeks before I shall receive them from America.
There are very good articles in it, and very bad. I do not know which
preponderate. What we have lately read, in the history of Holland, in
the chapter on the Stadtholder, would have sufficed to set me against
a chief magistrate, eligible for a long duration, if I had ever been
disposed towards one; and what we have always read of the elections of
Polish Kings should have forever excluded the idea of one continuable
for life. Wonderful is the effect of impudent and persevering lying. The
British ministry have so long hired their gazetteers to repeat, and model
into every form, lies about our being in anarchy, that the world has at
length believed them, the English nation has believed them, the ministers
themselves have come to believe them, and what is more wonderful, we have
believed them ourselves. Yet where does this anarchy exist? Where did
it ever exist, except in the single instance of Massachusetts? And can
history produce an instance of rebellion so honorably conducted? I say
nothing of its motives. They were founded in ignorance, not wickedness.
God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion.
The people cannot be all, and always, well informed. The part which
is wrong will be discontented, in proportion to the importance of the
facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions,
it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty. We
have had thirteen States independent for eleven years. There has been
one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century and a half,
for each State. What country before, ever existed a century and a half
without a rebellion? And what country can preserve its liberties, if
its rulers are not warned from time to time, that this people preserve
the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them
right as to facts, pardon and pacify them. What signify a few lives
lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from
time to time, with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is its natural
manure. Our convention has been too much impressed by the insurrection
of Massachusetts; and on the spur of the moment, they are setting up a
kite to keep the hen yard in order. I hope in God, this article will be
rectified before the new constitution is accepted. You ask me if anything
transpires here on the subject of South America? Not a word. I know that
there are combustible materials there, and that they wait the torch only.
But this country probably will join the extinguishers. The want of facts
worth communicating to you, has occasioned me to give a little loose to
dissertation. We must be contented to amuse, when we cannot inform.

Present my respects to Mrs. Smith, and be assured of the sincere esteem
of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MR. JAMES MAURY.

                                                  PARIS, November 13, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I received your favor of October 25, the day before yesterday
only. It would be needless for me, therefore, to add to what you already
know on the subject of peace and war. The principal minister here is
so intent on domestic improvements, and on peace, as necessary to give
leisure for them, that it will not be his fault, if it be disturbed again.
It will be equally unnecessary for me to give you a formal attestation
of your being a citizen of the United States. Should any occasion for it
arise hereafter, I shall be always ready to certify it. With respect to
tobacco, the contract with Mr. Morris and the order of Berni cease with
this year. I am obtaining an arrangement for the five years which yet
remain of the present lease to the Farmers General, by which they will
be obliged to take all the tobacco for which they shall have occasion
from America, except about one-fifth northern, which they represent
as necessary. They will be obliged to take only such as comes directly
from America, without having touched at any European port in _French_
or _American_ bottoms, and to make the purchase in _France_. It will be
particularly watched that they purchase not a single hogshead in England.
By this I hope to have completely effected the diverting so much of the
tobacco trade as amounts to their own consumption from England to France.
I am glad to find, also, by your letter, that this operation will have
the effect to raise the price of this commodity at the English market.
24,000 hogheads of tobacco a year, less at that market than heretofore,
must produce some change, and it could not be for the worse. The order to
the farmers will name only 14,000 hogheads a year, but it is certain they
must extend it themselves nearly or quite to 24,000, as their consumption
is near 30,000. I am endeavoring to bring hither also, directly, the
rice of America, consumed in this country. At present they buy it from
London. I am of opinion they could consume the whole of what is made in
America, especially if the rice States will introduce the culture of the
Piedmont and Egyptian rices also, both of which qualities are demanded
here in concurrence with that of Carolina. I have procured for them the
seed from Egypt and Piedmont. The indulgences given to American whale oil
will ensure its coming here directly. In general, I am in hopes to ensure
here the transportation of all our commodities which come to this country
in American and French bottoms exclusively, which will countervail the
effect of the British navigation act on our carrying business. The returns
in French instead of English manufactures, will take place by degrees.
Supposing that these details cannot but be agreeable to you as a merchant
and as an American, I trouble you with them; being with much sincerity,
and on all occasions, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MONSIEUR DUMAS.

                                                   PARIS, December 9, 1787.

SIR,--Your letter of November 27, showing that mine of November 14, had
not then got to hand, had given me alarm for its fate, and I had sat down
to write you a second acknowledgment of the receipt of your two favors of
October 23 and 26, and to add the receipt, also, of those of November 14,
22 and 27. A copy of my answer of November 14 was prepared to be enclosed
to you, but in that moment came your favors of November 30, December 2d
and 4th, by which I perceived that the original had at length got safe to
hand. By that you have seen all that interference, direct or indirect,
on the part of Mr. Adams and myself in the business you had done me the
honor to suggest, would be improper. Your despatches for Mr. Jay shall go
with mine in the packet of this month. These will bring the matter into
the view of Congress. In the meantime I think it would be well to avoid
exciting at Brussels or anywhere else the least expectation thereon,
because it is impossible for us to know what that body may, in its wisdom
and with all circumstances under its eye, decide should be done. They
had, in the year 1784, made up their minds as to the system of commercial
principles they wished to pursue. These were very free. They proposed them
to all the powers of Europe. All declined except Prussia. To this general
opposition they may now find it necessary to present a very different
general system to which their treaties will form cases of exception, and
they may wish to lessen rather than multiply those cases of exception.
Add to this, that it is in contemplation to change the organization of
the federal government, and they may think it better to leave the system
of foreign connection to be formed by those who are to pursue it. I only
mention these as possible considerations, without pretending to know
the sentiments of that honorable body, or any one of its members on the
subject; and to show that no expectations should be raised which might
embarrass them or embroil ourselves. The proposed change of government
seems to be the proper topic to urge as the reason why Congress may not at
this moment choose to be forming new treaties. Should they choose it, on
the other hand, the reserve of those who act for them, while uninstructed,
cannot do injury.

I find the expectation very general that the present peace will be of
short duration. There are circumstances in favor of this opinion, there
are others against it. Certain it is that this country is in a state so
unprepared as to excite astonishment. After the last war, she seems to
have reposed on her laurels, in confidence that no power would venture to
disturb that repose.

It is presumable her present ministry will prepare to vindicate their
nation and their friends. The late events have kindled a fire, which,
though smothered of necessity for the present moment, will probably never
be quenched but by signal revenge. Individuals will, in the meantime, have
incurred sufferings which that may not repair. That yours may be lessened
for the present, and relieved in future, is the sincere wish of him who
has the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and regard, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

                                                  PARIS, December 11, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I am later in acknowledging the receipt of your favors of
October the 15th, and November the 5th and 15th, because we have been
long expecting a packet, which I hoped would bring communications worth
detailing to you; and she arrived only a few days ago, after a very long
passage indeed. I am very sorry you have not been able to make out the
cypher of my letter of September the 25th, because it contained things
which I wished you to know at that time. They have lost now a part of
their merit; but still, I wish you could decipher them, as there remains
a part, which it might yet be agreeable to you to understand. I have
examined the cypher from which it was written. It is precisely a copy of
those given to Messrs. Barclay and Lambe. In order that you may examine
whether yours corresponds, I will now translate into cypher the three
first lines of my letter of June the 14th.

This will serve to show whether your cypher corresponds with mine, as well
as my manner of using it. But I shall not use it in future, till I know
from you the result of your re-examination of it. I have the honor now, to
return you the letter you had been so good as to enclose to me. About the
same time of Liston's conversation with you, similar ones were held with
me by Mr. Eden. He particularly questioned me on the effect of our treaty
with France, in the case of a war, and what might be our dispositions.
I told him without hesitation, that our treaty obliged us to receive
the armed vessels of France, with their prizes, into our ports, and to
refuse the admission of prizes made on her by her enemies; that there
was a clause by which we guaranteed to France her American possessions,
and which might, perhaps, force us into the war, if these were attacked.
"Then it will be war," said he, "for they will assuredly be attacked." I
added, that our dispositions would be to be neutral, and that I thought
it the interest of both those powers that we should be so, because it
would relieve both from all anxiety as to the feeding their West India
islands, and England would, moreover, avoid a heavy land war on our
continent, which would cripple all her proceedings elsewhere. He expected
these sentiments from me personally, and he knew them to be analogous to
those of our country. We had often before had occasions of knowing each
other: his peculiar bitterness towards us had sufficiently appeared,
and I had never concealed from him, that I considered the British as our
natural enemies, and as the only nation on earth who wished us ill from
the bottom of their souls. And I am satisfied, that were our continent
to be swallowed up by the ocean, Great Britain would be in a bonfire from
one end to the other. Mr. Adams, as you know, has asked his recall. This
has been granted, and Colonel Smith is to return too; Congress having
determined to put an end to their commission at that court. I suspect and
hope they will make no new appointment.

Our new constitution is powerfully attacked in the American newspapers.
The objections are, that its effect would be to form the thirteen States
into one; that, proposing to melt all down into one general government,
they have fenced the people by no declaration of rights; they have not
renounced the power of keeping a standing army; they have not secured
the liberty of the press; they have reserved the power of abolishing
trials by jury in civil cases; they have proposed that the laws of the
federal legislatures, shall be paramount to the laws and constitutions
of the States; they have abandoned rotation in office; and particularly,
their President may be re-elected from four years to four years, for
life, so as to render him a King for life, like a King of Poland; and
they have not given him either the check or aid of a council. To these
they add calculations of expense, &c., &c., to frighten the people. You
will perceive that these objections are serious, and some of them not
without foundation. The constitution, however, has been received with
a very general enthusiasm, and as far as can be judged from external
demonstrations, the bulk of the people are eager to adopt it. In the
eastern States, the printers will print nothing against it, unless the
writer subscribes his name. Massachusetts and Connecticut have called
conventions in January, to consider of it. In New York, there is a
division. The Governor (Clinton) is known to be hostile to it. Jersey,
it is thought, will certainly accept it. Pennsylvania is divided; and
all the bitterness of her factions has been kindled anew on it. But the
party in favor of it is strongest, both in and out of the legislature.
This is the party anciently of Morris, Wilson, &c. Delaware will do
what Pennsylvania shall do. Maryland is thought favorable to it; yet it
is supposed Chase and Paca will oppose it. As to Virginia, two of her
Delegates, in the first place, refused to sign it. These were Randolph,
the Governor, and George Mason. Besides these, Henry, Harrison, Nelson,
and the Lees, are against it. General Washington will be for it, but it
is not in his character to exert himself much in the case. Madison will be
its main pillar; but though an immensely powerful one, it is questionable
whether he can bear the weight of such a host. So that the presumption
is, that Virginia will reject it. We know nothing of the dispositions
of the States south of this. Should it fall through, as is possible,
notwithstanding the enthusiasm with which it was received in the first
moment, it is probable that Congress will propose, that the objections
which the people shall make to it being once known, another convention
shall be assembled, to adopt the improvements generally acceptable, and
omit those found disagreeable. In this way, union may be produced under a
happy constitution, and one which shall not be too energetic, as are the
constitutions of Europe. I give you these details, because, possibly, you
may not have received them all. The sale of our western lands is immensely
successful. Five millions of acres have been sold at private sale, for
a dollar an acre, in certificates, and at the public sales, some of them
had sold as high as two dollars and forty cents the acre. The sales had
not been begun two months. By these means, taxes, &c., our domestic debt,
originally twenty-eight millions of dollars, was reduced, by the 1st day
of last October, to twelve millions, and they were then in treaty for two
millions of acres more, at a dollar, private sale. Our domestic debt will
thus be soon paid off, and that done, the sales will go on for money,
at a cheaper rate, no doubt, for the payment of our foreign debt. The
_petite guerre_ always waged by the Indians, seems not to abate the ardor
of purchase or emigration. Kentucky is now counted at sixty thousand.
Frankland is also growing fast.

I have been told, that the cutting through the Isthmus of Panama, which
the world has so often wished, and supposed practicable, has at times been
thought of by the government of Spain, and that they once proceeded so
far, as to have a survey and examination made of the ground; but that the
result was, either impracticability or too great difficulty. Probably the
Count de Campomanes, or Don Ulloa, can give you information on this head.
I should be exceedingly pleased to get as minute details as possible on
it, and even copies of the survey, report, &c., if they could be obtained
at a moderate expense. I take the liberty of asking your assistance in
this.

I have the honor to be, with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

                                                  PARIS, December 12, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--In the month of July, I received from Fiseaux & Co. of
Amsterdam, a letter notifying me that the principal of their loan to
the United States would become due the first day of January. I answered
them, that I had neither powers nor information on the subject, but
would transmit their letter to the board of treasury. I did so, by the
packet which sailed from Havre, August the 10th. The earliest answer
possible, would have been by the packet which arrived at Havre three
or four days ago. But by her I do not receive the scrip of a pen from
anybody. This makes me suppose, that my letters are committed to Paul
Jones, who was to sail a week after the departure of the packet; and
that possibly, he may be the bearer of orders from the treasury, to repay
Fiseaux's loan with the money you borrowed. But it is also possible, he
may bring no order on the subject. The slowness with which measures are
adopted on our side the water, does not permit us to count on punctual
answers; but, on the contrary, renders it necessary for us to suppose,
in the present case, that no orders will arrive in time, and to consider
whether anything, and what, should be done? As it may be found expedient
to transfer all our foreign debts to Holland, by borrowing there, and
as it may always be prudent to preserve a good credit in that country,
because we may be forced into wars, whether we will or not, I should
suppose it very imprudent to suffer our credit to be annihilated, for so
small a sum as fifty-one thousand guilders. The injury will be greater,
too, in proportion to the smallness of the sum; for they will ask, "How
can a people be trusted for large sums, who break their faith for such
small ones?" You know best what effect it will have on the minds of
the money lenders of that country, should we fail in this payment. You
know best, also, whether it is practicable and prudent for us, to have
this debt paid without orders. I refer the matter, therefore, wholly to
your consideration, willing to participate with you in any risk and any
responsibility which may arise. I think it one of those cases, where
it is a duty to risk one's self. You will perceive, by the enclosed,
the necessity of an immediate answer, and that, if you think anything
can and should be done, all the necessary authorities from you should
accompany your letter. In the meantime, should I receive any orders from
the treasury by Paul Jones, I will pursue them, and consider whatever you
shall have proposed or done, as _non avenue_.

I am, with much affection, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

                                                  PARIS, December 20, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of October the 8th, by the Count de
Moustier. Yours of July the 18th, September the 6th and October the 24th,
were successively received, yesterday, the day before, and three or four
days before that. I have only had time to read the letters; the printed
papers communicated with them, however interesting, being obliged to lie
over till I finish my despatches for the packet, which despatches must
go from hence the day after to-morrow. I have much to thank you for;
first and most for the cyphered paragraph respecting myself. These little
informations are very material towards forming my own decisions. I would
be glad even to know, when any individual member thinks I have gone wrong
in any instance. If I know myself, it would not excite ill blood in me,
while it would assist to guide my conduct, perhaps to justify it, and to
keep me to my duty, alert. I must thank you too, for the information in
Thomas Burke's case; though you will have found by a subsequent letter,
that I have asked of you a further investigation of that matter. It is to
gratify the lady who is at the head of the convent wherein my daughters
are, and who, by her attachment and attention to them, lays me under great
obligations. I shall hope, therefore, still to receive from you the result
of all the further inquiries my second letter had asked. The parcel of
rice which you informed me had miscarried, accompanied my letter to the
Delegates of South Carolina. Mr. Bourgoin was to be the bearer of both,
and both were delivered together into the hands of his relation here,
who introduced him to me, and who, at a subsequent moment, undertook to
convey them to Mr. Bourgoin. This person was an engraver, particularly
recommended to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Hopkinson. Perhaps he may have mislaid
the little parcel of rice among his baggage. I am much pleased that the
sale of western lands is so successful. I hope they will absorb all the
certificates of our domestic debt speedily, in the first place, and that
then, offered for cash, they will do the same by our foreign ones.

The season admitting only of operations in the cabinet, and these being in
a great measure secret, I have little to fill a letter. I will therefore
make up the deficiency, by adding a few words on the constitution proposed
by our convention.

I like much the general idea of framing a government, which should go on
of itself, peaceably, without needing continual recurrence to the State
legislatures. I like the organization of the government into legislative,
judiciary and executive. I like the power given the legislature to levy
taxes, and for that reason solely, I approve of the greater House being
chosen by the people directly. For though I think a House so chosen, will
be very far inferior to the present Congress, will be very illy qualified
to legislate for the Union, for foreign nations, &c., yet this evil does
not weigh against the good, of preserving inviolate the fundamental
principle, that the people are not to be taxed but by representatives
chosen immediately by themselves. I am captivated by the compromise of the
opposite claims of the great and little States, of the latter to equal,
and the former to proportional influence. I am much pleased too, with the
substitution of the method of voting by person, instead of that of voting
by States; and I like the negative given to the Executive, conjointly
with a third of either House; though I should have liked it better, had
the judiciary been associated for that purpose, or invested separately
with a similar power. There are other good things of less moment. I
will now tell you what I do not like. First, the omission of a bill of
rights, providing clearly, and without the aid of sophism, for freedom
of religion, freedom of the press, protection against standing armies,
restriction of monopolies, the eternal and unremitting force of the habeas
corpus laws, and trials by jury in all matters of fact triable by the laws
of the land, and not by the laws of nations. To say, as Mr. Wilson does,
that a bill of rights was not necessary, because all is reserved in the
case of the general government which is not given, while in the particular
ones, all is given which is not reserved, might do for the audience to
which it was addressed; but it is surely a _gratis dictum_, the reverse of
which might just as well be said; and it is opposed by strong inferences
from the body of the instrument, as well as from the omission of the
cause of our present Confederation, which had made the reservation in
express terms. It was hard to conclude, because there has been a want
of uniformity among the States as to the cases triable by jury, because
some have been so incautious as to dispense with this mode of trial in
certain cases, therefore, the more prudent States shall be reduced to the
same level of calamity. It would have been much more just and wise to
have concluded the other way, that as most of the States had preserved
with jealousy this sacred palladium of liberty, those who had wandered,
should be brought back to it; and to have established general right rather
than general wrong. For I consider all the ill as established, which may
be established. I have a right to nothing, which another has a right to
take away; and Congress will have a right to take away trials by jury in
all civil cases. Let me add, that a bill of rights is what the people are
entitled to against every government on earth, general or particular; and
what no just government should refuse, or rest on inference.

The second feature I dislike, and strongly dislike, is the abandonment,
in every instance, of the principle of rotation in office, and most
particularly in the case of the President. Reason and experience tell
us, that the first magistrate will always be re-elected if he may be
re-elected. He is then an officer for life. This once observed, it
becomes of so much consequence to certain nations, to have a friend or
a foe at the head of our affairs, that they will interfere with money
and with arms. A Galloman, or an Angloman, will be supported by the
nation he befriends. If once elected, and at a second or third election
outvoted by one or two votes, he will pretend false votes, foul play, hold
possession of the reigns of government, be supported by the States voting
for him, especially if they be the central ones, lying in a compact body
themselves, and separating their opponents; and they will be aided by one
nation in Europe, while the majority are aided by another. The election of
a President of America, some years hence, will be much more interesting to
certain nations of Europe, than ever the election of a King of Poland was.
Reflect on all the instances in history, ancient and modern, of elective
monarchies, and say if they do not give foundation for my fears; the Roman
Emperors, the Popes while they were of any importance, the German Emperors
till they became hereditary in practice, the Kings of Poland, the Deys
of the Ottoman dependencies. It may be said, that if elections are to be
attended with these disorders, the less frequently they are repeated the
better. But experience says, that to free them from disorder, they must
be rendered less interesting by a necessity of change. No foreign power,
nor domestic party, will waste their blood and money to elect a person,
who must go out at the end of a short period. The power of removing every
fourth year by the vote of the people, is a power which they will not
exercise, and if they were disposed to exercise it, they would not be
permitted. The King of Poland is removable every day by the diet. But
they never remove him. Nor would Russia, the Emperor, &c., permit them to
do it. Smaller objections are, the appeals on matters of fact as well as
laws; and the binding all persons, legislative, executive and judiciary
by oath, to maintain that constitution. I do not pretend to decide, what
would be the best method of procuring the establishment of the manifold
good things in this constitution, and of getting rid of the bad. Whether
by adopting it, in hopes of future amendment; or after it shall have been
duly weighed and canvassed by the people, after seeing the parts they
generally dislike, and those they generally approve, to say to them, "We
see now what you wish. You are willing to give to your federal government
such and such powers; but you wish, at the same time, to have such and
such fundamental rights secured to you, and certain sources of convulsion
taken away. Be it so. Send together deputies again. Let them establish
your fundamental rights by a sacrosanct declaration, and let them pass
the parts of the constitution you have approved. These will give powers to
your federal government sufficient for your happiness."

This is what might be said, and would probable produce a speedy, more
perfect and more permanent form of government. At all events, I hope you
will not be discouraged from making other trials, if the present one
should fail. We are never permitted to despair of the commonwealth. I
have thus told you freely what I like, and what I dislike, merely as a
matter of curiosity; for I know it is not in my power to offer matter
of information to your judgment, which has been formed after hearing
and weighing everything which the wisdom of man could offer on these
subjects. I own, I am not a friend to a very energetic government. It is
always oppressive. It places the governors indeed more at their ease,
at the expense of the people. The late rebellion in Massachusetts has
given more alarm, than I think it should have done. Calculate that one
rebellion in thirteen States in the course of eleven years, is but one
for each State in a century and a half. No country should be so long
without one. Nor will any degree of power in the hands of government,
prevent insurrections. In England, where the hand of power is heavier than
with us, there are seldom half a dozen years without an insurrection.
In France, where it is still heavier, but less despotic, as Montesquieu
supposes, than in some other countries, and where there are always two
or three hundred thousand men ready to crush insurrections, there have
been three in the course of the three years I have been here, in every
one of which greater numbers were engaged than in Massachusetts, and a
great deal more blood was spilt. In Turkey, where the sole nod of the
despot is death, insurrections are the events of every day. Compare
again the ferocious depredations of their insurgents, with the order, the
moderation and the almost self-extinguishment of ours. And say, finally,
whether peace is best preserved by giving energy to the government, or
information to the people. This last is the most certain, and the most
legitimate engine of government. Educate and inform the whole mass of the
people. Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve peace and
order, and they will preserve them. And it requires no very high degree
of education to convince them of this. They are the only sure reliance
for the preservation of our liberty. After all, it is my principle that
the will of the majority should prevail. If they approve the proposed
constitution in all its parts, I shall concur in it cheerfully, in hopes
they will amend it, whenever they shall find it works wrong. This reliance
cannot deceive us, as long as we remain virtuous; and I think we shall
be so, as long as agriculture is our principal object, which will be the
case, while there remains vacant lands in any part of America. When we
get piled upon one another in large cities, as in Europe, we shall become
corrupt as in Europe, and go to eating one another as they do there. I
have tired you by this time with disquisitions which you have already
heard repeated by others, a thousand and a thousand times; and therefore,
shall only add assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I have
the honor to be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

P. S. The instability of our laws is really an immense evil. I think it
would be well to provide in our constitutions, that there shall always
be a twelvemonth between the engrossing a bill and passing it; that it
should then be offered to its passage without changing a word; and that if
circumstances should be thought to require a speedier passage, it should
take two-thirds of both Houses, instead of a bare majority.

TO E. CARRINGTON.

                                                      PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.

DEAR SIR,--I have just received your two favors of October the 23d and
November the 10th. I am much obliged to you for your hints in the Danish
business. They are the only information I have on that subject, except
the resolution of Congress, and warn me of a rock on which I should most
certainly have split. The vote plainly points out an agent, only leaving
it to my discretion to substitute another. My judgment concurs with that
of Congress as to his fitness. But I shall inquire for the surest banker
at Copenhagen to receive the money, not because I should have had any
doubts, but because I am informed others have them. Against the failure of
a banker, were such an accident, or any similar one to happen, I cannot
be held accountable in a case where I act without particular interest.
My principal idea in proposing the transfer of the French debt, was, to
obtain on the new loans a much longer day for the reimbursement of the
principal, hoping that the resources of the United States could have been
equal to the article of interest alone. But I shall endeavor to quiet, as
well as I can, those interested. A part of them will probably sell out at
any rate; and one great claimant may be expected to make a bitter attack
on our honor. I am very much pleased to hear, that our western lands sell
so successfully. I turn to this precious resource, as that which will, in
every event, liberate us from our domestic debt, and perhaps too, from our
foreign one; and this, much sooner than I had expected. I do not think any
thing could have been done with them in Europe. Individual speculators and
sharpers had duped so many with their unlocated land-warrants, that every
offer would have been suspected.

As to the new constitution, I find myself nearly a neutral. There is a
great mass of good in it, in a very desirable form; but there is also, to
me, a bitter pill or two. I have written somewhat lengthily to Mr. Madison
on this subject, and will take the liberty to refer you to that part of my
letter to him. I will add one question to what I have said there. Would
it not have been better to assign to Congress exclusively the article of
imposts for federal purposes, and to have left direct taxation exclusively
to the States? I should suppose the former fund sufficient for all
probable events, aided by the land office.

The form which the affairs of Europe may assume, is not yet decipherable
by those out of the cabinet. The Emperor gives himself, at present, the
air of a mediator. This is necessary to justify a breach with the Porte.
He has his eye at the same time on Germany, and particularly on Bavaria,
the Elector of which has, for a long time, been hanging over the grave.
Probably, France would now consent to the exchange of the Austrian
Netherlands, to be created into a kingdom for the Duke de Deuxports,
against the electorate of Bavaria. This will require a war. The Empress
longs for Turkey, and viewing France as her principal obstacle, would
gladly negotiate her acquiescence. To spur on this, she is coqueting it
with England. The King of Prussia, too, is playing a double game between
France and England. But I suppose the former incapable of forgiving him,
or of ever reposing confidence in him. Perhaps the spring may unfold to
us the final arrangement which will take place among the powers of this
continent.

I often doubt whether I should trouble Congress or my friends with these
details of European politics. I know they do not excite that interest
in America, of which it is impossible for one to divest himself here. I
know too, that it is a maxim with us, and I think it a wise one, not to
entangle ourselves with the affairs of Europe. Still, I think, we should
know them. The Turks have practiced the same maxim of not meddling in the
complicated wrangles of this continent. But they have unwisely chosen to
be ignorant of them also, and it is this total ignorance of Europe, its
combinations and its movements, which exposes them to that annihilation
possibly about taking place. While there are powers in Europe which fear
our views, or have views on us, we should keep an eye on them, their
connections and oppositions, that in a moment of need, we may avail
ourselves of their weakness with respect to others as well as ourselves,
and calculate their designs and movements, on all the circumstances under
which they exist. Though I am persuaded, therefore, that these details
are read by many with great indifference, yet I think it my duty to enter
into them, and to run the risk of giving too much, rather than too little
information. I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem and respect, dear
Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.

P. S. The resolution of Congress, relative to the prize money received
here, speaks of that money as paid to me. I hope this matter is properly
understood. The treasury board desired me to receive it, and apply it
to such and such federal purposes; and they would pay the dividends of
the claimants in America. This would save the expense of remittance. I
declined, however, receiving the money, and ordered it into the hands of
their banker, who paid it away for the purposes to which they had destined
it. I should be sorry, an idea should get abroad, that I had received the
money of these poor fellows, and applied it to other purposes. I shall, in
like manner, order the Danish and Barbary money into the hands of bankers,
carefully avoiding ever to touch a sou of it, or having any other account
to make out than what the banker will furnish.

TO THE HON. MR. JAY.

                                                      PARIS, Dec. 21, 1787.

SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of addressing you were of the 3d
and 7th of November. Your several favors, to wit, two of July 27, two of
Oct. 24, and one of Nov. 3, have all been delivered within the course
of a week past; and I embrace the earliest occasion of returning to
Congress my sincere thanks for the new proofs I receive therein of their
confidence in me, and of assuring them of my best endeavors to merit
it. The several matters on which I receive instruction shall all be duly
attended to. The Commissioners of the Treasury inform me they will settle
the balance appropriated to the Barbary business, apprise me of it, and
place it under my power. The moment this is done, I will take the measures
necessary to effect the instructions of Congress. The letter to you from
the Governor of Rhode Island desires my attention to the application of
the claimants of the brig Apollonia, which shall surely be complied with.
I trust that an application will be made by the claimants. It will be
the more important, as the letter in this case, as in that of the sloop
Sally, formerly recommended to me, is directed to an advocate whom all my
endeavors have not enabled me to find. I fear, therefore, that the papers
in both cases must remain in my hands till called for by the person whom
the parties shall employ for the ordinary solicitation and management
of their appeals. I suppose they will engage some person to answer from
time to time the pecuniary demands of lawyers, clerks, and other officers
of the courts, to wait upon the judges and explain their cases to them,
which is the usage here, to instruct their lawyers and confer with them
whenever necessary, and in general to give all those attentions which the
solicitation of private causes constantly require here. Their management
indeed is very much a matter of intrigue and of money.

The public affairs of Europe are quiet at present, except as between the
Turks and Russians; and, even these, some people suppose may be quieted.
It is thought that Russia would accommodate easily. The peace between
France and England is very generally considered as insecure. It is said
the latter is not honestly disarming; she is certainly augmenting her land
forces, and the speech of the King, and debates of the court members,
prove their diffidence in the late accommodation. Yet it is believed
their premier is a friend to peace, and there can be no doubt of the same
dispositions in the chief minister here. The divisions continue between
the King and his parliament. A promise has been obtained for convoking the
States general, as early as 1791, at farthest. The embarrassments in the
department of finance are not yet so cleared up as that the public can see
their way through them. The arrival of the Count de La Luzerne, just now
announced, will probably put their marine operations into new activity.

I have the honor to enclose you three letters from Mr. Dumas. By one of
the 23d of October, he proposed to me that Mr. Adams and myself should
authorize him to go to Brussels on the subject he explains to you. I wrote
him the answer of Nov. 14th. by which I expected he would see that nothing
could be done, and think no more of it. His subsequent letters, however,
giving me reason to apprehend that, making too sure of the expediency of
the treaty he proposed, he might excite expectations from that government,
I wrote him the letter of Dec. 9 to suggest to him that this proposition
might not be so certainly eligible as he seemed to expect, and to advise
him to avoid doing anything which might commit or embarrass Congress. The
uneasiness of his present situation, and the desire of a refuge from it,
had probably suggested to him this idea, and occasioned him to view it
with partiality.

This will be accompanied with the gazettes of France and Leyden. There
being no passenger to go by the packet, within my knowledge, this letter
will go through the post-office. I shall, therefore, only add assurances
of the esteem and respect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR LIMOZIN.

                                                  PARIS, December 22, 1787.

SIR,--I have the honor now, to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of
the 18th and 19th of November, and two of the 18th of the present month. I
did not write to you immediately on the receipt of the two first, because
the observations they contained were to be acted on here. I was much
obliged to you for them, as I have been frequently before for others, and
you will find that I have profited by them in the _Arret_ which is to come
out for the regulation of our commerce, wherein most of the things are
provided for, which you have from time to time recommended. With respect
to the article of yellow wax, I think there is a general clause in the
_Arret_, which will take it in; but I am not sure of it. If there be
not, it is now too late to get any alteration made. You shall receive the
_Arret_ the moment it is communicated to me.

I have examined the case of Captain Thomas, with all the dispositions
possible to interpose for him. But on mature reflection, I find it is
one of those cases wherein my solicitation would be ill received. The
government of France, to secure to its subjects the carrying trade between
her colonies and the mother country, have made a law, forbidding any
foreign vessels to undertake to carry between them. Notwithstanding this,
an American vessel has undertaken, and has brought a cargo. For me to
ask that this vessel shall be received, would be to ask a repeal of the
law, because there is no more reason for receiving her, than there will
be for receiving the second, third, &c., which shall act against the same
law, nor for receiving an American vessel, more than the vessels of any
other nations. Captain Thomas has probably engaged in this business, not
knowing the law; but ignorance of the law is no excuse, in any country.
If it were, the laws would lose their effect, because it can be always
pretended. Were I to make this application to the Comptroller General,
he might possibly ask me, whether, in a like case, of a French vessel in
America acting through ignorance, against law, we would suspend the law
as to her? I should be obliged honestly to answer, that with us, there is
no power which can suspend the law for a moment; and Captain Thomas knows
that this answer would be the truth. The Senegal company seems to be as
much engaged in it as he is. I should suppose his most probable means of
extrication would be with their assistance, and availing himself of their
privileges, and the apparent authority he has received from the officers
of government there. I am sorry his case is such a one as I cannot present
to the minister. A jealousy of our taking away their carrying trade, is
the principal reason which obstructs our admission into their West India
islands. It would not be right for me to strengthen that jealousy.

I have the honor to be, with much esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.

TO THE BOARD OF TREASURY.

                                                      PARIS, Dec. 30, 1787.

GENTLEMEN,--In my letter of Aug. 5, I had the honor of enclosing to
you a letter written me by Messrs. Fiseaux & Co., reminding us that the
principal of the loan of 51,000 florins obtained by them, would become
due on the first day of the ensuing year. A few days ago, I received
another from them calling for the money. At first I was disposed to
answer them that I was in nowise authorized to do anything in it, and
that it rested with you altogether. But, on consulting with some persons
better acquainted with the delicacy of credit in Holland, I found there
was reason to fear that a failure to pay that money might not only do
essential injury to our credit in general, but even hinder the progress of
the loan going on in the hands of Willincks and Van Staphorsts; and that
it would be for the interest of that loan itself, to pay this demand out
of it, if possible. I wrote, therefore, to Mr. Adams, to consult him about
it, and to know, if he was of the same opinion, whether he would venture
to join me in directing such an application of the money. I wrote at the
same to Willincks and Van Staphorsts, to know whether they could have as
much in their hands to spare, and whether they would venture to pay it on
our order. Mr. Adams approved of the proposition, and was willing to join
in ordering the payment. Willincks and Van Staphorsts answered that they
had in their hands money enough to pay the February interest of the former
loan, and to answer, for some time yet, Mr. Adams' and my draughts for
our subsistence; but that if they should pay the principal of Fiseaux's
loan, it would be an advance of their own: they likewise observed, that
to pay such a sum without your orders, placed them under an unnecessary
responsibility. Upon this, I concluded to ask them only to pay this year's
interest, now becoming due, to desire Fiseaux to receive this, and with it
to endeavor to quiet the creditors till your orders could be received. I
have this day written to Fiseaux, and to Willincks and Van Staphorsts to
this purpose, and avail myself of a vessel about to sail from Havre, to
communicate the whole transaction to you, and to express my wish that you
will be pleased to give an answer to Fiseaux. I enclose to you his letters
to me on the subject. From what I can learn, I suspect that if there were
a cordial understanding between the Willincks and Van Staphorsts, if the
former had been as well disposed as the latter, the matter would have
been settled with Fiseaux. I have the honor to be, with much respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

                                                  PARIS, December 31, 1787.

SIR,--Since the receipt of the letter of Monsieur de Calonnes, of October
the 22d, 1786, I have several times had the honor of mentioning to you,
that I was endeavoring to get the substance of that letter reduced into
an _Arret_, which, instead of being revocable by a single letter of a
Comptroller General, would require an _Arret_ to repeal or alter it, and
of course must be discussed in full Council, and so give time to prevent
it. This has been pressed as much as it could be with prudence. One cause
of delay has been the frequent changes of the Comptroller General; as we
had always our whole work to begin again with every new one. Monsieur
Lambert's continuance in office for some months, has enabled us, at
length, to get through the business; and I have just received from him
a letter, and the _Arret_ duly authenticated; of which I have the honor
to send you a number of printed copies. You will find that the several
alterations and additions are made, which, on my visit to the sea-ports,
I had found to be necessary, and which my letters of June the 21st and
August the 6th, particularly mentioned to you. Besides these, we have
obtained some new articles of value, for which openings arose in the
course of the negotiation. I say _we_ have done it, because the Marquis
de La Fayette has gone hand in hand with me through this business, and has
been a most invaluable aid. I take the liberty of making some observations
on the articles of the _Arret_, severally, for their explanation, as well
as for the information of Congress.

Article 1. In the course of our conferences with the Comptroller General,
we had prevailed on him to pass this article with a suppression of
all duty. When he reported the _Arret_, however, to the Council, this
suppression was objected to, and it was insisted to re-establish the
duties of seven livres and ten sous, and of ten sous the livre, reserved
in the letter of M. de Calonnes. The passage of the _Arret_ was stopped,
and the difficulty communicated to me. I urged everything I could, in
letters and in conferences, to convince them that whale oil was an article
which could bear no duty at all. That if the duty fell on the consumer,
he would choose to buy vegetable oils; if on the fisherman, he could no
longer live by his calling, remaining in his own country; and that if
he quitted his own country, the circumstances of vicinity, sameness of
language, laws, religion and manners, and perhaps the ties of kindred,
would draw him to Nova Scotia, in spite of every encouragement which
could be given at Dunkirk; and that thus those fishermen would be shifted
out of a scale friendly to France, into one always hostile. Nothing,
however, could prevail. It hung on this article alone, for two months,
during which we risked the total loss of the _Arret_, on the stability in
office of Monsieur Lambert; for if he had gone out, his successor might
be less favorable; and if Monsieur Neckar were the successor, we might
lose the whole, as he never set any store by us, or the connection with
us. About ten days ago, it became universally believed that Monsieur
Lambert was to go out immediately. I therefore declined further insisting
on the total suppression, and desired the _Arret_ might pass, leaving the
duties on whale oil as Monsieur de Calonnes had promised them; but with a
reservation, which may countenance our bringing on this matter again, at a
more favorable moment.

Article 2. The other fish oils are placed in a separate article; because
whatever encouragements we may hereafter obtain for whale oils, they will
not be extended to those which their own fisheries produce.

Article 3. A company had silently, and by unfair means, obtained a
monopoly for the making and selling spermaceti candles: as soon as we
discovered it, we solicited its suppression, which is effected by this
clause.

Article 4. The duty of an eighth per cent. is merely to oblige the masters
of vessels to enter their cargoes, for the information of government;
without inducing them to attempt to smuggle.

Article 6. Tar, pitch and turpentine of America, coming in competition
with the same articles produced in the south western parts of France,
we could obtain no greater reduction, than two and a-half per cent. The
duties before, were from four to six times that amount.

Article 10. The right of entrepôt given by this article, is almost the
same thing, as the making all their ports, free ports for us. The ships
are indeed subject to be visited, and the cargoes must be reported in
ports of entrepôt, which need not be done in the free ports. But the
communication between the entrepôt and the country, is not interrupted
by continual search of all persons passing into the country, which has
proved so troublesome to the inhabitants of our free ports, as that a
considerable proportion of them have wished to give back the privilege of
their freedom.

Article 13. This article gives us the privileges and advantages of
native subjects, in all their possessions in Asia, and in the _scales
leading thereto_. This expression means at present the isles of France
and Bourbon, and will include the Cape of Good Hope, should any future
event put it into the hands of France. It was with a view to this, that
I proposed the expression, because we were then in hourly expectation
of a war, and it was suspected that France would take possession of that
place. It will, in no case, be considered as including anything westward
of the Cape of Good Hope. I must observe further, on this article, that it
will only become valuable on the suppression of their East India Company;
because, as long as their monopoly continues, even native subjects cannot
enter their Asiatic ports for the purposes of commerce. It is considered,
however, as certain, that this Company will be immediately suppressed.

The article of tobacco could not be introduced into the _Arret_; because
it was necessary to consider the Farmers General as parties to that
arrangement. It rests, therefore, of necessity, on the basis of a letter
only. You will perceive that this is nothing more than a continuation
of the order of Berni, only leaving the prices unfixed; and like that,
it will require a constant and vexatious attention to have its execution
enforced.

The States who have much to carry, and few carriers, will observe,
perhaps, that the benefits of these regulations are somewhat narrowed by
confining them to articles brought hither in French or American bottoms.
But they will consider that nothing in these instruments moves from us.
The advantages they hold out are all given by this country to us, and
the givers will modify their gifts as they please. I suppose it to be a
determined principle of this court not to suffer our carrying business, so
far as their consumption of our commodities extends, to become a nursery
for British seamen. Nor would this, perhaps, be advantageous to us,
considering the dispositions of the two nations towards us. The preference
which our shipping will obtain on this account, may counterpoise the
discouragements it experiences from the aggravated dangers of the Barbary
States. Nor is the idea unpleasing which shows itself in various parts of
these papers, of naturalizing American bottoms, and American citizens in
France and in its foreign possessions. Once established here, and in their
eastern settlements, they may revolt less at the proposition to extend it
to those westward. They are not yet, however, at that point; we must be
contented to go towards it a step at a time, and trust to future events
for hastening our progress.

With respect to the alliance between this and the two imperial courts,
nothing certain transpires. We are enabled to conjecture its progress
only from facts which now and then show themselves. The following may be
considered as indications of it. 1. The Emperor has made an attempt to
surprise Belgrade. The attempt failed, but will serve to plunge him into
the war, and to show that he had assumed the character of mediator, only
to enable himself to gain some advantage by surprise. 2. The mediation of
France is probably at an end, and their abandonment of the Turks agreed
on; because they have secretly ordered their officers to quit the Turkish
service. This fact is known to but few, and not intended to be known; but
I think it certain. 3. To the offer of mediation lately made by England
and Prussia, the court of Petersburg answered, that having declined the
mediation of a friendly power, (France,) she could not accept that of
two courts, with whose dispositions she had reason to be dissatisfied.
4. The States General are said to have instructed their ambassador here,
lately, to ask of M. de Montmorin, whether the inquiry had been made,
which they had formerly desired; "By what authority the French engineers
had been placed in the service of Holland?" And that he answered that
the inquiry had not been made, nor should be made. Though I do not
consider the channel through which I get this fact, as absolutely sure,
yet it is so respectable that I give credit to it myself. 5. The King
of Prussia is withdrawing his troops from Holland. Should this alliance
show itself, it would seem that France thus strengthened might dictate
the re-establishment of the affairs of Holland in her own form. For it is
not conceivable that Prussia would dare to move, nor that England would
alone undertake such a war, and for such a purpose. She appears, indeed,
triumphant at present, but the question is who will triumph last?

I enclose you a letter from Mr. Dumas. I received one from him myself,
wherein he assures me that no difficulties shall be produced, by what he
had suggested relative to his mission to Brussels. The gazettes of France
and Leyden to this date accompany this letter, which, with the several
papers put under your cover, I shall send to M. Limozin, our agent at
Havre, to be forwarded by the Juno, Captain Jenkins, which sails from that
port for New York, on the 3d of January.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR LAMBERT.

                                                    PARIS, January 3, 1788.

SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter of the 29th of December,
enclosing the _Arret_ on the commerce between France and the United
States. I availed myself of the occasion of a vessel sailing this day
from Havre for New York, to forward it to Congress. They will receive with
singular satisfaction this new testimony of his Majesty's friendship for
the United States, of his dispositions to promote their interest, and to
strengthen the bands which connect the two nations.

Permit me, Sir, to return you, personally, my sincere thanks for the
great attention you have paid to this subject, for the sacrifices you
have kindly made, of time so precious as yours, every moment of which
is demanded and is occupied by objects interesting to the happiness of
millions; and to proffer you the homage of those sincere sentiments
of attachment and respect with which I have the honour to be, your
Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. DE QUESNAY.

                                                    PARIS, January 6, 1788.

SIR,--I have never expressed an objection to the part of your plan
relative to the theatre. The utility of this in America is a great
question on which I may be allowed to have an opinion; but it is not for
me to decide on it, nor to object to the proposal of establishing one
at Richmond. The only objection to your plan which I have ever made, is
that contained in my letter to you. I feared it was too extensive for the
poverty of the country. You remove the objection by observing, it is to
extend to several States. Whether professors itinerant from one State to
another may succeed, I am unable to say, having never known an experiment
of it. The fear that these professors may be disappointed in their
expectations, has determined me not to meddle in the business at all.
Knowing how much people going to America overrate the resources of living
there, I have made a point never to encourage any person to go there, that
I may not partake of the censure which may follow their disappointment.
I beg you, therefore, not to alter your plan in any part of it on my
account, but permit me to pursue mine of being absolutely neutral.
Monsieur de La Luzerne and the Marquis de La Fayette, know too much of
the country themselves to need any information from me, or any reference
to my opinion; and the friendly dispositions which they have towards
you, will insure you their good offices. Convinced of the honesty of your
intentions and of your zeal, I wish you every possible success, and shall
be really happy to see your plan answer your expectations. You have more
courage than I have, to take upon yourself the risk of transplanting and
contenting so many persons. I beg you to be assured of the sincerity of
the esteem with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.

TO MR. DRAYTON.

                                                   PARIS, January 13, 1788.

SIR,--By Captain Shewell, who is sailing about this time from Marseilles
to Charleston, I directed to be forwarded to you one of two couffes of
rough rice, which I had brought from Egypt. The other came on to me here,
and will be carried from Havre to New York, addressed to you, to the care
of the Delegates of South Carolina in Congress. I wish both may arrive
in time for the approaching seed time, and that the trials with this and
the Piedmont rice may furnish new advantages to your agriculture. I have
considerable hopes of receiving some dry rice from Cochin-China, the young
Prince of that country, lately gone from hence, having undertaken that
it shall come to me. But it will be some time first. These are all but
experiments; the precept, however, is wise which directs us to try all
things, and hold fast that which is good.

Your letter of May the 22d, 1787, informs me that mine of May the 6th,
1786, had never got to hand. I now have the honor to enclose you a copy
of it, of no other consequence than to show you that I was incapable of
so insensible an inattention as the miscarriage of that letter exposed me
to the charge of in your mind. I shall take opportunities of forwarding
to you more of the seed of the Spanish Saintfoine, some of which I have
received directly from Malta. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of
the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.

TO LE COMTE BERNSTORFF, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, COPENHAGEN.

                                                   PARIS, January 21, 1788.

SIR,--I am instructed by the United States of America, in Congress
assembled, to bring again under the consideration of his Majesty, the King
of Denmark, and of his ministers, the case of the three prizes taken from
the English during the late war, by an American squadron under the command
of Commodore Paul Jones, put into Bergen in distress, there rescued from
our possession by orders from the court of Denmark, and delivered back to
the English. Dr. Franklin, then Minister Plenipotentiary from the United
States at the court of Versailles, had the honor of making applications
to the court of Denmark, for a just indemnification to the persons
interested, and particularly by a letter of the 22d of December, 1779,
a copy of which I have now the honor of enclosing to your Excellency.
In consequence of this, a sum of ten thousand pounds was proposed to
him, as an indemnification, through the Baron de Waltersdorff, then at
Paris. The departure of both those gentlemen from this place, soon after,
occasioned an intermission in the correspondence on this subject. But
the United States continue to be very sensibly affected by this delivery
of their prizes to Great Britain, and the more so, as no part of their
conduct had forfeited their claim to those rights of hospitality which
civilized nations extend to each other. Not only a sense of justice due
to the individuals interested in those prizes, but also an earnest desire
that no subject of discontent may check the cultivation and progress
of that friendship which they wish may subsist and increase between the
two countries, prompt them to remind his Majesty of the transaction in
question; and they flatter themselves that his Majesty will concur with
them in thinking, that as restitution of the prizes is not practicable, it
is reasonable and just that he should render, and that they should accept,
a compensation equivalent to the value of them. And the same principles
of justice towards the parties, and of amity to the United States,
which influenced the breast of his Majesty to make, through the Baron de
Waltersdorff, the proposition of a particular sum, will surely lead him
to restore their full value, if that were greater, as is believed, than
the sum proposed. In order to obtain, therefore, a final arrangement of
this demand, Congress have authorized me to depute a special agent to
Copenhagen, to attend the pleasure of his Majesty. No agent could be so
adequate to this business, as the Commodore Paul Jones, who commanded
the squadron which took the prizes. He will, therefore, have the honor
of delivering this letter to your Excellency, in person; of giving such
information as may be material, relative to the whole transaction; of
entering into conferences for its final adjustment, and, being himself
principally interested, not only in his own right, but as the natural
patron of those who fought under him, whatever shall be satisfactory to
him, will have a great right to that ultimate approbation, which Congress
have been pleased to confide to me.

I beg your Excellency to accept the homage of that respect which your
exalted station, talents, and merit impress, as well as those sentiments
of esteem and regard with which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's
most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM RUTLEDGE.

                                                       PARIS, Feb. 2. 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I should sooner have answered your favor of Jan. the 2d, but
that we have expected for some time to see you here. I beg you not to
think of the trifle I furnished you with, nor to propose to return it,
till you shall have that sum more than you know what to do with. And on
every other occasion of difficulty, I hope you will make use of me freely.
I presume you will now remain at London, to see the trial of Hastings.
Without suffering yourself to be imposed on by the pomp in which it will
be enveloped, I would recommend to you to consider and decide for yourself
these questions. If his offence is to be decided by the law of the land,
why is he not tried in that court in which his fellow-citizens are tried,
that is, the King's bench? If he is cited before another court, that he
may be judged, not according to the law of the land, but by the discretion
of his judges, is he not disfranchised of his most precious right, the
benefit of the laws of his country, in common with his fellow-citizens?
I think you will find, in investigating this subject, that every solid
argument is against the extraordinary court, and that every one in its
favor is specious only. It is a transfer from a judicature of learning
and integrity, to one, the greatness of which is both illiterate and
unprincipled. Yet such is the force of prejudice with some, and of the
want of reflection in others, that many of our constitutions have copied
this absurdity, without suspecting it to be one. I am glad to hear that
our new constitution is pretty sure of being accepted by States enough
to secure the good it contains, and to meet with such opposition in
some others, as to give us hopes it will be accommodated to them, by
the amendment of its most glaring faults, particularly the want of a
declaration of rights.

The long expected edict of the protestants, at length appears here.
Its analysis is this. It is an acknowledgment (hitherto withheld by the
laws) that protestants can beget children, and that they can die, and
be offensive unless buried. It does not give them permission to think,
to speak, or to worship. It enumerates the humiliations to which they
shall remain subject, and the burthens to which they shall continue to
be unjustly exposed. What are we to think of the condition of the human
mind in a country, where such a wretched thing as this has thrown the
State into convulsions, and how must we bless our own situation in a
country, the most illiterate peasant of which is a Solon, compared with
the authors of this law. There is modesty often, which does itself injury;
our countrymen possess this. They do not know their own superiority. You
see it; you are young, you have time and talents to correct them. Study
the subject while in Europe, in all the instances which will present
themselves to you, and profit your countrymen of them, by making them to
know and value themselves.

Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the esteem with which I am your
friend and servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY MR. ADAMS.

                                                       PARIS, Feb. 6, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--The Commissioners of the Treasury have given notice to
Willincks and Van Staphorsts, that they shall not be able to remit them
one shilling till the New Government gets into action, and that therefore
the sole resource for the payment of the Dutch interest till that period
is in the progress of the last loan. Willinck and Van Staphorst reply that
there is not the least probability of raising as much on that loan as will
pay the next June interest, and that, if that payment fails one day, it
will do an injury to our credit, which a very long time will not wipe off.
A Mr. Stanetshi, one of our brokers, who holds $4,340,000 of our domestic
debt, offers, if we will pay him one year's interest of that debt, he
will have the whole of the loan immediately filled up, that is to say, he
will procure the sum of six hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred
and forty florins still unsubscribed. His year's interest (deducting
from it ten per cent. which he will allow for payment in Europe instead
of America) will require one hundred and eighty thousand florins of this
money. Messrs. Willinck and Van Staphorsts say that, by this means, they
can pay Fiseaux debt, and all the Dutch interest, and our current expenses
here, till June 1789, by which time the New Government may be in action.
They have proposed this to the Commissioners of the Treasury. But it
is possible that the delay of letters going and coming, with the time
necessary between the receiving their answer and procuring the money, may
force the decision of this proposition on me at the eleventh hour. I wish,
therefore, to avail myself of your counsel before your departure, on this
proposition. Your knowledge of the subject enables you to give the best
opinion, and your zeal for the public interest, and I trust your friendly
disposition towards me will prompt you to assist me with your advice on
this question, to wit, if the answer of the Commissioners does not come in
time, and there shall appear no other means of raising the June interest,
will it be worse to fail in that payment, or to accept of about seven
hundred thousand florins, on the condition of letting one hundred and
eighty thousand be applied to the payment of a year's interest of a part
of our domestic debt? Do me the friendship to give me an answer to this as
soon as possible, and be assured of the sentiments of esteem and respect
with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

                                                       PARIS, Feb. 7, 1788.

GENTLEMEN,--Your favors of November the 10th and 13th, and December
the 5th, have been duly received. Commodore Jones left this place for
Copenhagen, the 5th instant, to carry into execution the resolution of
Congress of October the 25th. Whatever moneys that court shall be willing
to allow, shall be remitted to your bankers, either in Amsterdam or Paris,
as shall be found most beneficial, allowing previously to be withdrawn
Commodore Jones' proportion, which will be necessary for his subsistence.
I desired him to endeavor to prevail on the Danish minister to have the
money paid in Amsterdam or Paris, by their banker in either of those
cities, if they have one.

M. Ast (secretary to the consulate) is at L'Orient. Whether he comes up
with the papers, or sends them, they shall be received, sealed up and
taken care of. I will only ask the favor of you, that I may never be
desired to break the seals, unless very important cause for it should
arise.

I have just received from Messrs. Willincks and Van Staphorsts, a letter
of January the 31st, in which are these words. "The official communication
we have of the actual situation and prospect of the finances of the United
States, would render such a partial payment as that to Fiseaux' house
of no avail towards the support of the public credit, unless effectual
measures shall be adopted, to provide funds for the two hundred and
seventy thousand florins, interest, that will be due the 1st of June
next; a single day's retard in which would ground a prejudice of long
duration." They informed me, at the same time, that they had made to you
the following communication; that Mr. Stanitski, our principal broker, and
holder of thirteen hundred and forty thousand dollars, of certificates
of our domestic debt, offers to have our loan of a million of guilders
(of which six hundred and twenty-two thousand eight hundred and forty
are still unfilled) immediately made up, on condition that he may retain
thereout, one hundred and eighty thousand guilders, being one year's
interest on his certificates, allowing a deduction of ten per cent. from
his said interest, as a compensation for his receiving it in Amsterdam
instead of America, and not pretending that this shall give him any title
to ask for any payment of future interest in Europe. They observe, that
this will enable them to face the demands of Dutch interest, till the
1st of June, 1789, pay the principal of Fiseaux' debt, and supply the
current expenses of your legation in Europe. On these points, it is for
you to decide. I will only take the liberty to observe, that if they shall
receive your acceptance of the proposition, some day's credit will still
be to be given for producing the cash, and that this must be produced
fifteen days before it is wanting, because that much previous notice is
always given to the creditors that their money is ready. It is, therefore,
but three months from this day, before your answer should be in Amsterdam.
It might answer a useful purpose also, could I receive a communication of
that answer, ten days earlier than they. The same stagnation attending
our passage from the old to the new form of government, which stops
the feeble channel of money hitherto flowing towards our treasury, has
suspended also what foreign credit we had. So that, at this moment, we may
consider the progress of our loan as stopped. Though much an enemy to the
system of borrowing, yet I feel strongly the necessity of preserving the
power to borrow. Without this, we might be overwhelmed by another nation,
merely by the force of its credit. However, you can best judge whether
the payment of a single year's interest on Stanitski's certificates, in
Europe, instead of America, may be more injurious to us than the shock
of our credit in Amsterdam, which may be produced by a failure to pay our
interest.

I have only to offer any services which I can render in this business,
either here or by going to Holland, at a moment's warning, if that should
be necessary.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DOCTOR PRICE.

                                                   PARIS, February 7, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--It is rendering mutual service to men of virtue and
understanding to make them acquainted with one another. I need no other
apology for presenting to your notice the bearer hereof, Mr. Barlow. I
know you were among the first who read the Visions of Columbus, while yet
in manuscript; and think the sentiments I heard you express of that poem
will induce you to be pleased with the acquaintance of their author. He
comes to pass a few days only at London, merely to know something of it.
As I have little acquaintance there, I cannot do better for him than to
ask you to be so good as to make him known to such persons, as his turn
and his time might render desirable to him.

I thank you for the volume you were so kind as to send me some time ago.
Everything you write is precious, and this volume is on the most precious
of all our concerns. We may well admit morality to be the child of the
understanding rather than of the senses, when we observe that it becomes
dearer to us as the latter weaken, and as the former grows stronger by
time and experience, till the hour arrives in which all other objects
lose all their value. That that hour may be distant with you, my friend,
and that the intermediate space may be filled with health and happiness,
is the sincere prayer of him who is, with sentiments of great respect and
friendship, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO A. DONALD.

                                                   PARIS, February 7, 1788.

DEAR SIR,--I received duly your friendly letter of November the 12th. By
this time, you will have seen published by Congress the new regulations
obtained from this court, in favor of our commerce. You will observe,
that the arrangement relative to tobacco is a continuation of the order
of Berni for five years, only leaving the price to be settled between the
buyer and seller. You will see, too, that all contracts for tobacco are
forbidden, till it arrives in France. Of course, your proposition for a
contract is precluded. I fear the prices here will be low, especially
if the market be crowded. You should be particularly attentive to the
article, which requires that the tobacco should come in French or American
bottoms, as this article will, in no instance, be departed from.

I wish with all my soul, that the nine first conventions may accept the
new constitution, because this will secure to us the good it contains,
which I think great and important. But I equally wish, that the four
latest conventions, whichever they be, may refuse to accede to it, till
a declaration of rights be annexed. This would probably command the offer
of such a declaration, and thus give to the whole fabric, perhaps, as much
perfection as any one of that kind ever had. By a declaration of rights, I
mean one which shall stipulate freedom of religion, freedom of the press,
freedom of commerce against monopolies, trial by juries in all cases, no
suspensions of the habeas corpus, no standing armies. These are fetters
against doing evil, which no honest government should decline. There
is another strong feature in the new constitution, which I as strongly
dislike. That is, the perpetual re-eligibility of the President. Of this
I expect no amendment at present, because I do not see that anybody has
objected to it on your side the water. But it will be productive of cruel
distress to our country, even in your day and mine. The importance to
France and England, to have our government in the hands of a friend or
a foe, will occasion their interference by money, and even by arms. Our
President will be of much more consequence to them than a King of Poland.
We must take care, however, that neither this, nor any other objection to
the new form, produces a schism in our Union. That would be an incurable
evil, because near friends falling out, never re-unite cordially; whereas,
all of us going together, we shall be sure to cure the evils of our new
Constitution, before they do great harm. The box of books I had taken
the liberty to address to you, is but just gone from Havre for New York.
I do not see, at present, any symptoms strongly indicating war. It is
true, that the distrust existing between the two courts of Versailles and
London, is so great, that they can scarcely do business together. However,
the difficulty and doubt of obtaining money make both afraid to enter
into war. The little preparations for war, which we see, are the effect
of distrust, rather than of a design to commence hostilities. And in such
a state of mind, you know, small things may produce a rupture; so that
though peace is rather probable, war is very possible.

Your letter has kindled all the fond recollections of ancient times;
recollections much dearer to me than anything I have known since. There
are minds which can be pleased by honors and preferments; but I see
nothing in them but envy and enmity. It is only necessary to possess them,
to know how little they contribute to happiness, or rather how hostile
they are to it. No attachments soothe the mind so much as those contracted
in early life; nor do I recollect any societies which have given me more
pleasure, than those of which you have partaken with me. I had rather
be shut up in a very modest cottage, with my books, my family and a few
old friends, dining on simple bacon, and letting the world roll on as it
liked, than to occupy the most splendid post, which any human power can
give. I shall be glad to hear from you often. Give me the small news as
well as the great. Tell Dr. Currie, that I believe I am indebted to him
a letter, but that like the mass of our countrymen, I am not, at this
moment, able to pay all my debts; the post being to depart in an hour, and
the last stroke of a pen I am able to send by it, being that which assures
you of the sentiments of esteem and attachment, with which I am, dear Sir,
your affectionate friend and servant.

TO M. WARVILLE.

                                                  PARIS, February 12, 1788.

SIR,--I am very sensible of the honor you propose to me, of becoming a
member of the society for the abolition of the slave trade. You know that
nobody wishes more ardently to see an abolition, not only of the trade,
but of the condition of slavery; and certainly, nobody will be more
willing to encounter every sacrifice for that object. But the influence
and information of the friends to this proposition in France will be far
above the need of my association. I am here as a public servant, and those
whom I serve, having never yet been able to give their voice against the
practice, it is decent for me to avoid too public a demonstration of my
wishes to see it abolished. Without serving the cause here, it might
render me less able to serve it beyond the water. I trust you will be
sensible of the prudence of those motives, therefore, which govern my
conduct on this occasion, and be assured of my wishes for the success of
your undertaking, and the sentiments of esteem and respect, with which I
have the honor to be. Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. DUMAS.

                                                      PARIS, Feb. 12, 1788.

SIR,--I have duly received your favor of the 5th inst. enclosing that for
Mr. Jay. The packet was gone, as I presume, but I have another occasion
of forwarding it securely. Your attentions to the Leyden gazette are, in
my opinion, very useful. The paper is much read and respected. It is the
only one I know in Europe which merits respect. Your publications in it
will tend to re-establish that credit which the solidity of our affairs
deserve. With respect to the sale of lands, we know that two sales of
five millions and two millions of acres have been made. Another was begun
for four millions, which, in the course of the negotiation, may have been
reduced to three millions, as you mention. I have not heard that this
sale is absolutely concluded, but there is reason to presume it. Stating
these sales at two-thirds of a dollar the acre, and allowing for 3 or
400,000 acres sold at public sale, and a very high price, we may say they
have absorbed seven millions of dollars of the domestic federal debt. The
States, by taxation and otherwise, have absorbed eleven millions more: so
that debt stands now at about ten millions of dollars, and will probably
be all absorbed in the course of the next year. There will remain then
our foreign debt, between ten and twelve millions, including interest.
The sale of lands will then go on for the payment of this. But, as this
payment must be in cash, not in public effects, the lands must be sold
cheaper. The demand will probably be less brisk. So we may suppose this
will be longer paying off than the domestic debt. With respect to the new
Government, nine or ten States will probably have accepted by the end
of this month. The others may oppose it. Virginia, I think, will be of
this number. Besides other objections of less moment, she will insist on
annexing a bill of rights to the new Constitution, _i. e._ a bill wherein
the government shall declare that, 1. Religion shall be free; 2. Printing
presses free; 3. Trials by jury preserved in all cases; 4. No monopolies
in commerce; 5. No standing army. Upon receiving this bill of rights, she
will probably depart from her other objections; and this bill is so much
to the interest of all the States, that I presume they will offer it, and
thus our constitution be amended, and our Union closed by the end of the
present year. In this way, there will have been opposition enough to do
good, and not enough to do harm. I have such reliance on the good sense
of the body of the people, and the honesty of their leaders, that I am
not afraid of their letting things go wrong to any length in any cause.
Wishing your better health, and much happiness, I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR DE BERTROUS.

                                                      PARIS, Feb. 21, 1788.

SIR,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of the letter you did me the
honor to write me on the 21st of January, together with the book on the
culture of the olive tree. This is a precious present to me, and I pray
you to accept my thanks for it. I am just gratified by letters from
S. Carolina, which inform me that in consequence of the information I
had given them on the subject of the olive tree, and the probability
of its succeeding with them, several rich individuals propose to begin
its culture there. This will not interfere with the commerce of France,
because she imports much more oil than she exports, and because the
consumption of oil in the United States at present, is so inconsiderable,
that should their demand be totally withdrawn at the European market, and
supplied at home, it will produce no sensible effect in Europe. We can
never produce that article in very great quantity, because it happens that
in our two southernmost States, where only the climate is adapted to the
olive, the soil is so generally rich as to be unfit for that tree, and
proper for other productions of more immediate profit. I am to thank you,
also, for the raisins of Smyrna, without seed, which I received from you
through Mr. Grand. * * * * *

TO MONSIEUR TRONCHIN.

                                                  PARIS, February 26, 1788.

SIR,--I should with great cheerfulness have done anything I could for the
manufacturers of Bourges, had anything been in my power. To this I should
have been induced by justice to them, and a desire to serve whomsoever
you befriend. This company is part of a great mass of creditors to whom
the United States contracted debts during the late war. Those States,
like others, are not able to pay immediately all the debts which the
war brought on them; but they are proceeding rapidly in that payment,
and will, perhaps, get through it more speedily than any nation ever did
before.

You will have seen in the public papers the progress they are making in
this matter. They proceed in this by fixed rules, from which it is their
principle never to depart in any instance, nor to do on any account for
any one person what they will not be able to do for all others claiming
on the same grounds. This company should engage the French Consul,
or some other person on the spot, to be always ready to present their
claim whenever anything can be received on it, according to the order of
payment established by Congress. I suppose that the interest might have
been annually received. With respect to what they call the reduction
of the debt from its nominal sum, it is not a reduction of it, but an
appreciation at its true value. The public effects of the United States,
such as their paper bills of credit, loan office bills, &c., were a
commodity which varied its value from time to time. A scale of their
value for every month has been settled according to what they sold for at
market, in silver or gold. This value in gold or silver, with an interest
of six per cent. annually till payment, is what the United States pay.
This they are able to pay; but were they to propose to pay off all their
paper, not according to what it cost the holder, in gold or silver, but
according to the sum named in it, their whole country, if sold, and all
their persons into the bargain, might not suffice. They would, in this
case, make a bankruptcy where none exists, as an individual would, who
being very able to pay the real debts he has contracted, would undertake
to give to every man fifty times as much as he had received from him. The
company will receive the market value of the public effects they have on
their hands, and six per cent. per annum on that; and I can only repeat
my advice to them, to appoint some friend on the spot to act for them
whenever anything can be received. I have the honor to be, with sentiments
of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

                                             PARIS, March 2, 1788.--Sunday.

DEAR SIR,--I received this day, a letter from Mrs. Adams, of the 26th
ultimo, informing me you would set out on the 29th, for the Hague.
Our affairs at Amsterdam press on my mind like a mountain. I have no
information to go on, but that of Willincks and Van Staphorsts, and
according to that, something seems necessary to be done. I am so anxious
to confer with you on this subject, and to see you and them together,
and get some effectual arrangement made in time, that I determine to meet
you at the Hague. I will set out the moment some repairs are made to my
carriage; it is promised me at three o'clock to-morrow; but probably they
will make it night, and that I may not set out till Tuesday morning. In
that case, I shall be at the Hague on Friday night; in the meantime, you
will perhaps have made all your bows there. I am sensible how irksome
this must be to you, in the moment of your departure. But it is a great
interest of the United States which is at stake, and I am sure you will
sacrifice to that, your feelings and your interest. I hope to shake you
by the hand, within twenty-four hours after you receive this; and in the
meantime, I am, with much esteem and respect, dear Sir, your affectionate
friend and humble servant.

TO THE HON. JOHN JAY.

                                                 AMSTERDAM, March 13, 1788.

SIR,--Mr. Adams having announced to our bankers here his approaching
departure from Europe, and referred them to me for counsel on our affairs
in their hands, they sent me a state of them, and of the difficulties
which were pressing at the moment, and impending more seriously for the
month of June. They were urging me by almost every post on this subject.
In this situation, information of Mr. Adams' journey of leave to the Hague
reached me on the day of his arrival there. I was sensible how important
it was to have the benefit of his interference in a department which had
been his peculiarly from the beginning, and with all the details of which
he was as intimately acquainted as I was little so. I set out therefore
in the instant, joined him at the Hague, and he readily concurred with
me in the necessity of our coming here to confer with our bankers on the
measures which might be proper and practicable. We are now engaged on
this subject, and the result, together with a full explanation of the
difficulties which commanded our attention, shall be the subject of a
letter which I shall do myself the honor of writing you by Mr. Adams,
to be forwarded by Colonel Smith, who will go in the English packet. I
avoid further particulars in the present letter, because it is to pass
through the different post-offices to Paris. It will be forwarded thence
by Mr. Short, whom I have desired to do himself the honor of writing
to you any occurrences since my departure, which may be worthy of being
communicated, by the French packet of this month. I have the honor to be,
with sentiments of the most perfect respect and esteem, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

                                                 AMSTERDAM, March 16, 1788.

SIR,--In a letter of the 13th instant, which I had the honor of addressing
you from this place, I mentioned in general terms, the object of my
journey hither, and that I should enter into more particular details,
by the confidential conveyance which would occur through Mr. Adams and
Colonel Smith.

The board of treasury had, in the month of December, informed me and our
bankers here, that it would be impossible for them to make any remittances
to Europe for the then ensuing year, and that they must, therefore, rely
altogether on the progress of the late loan. But this, in the meantime,
after being about one-third filled, had ceased to get forward. The
bankers who had been referred to me for advice by Mr. Adams, stated those
circumstances, and pressed their apprehension for the ensuing month of
June, when two hundred and seventy thousand florins would be wanting
for interest. In fine, they urged an offer of the holders of the former
bonds to take all those remaining on hand, provided they might receive
out of them the interest on a part of our domestic debt, of which they
had also become the holders. This would have been one hundred and eighty
thousand florins. To this proposition I could not presume any authority to
listen. Thus pressed between the danger of failure on one hand, and this
proposition on the other, I heard of Mr. Adams being gone to the Hague, to
take leave. His knowledge of the subject was too valuable to be neglected
under the present difficulty, and it was the last moment in which we could
be availed of it. I set out immediately, therefore, for the Hague, and
we came on to this place together, in order to see what could be done.
It was easier to discover, than to remove, the causes which obstructed
the progress of the loan. Our affairs here, like those of other nations,
are in the hands of particular bankers. These employ particular, and they
have their particular circle of money lenders. These money lenders, as I
have before mentioned, while placing a part of their money in our foreign
loans, had at the same time employed another part in a joint speculation,
to the amount of eight hundred and forty thousand dollars, in our domestic
debt. A year's interest was becoming due on this, and they wished to
avail themselves of our want of money for the foreign interest, to obtain
payment of the domestic. Our first object was to convince our bankers,
that there was no power on this side the Atlantic which could accede to
this proposition, or give it any countenance. They at length, therefore,
but with difficulty, receded from this ground, and agreed to enter into
conferences with the brokers and lenders, and to use every exertion to
clear the loan from the embarrassment in which this speculation had
engaged it. What will be the result of these conferences, is not yet
known. We have hopes, however, that it is not desperate, because the
bankers consented yesterday to pay off the capital of fifty-one thousand
florins, which had become due on the first day of January, and which had
not yet been paid. We have gone still further. The treasury-board gives
no hope of remittances, till the new government can procure them. For
that government to be adopted, its legislature assembled, its system of
taxation and collection arranged, the money gathered from the people into
the treasury, and then remitted to Europe, must extend considerably into
the year 1790. To secure our credit then, for the present year only, is
but to put off the evil day to the next. What remains of the last loan,
when it shall be filled up, will little more than clear us of present
demands, as may be seen by the estimate enclosed. We thought it better,
therefore, to provide at once for the years 1789 and 1790, also; and
thus to place the government at its ease, and her credit in security,
during that trying interval. The same estimate will show, that another
million of florins will be necessary to effect this. We stated this to
our bankers, who concurred in our views, and that to ask the whole sum at
once, would be better than to make demands from time to time so small,
as that they betray to the money holders the extreme feebleness of our
resources. Mr. Adams, therefore, has executed bonds for another million of
florins; which, however, are to remain unissued till Congress shall have
ratified the measure; so that this transaction is something or nothing,
at their pleasure. We suppose its expediency so apparent, as to leave
little doubt of its ratification. In this case, much time will have been
saved by the execution of the bonds at this moment, and the proposition
will be presented under a more favorable appearance, according to the
opinion of the bankers. Mr. Adams is under a necessity of setting out
to-morrow morning, but I shall stay two or three days longer, to attend
to and encourage the efforts of the bankers; though it is yet doubtful
whether they will ensure us a safe passage over the month of June. Not
having my letters here to turn to, I am unable to say whether the last I
wrote mentioned the declaration of the Emperor that he should take part
in the war against the Turks. This declaration appeared a little before,
or a little after that letter, I do not recollect which. Some little
hostilities have taken place between them. The court of Versailles seems
to pursue immovably its pacific system, and from every appearance in the
country from which I write, we must conclude that its tragedy is wound up.
The triumph appears complete, and tranquillity perfectly established. The
numbers who have emigrated are differently estimated, from twenty to forty
thousand.

A little before I left Paris, I received a piece of intelligence, which
should be communicated, leaving you to lay what stress on it, it may
seem to deserve. Its authenticity may be surely relied on. At the time of
the late pacification, Spain had about fifteen ships of the line nearly
ready for sea. The convention for disarming did not extend to her, nor
did she disarm. This gave inquietude to the court of London, and they
demanded an explanation. One was given, they say, which is perfectly
satisfactory. The Russian minister at Versailles, getting knowledge of
this, became suspicious on his part. He recollected that Spain, during
the late war, had been opposed to the entrance of a Russian fleet into
the Mediterranean, and concluded if England was not the object of this
armament, Russia might be. It is known that that power means to send
a fleet of about twenty-four ships into the Mediterranean this summer.
He sent to the Count de Montmorin, and expressed his apprehensions. The
Count de Montmorin declared that the object of Spain in that armament, was
totally different; that he was not sure she would succeed; but that France
and Spain were to be considered as one, and that the former would become
guarantee for the latter; that she would make no opposition to the Russian
fleet. If neither England nor Russia be the object, the question recurs,
who is it for? You know best if our affairs with Spain are in a situation
to give jealousy to either of us. I think it very possible that the
satisfaction of the court of London may have been pretended, or premature.
It is possible, also, that the affairs of Spain in South America, may
require them to assume a threatening appearance. I give you the facts,
however, and you will judge whether they are objects of attention or of
mere curiosity.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. I enclose herewith an extract of a letter from the Count de
Vergennes to the French ambassador at the Hague, which will make a
remarkable chapter in the history of the late revolution here. It is not
public, nor should be made so by us. Probably those who have been the
victims of it, will some day publish it.

TO MR. DUMAS.

                                                 AMSTERDAM, March 29, 1788.

SIR,--I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 14th,
18th and 23d instant. I would have preferred doing it in person, but the
season, and the desire of seeing what I have not yet seen, invite me to
take the route of the Rhine. I shall leave this place to-morrow morning,