allusions to her treatment by “the great,” and to the folly of her
father’s successors—both monarchs of distinction[952]. Under these
circumstances, she endeavoured to console herself with the composition of
her history—a work written mostly, as she tells us, under the reign of
her nephew, Manuel I, who ascended the throne in 1143. By 1148, at the
age of 65, she had finished her work; the date of her death is unknown.

The princess had set herself the filial task of writing a biography of
her father from 1069 to his death in 1118, thus covering the whole of his
reign and twelve years before it. Her history thus formed a continuation
of those composed by Attaleiates and by her husband, the former of whom
had narrated the events of the years 1034 to 1079, the latter those
of the years 1070 to 1079. As it had been the object of the former to
glorify the still living Botaneiates, so it was the aim of the latter to
whitewash Alexios, representing him as a legitimate sovereign, who had
merely renounced the throne, once occupied by his uncle.

She begins her history by describing her father’s exploits during the
three previous reigns, the “three labours of Hercules[953],” as she
characteristically calls his suppression of the rebellions of Oursel
Bailleul, or Russell Balliol, a member of the family which founded
Balliol College (whom Scott has, by a pardonable anachronism, represented
as a fellow-prisoner of Count Robert of Paris in the dungeon), and his
victory over the two pretenders from Durazzo, her husband’s father,
Nikephoros Bryennios, and Basilakios. She then proceeds to trace the
career of the famous Norman leader, Robert Guiscard, and the causes of
his war against the Byzantine Empire, the first attack of the Latin
West against the Greek East and the forerunner of the Fourth Crusade.
The second book is devoted to her father’s revolt against the Emperor
Nikephoros Botaneiates and his seizure of the throne. With the third book
begins his reign. She describes the Norman invasion, how Guiscard crossed
the Adriatic, besieged and took Durazzo, the historic town which has
played so large a part in the Balkan history of the last seven years, and
which was then the western gate of the Byzantine Empire, just as in the
days of Catullus and Plautus it had been the “tavern of the Adriatic.”
In the sixth book we have Guiscard’s second expedition and death at the
Cephalonian village, which, under the name of Phiskardo, still recalls
the end of that famous Norman leader. Here is related the legend that in
the opposite island of Ithake there was a ruined city, called Jerusalem;
and thus was fulfilled the prophesy that Guiscard should die when he had
reached Jerusalem. Similar prophecies were similarly accomplished in the
case of Pope Silvester II, who died after celebrating mass in the Church
of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, and in that of our King Henry IV, dying,
as Shakespeare has narrated, in the Jerusalem chamber. Next follow the
military operations in Asia Minor and against the Cumans, or “Scythians,”
as the classically-educated writer calls them, in Europe. Then, after
some account of the affairs of Crete and Cyprus and of the Dalmatian
revolt, the tenth book treats of the heresy of Neilos, and introduces us
to the First Crusade.

At this point the chief interest of this history for modern readers
begins, for Anna Comnena is writing of a movement of world-wide
importance, and her descriptions of the Crusading chiefs are those of an
eyewitness. The eleventh book deals with the progress of the Crusaders in
Asia—the capture of Nice, the foundation of the Principality of Antioch
and of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the accession of Baldwin I, the quarrel
of Alexios and Bohemond about Antioch and Laodicea, and Bohemond’s
strangely contrived journey to Italy in a coffin with the odorous carcase
of a dead cock. Books twelve and thirteen describe his second invasion
of Albania, his siege of Durazzo, and his second pact of vassalage with
Alexios, who gave him Antioch as a fief for life with the County of
Edessa. The fourteenth book records his death, the siege of Tyre and the
Turkish war, and gives an interesting account of the Bogomile heretics
at Philippopolis. The last book is also partly occupied with their
treatment by the Emperor, and ends with a somewhat mutilated description
of the death of Alexios. Thus, as a later Greek epigram expressed it, the
_Alexiad_ ended when Alexios died.

As its name implies, the _Alexiad_ is a biography rather than a
history, with the Emperor as the central figure, placed in what his
admiring daughter regarded as the most favourable light, but what,
according to modern ideas, is sometimes quite the reverse. The Imperial
biographer was well aware that she would be accused of partiality, and
is at considerable pains to repudiate in advance the charge of filial
prejudice. She specially pleads her unbiased judgment in dealing with her
father’s career, declares that she does not like to praise her relatives
or to repeat scandal, adapts Aristotle’s famous saying about Plato by
averring that, if her father is dear to her, truth is dearer, and sums
up her aim as “love of her father and love of truth[954].” She admits
that he had some defects, that he stammered[955] and found difficulty
in pronouncing the letter R; and she candidly avows that he was merely
an instrument in the hand of his mother, Anna Dalassene, an excellent
woman of business, when he first ascended the throne[956]. But she is
apt to forget her precept of impartiality when she comes to describe
his achievements. With characteristic exaggeration she exclaims that,
“not even if another Demosthenes and all the chorus of the orators, not
even if all the Academy and all the Stoic philosophers combined together
to extol the services of Alexios, could they attain unto them”; and in
another passage she asks, “what echo of Demosthenes or whirling words
of Polemon, why, not all the muses of Homer, could worthily hymn his
successes; I should say that not Plato himself, nor all the Porch and
Academy combined together could have philosophised in a manner such as
befitted his soul[957].”

She tells us that her father hated not only lying but the appearance of
lying; yet, she naïvely applauds his sharp practice in sending letters
to Bohemond’s officers, in which he thanked them for letters to himself
which they had never written, in order to compromise them with their
chief; she acknowledges without a blush how he deceived the Crusaders
at the taking of Nice; and she describes with admiration how he invited
the Bogomile heretic, Basil, to a private colloquy, telling him that
he admired his virtue and urging him to make a full statement of his
doctrine, while all the time a secretary, concealed behind a curtain,
took down the statements which fell from the unsuspecting heresiarch’s
mouth and which were used as evidence against him to send him to the
stake. Such tactics only evoke from the complaisant daughter the
laudatory comment, that her father’s theological skill in dealing with
heretics like the Manichæans should earn him the title of “the thirteenth
apostle[958].” Modern readers will agree with Finlay that “even Anna’s
account makes the Bogomilian a noble enthusiast, and her father a mean
traitor.”

Yet Alexios was, in spite of these moral defects, a brave soldier, who,
however, usually followed the plan of gaining a victory by craft, if
craft were possible. His character was a combination, not uncommon in
the Near East, of courage and intrigue; he was no coward, but he was a
born schemer, rather than a statesman. Like many Byzantine rulers, he
had a weakness for theology—a dangerous taste in an autocrat—and his
daughter describes with admiration how he lectured the heretic Neilos on
the doctrine of the Trinity, and how he ordered a monk named Zygavenos to
compile a list and refutation of all the heresies, under the title of “A
Dogmatic Panoply.” He had the politician’s love for an immediate success,
rather than for a lasting benefit, although he was, as his daughter
tells us, fond of playing chess, in which immediate success counts for
less than a far-seeing plan. Thus, to obtain the temporary advantage
of securing the aid of the Venetian fleet against the Normans, he gave
the Venetians enormous commercial concessions throughout his Empire,
which were one of the causes, 120 years later, of the Latin capture of
Constantinople. The policy of Alexios Comnenos has had disciples in
Southern and South-Eastern Europe in our own day; but the most successful
Greek statesman of our time attained his wonderful triumphs by frankness
and honesty of purpose, to which the Byzantine Emperor was a stranger.

But Anna’s partiality is not limited to her father; it extends to other
members of her family, except, of course, her brother, the Emperor John
II, who was, in reality, an excellent sovereign. Although she despised
her husband’s weakness in not seizing the throne, she praises in Homeric
language his skill as an archer, and devotes a long passage to the
learning and wisdom, the strength and physical beauty, which made “my
Cæsar,” as she affectionately calls him, what Achilles was among the
Homeric Greeks. Like Achilles, he was a fine soldier, but, like not a few
soldiers of Byzantium, he was also a student and a writer, who composed
his history at the command of that “most learned mind and intelligence”
as he called his wife’s mother, the Empress Irene[959]. Of that lady her
daughter writes with enthusiasm, comparing her with Athena, and praising
her for her zealous study of the branch of science which was most
appreciated at the Byzantine Court—dogmatic theology. The Empress, so her
daughter tells us, did not like publicity; she preferred to stay at home
and read religious books; and, when she was obliged to perform any Court
function, she blushed like a girl[960].

Of her _fiancé_, the young Constantine, the Princess writes with an
enthusiasm which seems to come from the heart. She describes him as
“a living statue,” and says that “if any one merely looked at him, he
would speak of him as a descendant of the fabled age of gold”; and she
confesses that after all these years the memory of this youth filled
her eyes with tears. To the beauty of his mother, the Dowager-Empress
Maria, by whom she was in part educated, she has dedicated a glowing
passage, in which she likens her to a cypress in stature, with a skin
white as snow—in short, a statue such as neither Phidias nor Apelles ever
produced, “for such a harmony of all the members was never yet seen in
any human body.” Thus, the Court circle of the reign of Alexios Comnenos,
if we may believe his daughter, was a galaxy of that beauty which modern
society journals assume to be the attribute of royal ladies.

It must not, however, be imagined that Anna Comnena, because she wrote
like a Princess and a daughter, is not a valuable historian. She
possessed a first-hand knowledge of the events of a large part of her
father’s reign; and, as she tells us, she drew her information about
the events, of which she had not been an eyewitness, largely from
her father’s fellow-comrades in war, men like George Palaiologos, the
defender of Durazzo, as well as from her father himself. Writing in the
reign of Manuel I, when no one was interested in flattering the long-dead
Alexios, she could claim, like Tacitus, that the time had arrived to
describe his distant reign “sine irâ et studio.” From her birth and
position, she possessed what mere scribes in all ages lack, an intimate
acquaintance with the men who are really making history. She knew courts,
and, a princess of the blood royal herself, she made the frank admission
that even her father, against whom there were constant plots, was no
exception to the rule that subjects usually dislike their sovereigns[961].

She had access to State papers, which to the ordinary literary man would
have remained inaccessible for generations. Thus, she gives us the
_ipsissima verba_ of the golden bull appointing the Empress-mother, Anna
Dalassene, regent in the absence of her son, and the text of her father’s
letter to the Emperor Henry IV, his “most Christian brother,” urging him
to attack Guiscard in Southern Italy, offering him money, and suggesting
a marriage between one of Henry’s daughters and his own nephew. These
curious pieces are of interest as a specimen of the Byzantine Chancery’s
epistolary style; and we note the care with which the Byzantine Emperor,
who regarded himself as the sole heir of all the Cæsars, avoided giving
the Imperial title to this Western “brother,” whom Anna describes by the
Latinised form _rex_, while reserving for her father the more dignified
title of _basileús_[962]. She gives, too, the full text of the lengthy
agreement made between Alexios and Bohemond in 1108, which she probably
had from her husband, who negotiated that treaty—a document of much
value for the historical geography of the Holy Land during the Latin
domination[963]. She has apparently used for her account of Guiscard a
now lost Latin Chronicle, perhaps the work of the Archdeacon John of
Bari, which was employed by William the Apulian as material for his Latin
poem on that Norman chief, for she quotes the envoy of the Bishop of Bari
as having described to her an incident in the campaign of Guiscard, at
which he was present[964].

She had access, also, to the simple and unvarnished memoirs of retired
veterans, and was therefore well posted in military affairs. Her accurate
use of technical military terms would do credit to a war-correspondent
of the scientific school, while the glowing rhetoric of some of her
descriptions would win the admiration of the modern descriptive writer,
who, not being allowed to see anything of the operations, has to fall
back upon the scenery. As examples of her military phraseology[965] may
be cited the words ἐξώπολον for the circle outside the camp, κοπός (or
σκοπός) used in soldiers’ slang to designate their “fatigue parties,”
and ἀρχοντόπουλοι, a term originally applied to the corps of soldiers’
sons first formed by her father, but extended in modern Greek to mean
the children of any notables. She twice uses the technical term for a
galley, and gives an elaborate description of the cross-bow, then an
unknown weapon to the Greeks. More interesting still, she allows us to
read, imbedded in her severely literary Greek, occasional specimens of
the vulgar idiom used by the ordinary people in their conversation. Thus,
she has preserved the popular lines about the successful conspiracy
which placed her father on the throne; she cites a satiric verse about
him during the Cuman war, and alludes to the comic song, sung in the
vernacular, during the conveyance to execution of Michael Anemas, who
had tried to kill him[966]. She so far forgets the dignity of historical
narrative as to perpetrate two atrocious puns.

We find in her pages, too, some of the modern geographical names which
had already, in popular speech, replaced the classical denominations for
various Balkan mountains, rivers and towns. Thus, like her husband, she
uses the modern name “Vardar” for the famous Macedonian river, instead of
the classical “Axios”; she calls the Homeric “Ossa” by its present title
of “Kissavos”; she describes the poetic “Peneios” as the “Salamvrias,”
and uses the contemporary term “Dyrrachion” (whence comes the modern
Italian “Durazzo” and the modern Serbian “Dratch”), as well as the older
form “Epidamnos.” She apologetically asks no one to blame her for using
such a vulgar name as “Vojussa,” with which the war has made us so
familiar, for the classic river “Aoos[967].”

As a rule she adopts an exaggeratedly lofty style. Just as it was said
of Dr Johnson, that he would have made “little fishes talk like whales,”
so the learned Princess makes a man address a crew of boatmen in the
language of Homer[968]. Her contemporary, the annalist Zonaras, says of
her that “she employed an accurately Attic Greek style,” and that “she
had applied herself to books and to learned men and did not merely hold
incidental converse with them.” But she frequently descends to quite
every-day words, with which students of such mediæval Greek works as
the _Chronicle of the Morea_ and of the ordinary language of to-day are
familiar. Thus, she describes an army, just as the Chronicler described
it, as φοσσάτον; the French forms “liege” and “sergeants” are scarcely
disguised under her Greek renderings λίζιος and σεργέντιοι. The classic
word for “plains” (πεδία) becomes, in her prose, κάμπαι; the poetic
τέμπη assume (as in Attaleiates) the guise of κλεισούραι, while κουλᾶ
thrice displaces the classic ἀκρόπολις; φάμουσα, the vulgar word for
“libels,” has crept into her pages; and πιγκέρνης has supplanted οἰνοχόος
as the term for the court butler[969]. She remarks that those who led a
nomadic life were called in “the common dialect, ‘Vlachoi’”; she quotes
the popular Byzantine _mot_, that “the Scythians (_i.e._ Cumans) missed
seeing May by a single day,” because they were defeated on April 29,
and makes her father, when Bohemond at first rejected his presents,
humorously apply to himself the current saying, “Let a bad thing return
to its own master” (αὐθέντην)[970].

One of the most interesting features of Anna Comnena’s history is
the aspect which the First Crusade assumes in her pages. To Western
historians the Crusades appeared as, on the whole, a great material
benefit to Europe, quite apart from their religious and moral motives
and results. But we learn from this Byzantine Princess, herself an
eye-witness of the Crusaders’ arrival in her father’s capital, how this
religious movement struck the Eastern Christians. The incursion of vast
masses of more or less undisciplined soldiers into the Byzantine Empire
naturally inspired alarm in the mind of its ruler, who feared—and the
diversion of the Fourth Crusade from the redemption of the Holy Land
to the capture of Constantinople three generations later justified his
fears—that the pilgrims might be tempted to occupy his territories on
the way. East and West rarely thoroughly understand one another; and the
mutual reproaches of bad faith, which Greek historians have flung at the
Crusaders and Latin historians at Alexios, were probably largely due,
as is usually the case when two different nationalities quarrel, to a
misunderstanding of one another’s mentality.

Alexios could scarcely feel reassured, when he heard that one of the
Crusading chiefs was that same Bohemond who had fought against him
in Thessaly, and whose father had sought a shadowy pretext to invade
his Empire and capture Durazzo, “the Metropolis of Illyricum[971].”
Anna tells us what were the Emperor’s feelings when he first heard the
news of the forthcoming Crusade and the approaching advent of vast
Frankish armies. “He feared,” she wrote, “their attack, knowing their
unrestrainable dash, their changeable and easily influenced minds,
and all the other qualities, or concomitant attributes, of the French
character.... For the French race is extremely hot-blooded and keen, and
whenever it has once started on any course, impossible to check.” She
accused the Crusaders of treating treaties like “scraps of paper” and
of inordinate love of lucre; “for the Latin race,” she wrote, “is in
other respects most devoted to money.” In her eyes these “barbarians,”
as she called them in the contemptuous language of a highly cultivated
Greek, were actuated by motives very different from the ostensible aim
of freeing the Holy Sepulchre from the Infidels. “In appearance,” she
remarked, “they were on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, but in truth they
wanted to oust the Emperor from his throne and seize the capital.” She
noticed the sudden ups and downs of the French character, rapidly going
from one extreme to the other, and pathetically described how one cause
of her father’s rheumatism in his feet was the constant exertion to which
they subjected that patient monarch, by worrying him with their requests
all day and all night, so that he could not even find time to take his
meals[972]!

In these circumstances, it was perhaps hardly to be expected that he
should be very enthusiastic about taking an active part in the Crusade,
although he more than once ransomed captured Crusaders. Nor was his
enthusiasm increased by such acts of spoliation as the erection into
a Latin County and a Latin Principality respectively of Edessa, still
governed at the time of the Latin conquest by a Greek governor, and of
Antioch, which only fourteen years earlier had been nominally a part of
the Greek Empire. Again, no sovereign, and not least the ceremonious
Emperor of Byzantium, could have been expected to put up with such an
affront as that described by Sir Walter Scott after Anna Comnena, when a
boorish Crusading noble seated himself on the Emperor’s seat. Yet Alexios
took this unwarranted act of rudeness with great tact and dignity,
even though it had been accompanied by an insulting remark about “a
yokel remaining alone seated while so many nobles were standing in his
presence.” Indeed, he not only deigned to ask who this unmannerly churl
might be, but gave him some excellent advice, derived from long personal
experience, of the safest way to wage war against the Turks. The arrogant
Frank paid with his life at the battle of Dorylæum for his neglect of the
Emperor’s well-meant warning[973].

The literary Princess was not, however, so far led away by her national
prejudices as to see no good in the Crusaders. She said of a very good
Greek horseman, that “one would have thought him to be not a Greek,
but of Norman origin,” so well did he ride. Indeed, the incapacity of
the French to fight on foot struck her so forcibly that she remarked:
“A Frenchman on horseback is unrestrainable and would ride through the
walls of Babylon, but once dismounted he is at the mercy of the first
comer.” For that reason her father bade his archers kill the horses of
the Western cavaliers, for then the riders would be helpless[974]. She
specially eulogises the honesty of the Comte de St Gilles, Isangeles, as
she calls him, who “differed in all things from all the Latins, as much
as the sun differs from the stars[975].” While she expresses the horror
felt by her fellow-countrymen at the Church militant as represented by
the fighting Latin clergy, armed with shield and spear[976], in her
character of Guiscard, who did so much harm to her father, she praises
his courage and strategic ability, and her description of Bohemond’s
personal appearance is so detailed and so flattering that it may have
been prompted by a very feminine motive. “No such man, whether barbarian
or Greek,” she wrote of him, “was ever seen in the land of the Greeks
(for he was a marvel to behold and a wonder to be narrated)[977].” Of
the warlike wife of Guiscard, Gaïta, she says with mixed admiration and
alarm, that “she was a Pallas, but not an Athena,” skilled in battle but
not in arts, and terrible when armed with her lance and piercing voice.

Students of Balkan geography are no less indebted to Anna Comnena than
are historians of the First Crusade. Her pages are full of the names of
places, rendered household words to us by the events of the last seven
years. On this subject she had access to a very high authority, her
father, who possessed a minute knowledge of both coasts of the Adriatic
with their harbours, a list of which he sent to his Admiral, and with
the prevailing winds of that turbulent sea. Alexios was, in fact, an
Adriatic specialist, as he would be described in the jargon of to-day. No
writer on the historical geography of Durazzo could afford to neglect our
author, who minutely describes the origin, topography, and contemporary
condition of that famous town. She tells us that at that time most of
the inhabitants were colonists from Amalfi and Venice; and she describes
the walls of that now squalid little Albanian town as at that time so
broad that more than four horsemen could safely ride abreast along them,
while there stood a bronze equestrian statue over the eastern gate. She
talks of the old Bulgarian capitals of “Pliskova” and “Great Pristhlava”
(Pliska and Prêslav); she narrates the origin of Philippopolis, where she
herself had lived for some time; and she makes one interesting allusion
to the comparatively recent Norman Conquest of England in the passage, in
which she says that Bohemond was aided in his second invasion of Albania
by men from “Thule” (Britain)[978], which she also mentions as furnishing
the Varangian guard. We know from a contemporary British historian how
glad the English exiles were to fight in Greece against the Normans, and
how Alexios built a town for them at Civetot, the modern Guemlek, on the
Asiatic coast near Constantinople. We hear, too, how 300 of them defended
Kastoria.

She uses the correct word _jupan_ (or “count”) for the Serbian
chieftains[979], but designates both King Michael (who was the first
ruler of Dioklitia to bear the royal title and whose dominions included
Scutari, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and the coast), and his son and
co-regent, Bodin, as Exarchs of the Dalmatians[980]. She mentions also
the contemporary “great” _jupan_ of the other and inland Serbian state
of Rascia, the modern _sandjak_ of Novibazar, Vukan, describing him as
“wielding the entire authority over the Dalmatians,” of whom she says
that, “although they were Dalmatians, still they were Christians.” It is
interesting to find in this passage that one of his nephews already bore
the name of Urosh, so famous in the later Serbian dynasty of Nemanja,
which etymologists derive from the Magyar word _úr_, meaning “lord.” The
identification of the Serbians with “Dalmatians” would tend to prove the
predominantly Serbian character of Southern Dalmatia in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. She was acquainted, too, with the pirates, who
infested the mouth of the river Narenta, and whom she twice mentions
under the name of “Vetones.”

The name of the Albanians was known to Anna Comnena, as to her
predecessors, Attaleiates and Skylitzes, the first Byzantine authors who
applied it to that mysterious race. She notices the exclusive admiration
felt by the Albanians, as by the modern British school-boy, for physical
prowess, and remarks that in that country bodily strength and size were
the principal requirements that made a man a suitable candidate for the
purple and the diadem[981]. In the case, however, of that tall but inane
guardsman, Prince William of Wied, gigantic size was not sufficient to
ensure the loyalty of the Albanians. Anna Comnena is also the first
writer who mentions the existence of the Wallachs[982] in Thessaly, soon
to be called “Great Wallachia” by her successor Niketas, and “Wallachia”
by Benjamin of Tudela, at a place called Ezeva near Mount Ossa. Notices
of this kind are what make her history valuable to us rather than the
classical reminiscences, which to her and her contemporaries were
doubtless its chief merit. She complained of having to insert “barbarous
names[983],” which “befouled” her historical style, in her polished
narrative, just as some modern imitators of Cicero objected to employing
words for recent inventions unknown to the Roman orator. She cited as an
excuse the example of Homer, who disdained not to mention the Bœotians
and certain barbarous islands for the sake of historical accuracy.
Fortunately, the more plastic Greek language is usually quite equal to
this difficulty, and even the uncouth names of French Crusaders and
Serbian _jupani_ are admitted to the honours of the Greek declensions by
this skilled writer, of whom a contemporary said that, if the ancients
had known her, “they would have added a fourth Grace and a tenth Muse.”

The time has come when it is no longer the fashion to decry Byzantine
history and to deny the name of literature to the writings of the
mediæval Greeks. Finlay rehabilitated the Byzantine Empire from the
contempt which Gibbon had thrown upon it; in Greece a succession of
modern writers, beginning with Paparregopoulos, in his great _History of
the Hellenic Nation_, have reminded his countrymen that Greek history is
a whole, and that contemporary Hellas owes as much, or more, to the great
figures of the Middle Ages as to the heroes of classical antiquity; in
France MM. Schlumberger and Diehl have combined, in truly French fashion,
great erudition with great literary skill in dealing with the “Byzantine
epic” of the tenth and eleventh centuries, and with the female figures
that in various ages filled the Court of Constantinople. Of these Anna
Comnena is perhaps the most curious. We are too much accustomed to regard
Byzantine personages as merely so many stained-glass portraits, all
decorations and angles, instead of men and women of like passions with
ourselves. Anna Comnena was, in her loves and her dislikes, her vanities
and her ambitions, very much a woman. Beneath her Attic prose, acquired
by study and polished by art, there transpire the feminine feelings,
which lend a peculiar turn to her history. Among the sovereigns, lawyers,
statesmen, soldiers, and ecclesiastics who form the _corpus_ of the
Byzantine historians, she is the only woman.

AUTHORITIES

1. _Nicephori Bryennii Commentarii._ Bonn: Weber, 1836.

2. _Michaelis Attaliotæ Historia._ Bonn: Weber, 1853.

3. _Annæ Comnenæ Porphyrogenitæ Alexias._ Two vols. Leipzig: Teubner,
1884.

4. _Princesses Byzantines._ Par Paul Adam. Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1893.

5. _Figures Byzantines._ Par Charles Diehl. Deuxième Série. Paris: Armand
Colin, 1908.

FOOTNOTES

[1] XL. 5.

[2] Plutarch, _Sulla_, 13.

[3] Two Athenian inscriptions (Böckh, C.I.G., I. 409) allude to this
restoration.

[4] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 28.

[5] _Epist._ II. 2, 45.

[6] _Epistolæ ad Diversos_, IV. 5, 4.

[7] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (ed. 4), II. 440,
inclines however to the view that their enfranchisement was of earlier
date.

[8] Juvenal, I. 73, X. 170. Tacitus, _Annales_, II. 53-55, 85; III. 38,
63, 69; IV. 13, 30, 43; V. 10.

[9] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 403, 404, xi.

[10] In 1888 an inscription, containing this proclamation, was found at
the Bœotian Karditza. Karolides, note 31 to Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._
II. 448.

[11] Suetonius, _Nero_, 19, 22-24.

[12] Tacitus, _Historiæ_, II. 8, 9.

[13] Pausanias, X. 34.

[14] _Ibid._ VII. 20.

[15] Eusebius, _Hist. Eccl._ III. 4; IV. 23; _Liber Pontificalis_, I.
125, 131, 155.

[16] The passages of Zosimos (I. 29), who says Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν τοῦ τείχους
ἐπεμελοῦντο μηδεμιᾶς, ἐξότε Σύλλας τοῦτο διέφθειρεν, ἀξιωθέντος
φροντίδος, and of Zonaras (XII. 23) seem to support Finlay’s view that
this was not a new wall. Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._, II. 490, agrees
with it.

[17] Hertzberg: _Die Geschichte Griechenlands unter der Herrschaft der
Römer_, III. 79.

[18] Ἄλλος μετά τινος σαφηνείας Θουκυδίδης, μάλιστά γε ἐν ταῖς Σκυθικαῖς
ἱστορίαις.—Photios, Cod. 82.

[19] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 186-89.

[20] Zonaras, XII. 26.

[21] Trebellius Pollio, _Gallien_, 13.

[22] _Historici Græci Minores_, I. 438-40.

[23] A Greek inscription alluding to Jovian may still be read over the
west door, but Mustoxidi (_Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 406-7) differs from
Spon and Montfaucon in thinking that some other Jovian is meant.

[24] _In Eutropium_, II. 212 _et seq._

[25] Procopios, _De bello Vand._, I. ch. 22.

[26] Hertzberg thinks it was the bronze statue of Athena Promachos which
was carried off. But Gregorovius’ view (_Geschichte der Stadt Athen im
Mittelalter_, I. 49), that given in the text, seems more probable.

[27] Agathias, II. chs. 30, 31.

[28] III. 217 (ed. Bonn).

[29] Menander in _Hist. Gr. Min._ II. 98.

[30] _Hist. Eccles._ VI. 10.

[31] Leunclavius, _Jus Græco-Romanum_, I. 278.

[32] The latest study of this Chronicle is by N. A. Bees in Βυζαντίς, I.
57-105.

[33] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, I. 36-72; Μνημεῖα, I. 41-46.

[34] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie de l’Empire Byzantin_, 172.

[35] III. 53.

[36] Neroutsos, Χριστιανικαὶ Ἀθῆναι in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν.
Ἑταιρίας, III. 30.

[37] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 217-20.

[38] _Ibid._ III. 220-24.

[39] Kedrenos (ed. Bonn), II. 170.

[40] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, 409.

[41] Constantine Porphyrogenitus, III. 243.

[42] The two large tombs in the crypt at Hosios Loukas are according
to tradition those of Romanos II and Theophano who is known to English
readers as the eponymous heroine of Mr Frederic Harrison’s novel. Leo
Diakonos (p. 49) calls her “the Laconian”; some say she was of low
origin, others of a noble family of Constantinople. I noticed a great
number of Hebrew inscriptions at Mistra, near Sparta.

[43] Kedrenos, II. 475, 482, 516, 529; Zonaras (ed. Leipzig), IV. 123;
_Early Travels in Palestine_, 32.

[44] An absolutely historical fact, because the Princes of Achaia claimed
to be suzerains of the two Dukes of Athens and Naxos.

[45] G. de Vinsauf, _Itin. Ricc. I_, II. 24.

[46] _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 234-36.

[47] _Niketas Choniates_ (ed. Bonn), pp. 840-42.

[48] Geoffroy de Villehardouin, _La Conquête de Constantinople_ (ed.
Bouchet), I. 226-32.

[49] Pitra, _Analecta sacra et classica_, VII. 90, 93.

[50] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 101.

[51] Μόνη ἔμβασις, Monemvasia.

[52] Marino Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 102.

[53] _The Chronicle of the Morea_, p. 296.

[54] Sanudo _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 108.

[55] Βυζαντινὰ χρονικά, II. 427.

[56] Μοῦλος is still Moreote Greek for “a bastard”; in the first part of
the word we perhaps have the French _gars_.

[57] _Cantacuzene_ (ed. Bonn), bk. IV. ch. 13.

[58] Mazaris _apud_ Boissonade, _Anecdota Græca_, III. 164-78.

[59] Finlay, IV. 267; Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 131-33; Rev. F. Vyvyan
Jago in the _Archæologia_, XVIII. 83 _sqq._ I am indebted to the courtesy
of the Rev. S. Gregory, the present rector of Landulph, for the following
copy of the brass plate there:

                Here lyeth the body of Theodoro Paleologus
             of Pesaro in Italye, descended from ye Imperyall
              lyne of ye last Christian Emperors of Greece,
              being the Sonne of Camilio ye Sonne of Prosper
                the Sonne of Theodoro the Sonne of John ye
              Sonne of Thomas, second brother to Constantine
               Paleologus the 8th of that name, and last of
           yt lyne yt raygned in Constantinople until subdewed
                   by the Turkes; who married with Mary
                ye daughter of William Balls of Hadlye in
           Souffolke gent, and had issue 5 children: Theodoro,
             John, Ferdinando, Maria, and Dorothy & departed
               this lyfe at Clyfton ye 21st January, 1636.

[60] _Geschichte Griechenlands vom Beginn des Mittelalters_, in Ersch und
Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 212, 321, LXXXVI. 24.

[61] _Voyaige d’Oultremer_, p. 89.

[62] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, I. 138.

[63] Finlay, I. 338, note.

[64] Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 300 (4th ed.).

[65] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 155-61.

[66] L. 8096.

[67] P. 275.

[68] L. 8469.

[69] P. 160.

[70] The form _Abarinos_ does not occur in the French, Italian, and
Aragonese versions of the _Chronicle_, because the Franks always called
the place _port de Junch_, or _Zonklon_, from the rushes which grew
there—a name very frequent, in a more or less corrupt form, in the
Venetian documents of the thirteenth century, _e.g._ in that locus
classicus for Frankish names the list of depredations by pirates in
Greece drawn up in 1278 (Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_,
Abth. II. B. XIV. 237).

[71] Pp. 61, 66, 68 (ed. Burckhardt).

[72] _Geogr._ III. 16.

[73] _Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea_, I. 188.

[74] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 332.

[75] Ed. Predelli, II. 231, 248.

[76] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rer. Austr._ pt. II. vol. XII. 464-88.

[77] Albericus Trium Fontium, _Chronicon_, II. 439.

[78] A. Dandolo, _Chronicon Venetum_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rerum Italicarum
Scriptores_, XII. 335; L. de Monacis, _Chronicon_, p. 143; Magno, _apud_
Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 179.

[79] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III. 61.

[80] _Innocentii III Epistolæ_, XI. 111-113, 238, 240, 252, 256.

[81] Henri de Valenciennes (ed. Paulin Paris), ch. 35.

[82] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 136.

[83] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8071-8092.

[84] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, p. 382.

[85] Sathas in _Annuaire des études grecques_, vol. XIII. 122-133.

[86] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le département
de l’Aube_, pp. 332-340.

[87] Muntaner, ch. 240; Thomas, _Diplomatarium_, I. 111; Predelli,
_Commemoriali_, I. 198.

[88] _Hist. de’ suoi Tempi_, VIII. 50.

[89] Raynaldi, _Annales ecclesiastici_, V. 22, 23.

[90] Thomas, _Dipiomatarium_, I. 120-122.

[91] Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, bk. X. ch. 30.

[92] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 8086-8092; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_,
pp. 1, 274.

[93] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 309, _n._ 2; a much more
probable explanation, derived from the word _bort_ (“bastard”), than that
of Ducange (note to Cinnamus, p. 392), who says that he was so called
because our Black Prince had conferred on him the freedom of Bordeaux.

[94] Rubió in _Anuari de l’Institut_ (1907), 253.

[95] _La Grèce continentale_, 217; _Recherches historiques_, I. 409.

[96] _Ibid._, I. 409-10.

[97] St Genois, _Droits primitifs ... de Haynaut_, I. 337.

[98] _Ibid._, I. 215.

[99] _Mélanges historiques: choix de Documents_, III. 240

[100] _Lettere di Collegio_ (ed. Giomo), p. 66.

[101] Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 178.

[102] _Idem, apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV.
321, 360. Cf. _J. H. S._ XXVIII. 238.

[103] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 166.

[104] Lampros, Ἔγγραφα (_Documents_), pp. 305, 324-27.

[105] Lampros, Ὁ τελευταῖος κόμης τῶν Σαλώνων (_The Last Count of
Salona_).

[106] Gregorovius, _Briefe_, pp. 309, 310.

[107] “Nicolai de Marthono Liber,” in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 657.

[108] The earlier fourteenth-century traveller, Ludolf von Suchem, who
mentions Athens, did not actually visit it.

[109] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας (_Report of the
Historical and Ethnological Society_), v. 827.

[110] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 309.

[111] Cornelio Magni, _Relazione_, pp. 14, 49.

[112] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 276.

[113] Michael Laskaris, the Athenian patriot of the fourteenth century,
in K. Rhanghaves’ play, _The Duchess of Athens_, is unhappily a poetic
anachronism.

[114] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας (_Memorials of Greek History_),
III. 427.

[115] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 55.

[116] The anonymous traveller (?Domenico of Brescia) who describes Athens
about 1466 speaks of the city as “ultimamente murata.” (_Mitteilungen des
K. deutschen Arch. Instituts_, XXIV. 74.)

[117] Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in ... Toscana_, V.
439, 440. This letter, dated “Kyriaceo die, iv Kal. Ap.,” fixes the year
of the second visit, because March 29 fell on a Sunday in 1444, and we
know from another letter, written before June 1444, that Cyriacus left
Chalkis for Chios, where the letter about Athens was written, on “v Kal.
Mart.” of that year.

[118] _Jahrbuch der K. preussischen Kunstsammlungen_, IV. 81.

[119] _Studi e documenti di Storia e di Diritto_, XV. 337.

[120] Jorga in _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, VIII. 78.

[121] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα (_Memorials_), III. 141. The legend places
the scene in a still more romantic spot than Megara—the monastery of
Daphni, the mausoleum of the French dukes.

[122] A contemporary note in MS., No. 103 of the Liturgical section of
the National Library at Athens, fixes the date as “May 4, 1456, Friday”;
but in that year June 4, not May 4, was on a Friday, which agrees with
the date of June 1456 given by Phrantzes, the _Chronicon breve_, the
_Historia Patriarchica_, and Gaddi.

[123] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203.

[124] De Rossi, _Inscriptiones Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. i. 374.

[125] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 155, 172.

[126] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων (_Greek Remembrancer_), new series, I. 216-18.

[127] The portraits of the six Florentine Dukes of Athens in Fanelli’s
_Atene Attica_ are unfortunately imaginary. On the other hand, the
figure of Joshua in one of the frescoes at Geraki in Lakonia seems to be
intended to portray one of the Frankish barons of that Castle.

[128] Ἱστορία τῆς Πόλεως Ἀθηνῶν κατὰ τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας (Ἐν Ἀθήναις, Κ.
Μπὲκ’ 1904-6.)

[129] Barcelona, _L’Avenç_, 1906. Cf. _Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis
Catalans_ (1907-8, 1911, 1913-14). _Estudis Universitaris Catalans_,
VIII. (1915).

[130] Vols. XXVII. 3-93, 380-456, 555-634, 771-852; XXVIII. 154-212.

[131] Lampros, _op. cit._, II. 729; Παρνασσός, VII. 23.

[132] Cod. Palat. 226, f. 122; Lampros, _op. cit._, I. 421, note.

[133] Pressutti, _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 304; _Les Registres d’Urbain
IV_, III. 426; Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, II. 28;
_Les Registres de Clément IV_, I. 214, 245.

[134] Lampros, _op. cit._, III. 119.

[135] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 42, 53.

[136] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 50, 91.

[137] “Geschichte Griechenlands,” in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine
Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 18, 19; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 475;
_Anuari_ (1911).

[138] Lampros, _op. cit._, p. 344.

[139] _Ibid._, pp. 234-6, 238.

[140] _Ibid._, p. 344.

[141] _Ibid._, pp. 279, 350.

[142] _Ibid._, p. 335.

[143] _Ibid._, p. 283.

[144] _Ibid._, p. 315.

[145] _Ibid._, pp. 240, 282, 330.

[146] _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 156, note 1.

[147] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, p. 476.

[148] _Op. cit._, pp. 82-8.

[149] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρίας, V. 824-7.

[150] _Revue de l’Orient Latin_, III. 647-53, 656.

[151] _Catalunya a Grecia_, pp. 57, 63.

[152] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 206, 208; Hopf, _Chroniques_, p.
229; Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 257; Gregorovius, _Briefe aus
der “Corrispondenza Acciajoli,”_ p. 308; Chalkokondyles, pp. 145, 213.

[153] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVII. 430-1.

[154] _Op. cit._, II. 747-52; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 43-56.

[155] _Op. cit._, III. 407-9; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 216-24.

[156] _Archivio Storico per le province Napoletane_, XXVIII. 203.

[157] Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 153.

[158] p. 385.

[159] p. 520.

[160] p. 124.

[161] _Elogiographus_, 300-1.

[162] Loysii Neroczi de Pictis nomine Neroczi eius patris pro venditione
cuiusdam domus.

[163] R. Archivio di Stato di Firenze, Aul. della Repubblica, Balie, no.
29 c. 67.

[164] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 292.

[165] p. 38.

[166] _Apud_ Pagnini, _Della Decima_, II. 251.

[167] V. 28.

[168] Sauger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, p. 65.

[169] See _The Mad Duke of Naxos_.

[170] See _The Last Venetian Islands in the Ægean_.

[171] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine
Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 166; _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 482;
_Veneto-Byzantinische Analekten_, p. 414.

[172] _Les Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 13, in the Venetian _Miscellanea_,
vol. IV.

[173] Sanuto, _Diarii_, VIII. 328, 337, 355, 366.

[174] _Ibid._, XI. 393, 394, 705.

[175] _Ibid._, II. 701.

[176] _Ibid._

[177] Hopf, _Gozzadini_, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _op. cit._, LXXVI. 425;
LXXXVI. 166.

[178] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XII. 22, 175, 503.

[179] Sanuto, _Diarii_, XI. 450, 525, 748; XII. 175; XX. 354, 356, 376.

[180] _Ibid._, XVII. 35.

[181] _Ibid._, XXIV. 380, 384, 387-8.

[182] _Ibid._, XXIV. 467, 596, 645; XXV. 158, 185.

[183] Stavrakes, Στατιστικὴ τοῦ πληθυσμοῦ τῆς Κρήτης, 183 _sqq._;
Pashley, _Travels in Crete_, II. 326.

[184] Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 3. Cf. Gerland,
_Histoire de la Noblesse crétoise au Moyen Age_.

[185] Cf. Gerola, _La dominazione genovese in Creta_.

[186] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, vol. 85, pp.
221-2, 241-3, 312-4; Paparregopoulos, V. 52.

[187] Cf. Gerola, _Per la Cronotassi dei vescovi cretesi all’ epoca
veneta; Monumenti veneti nell’ isola di Creta_, II. 64, 67.

[188] See Pashley, I. 11-17, on this point. He identifies the two places,
like Gerola (_Mon. ven._ I. 17), who derives the name of Canea from
λαχανιά (“vegetable garden”), the first syllable being mistaken for the
feminine of the article.

[189] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, IV. 611
_et sqq._

[190] Cornelius, _Creta Sacra_, II. 355.

[191] Pashley, II. 150-156.

[192] Zinkeisen, IV. 629-723.

[193] Pashley, II. 285.

[194] _The totall discourse_ (ed. 1906), pp. 70-83.

[195] Zinkeisen, IV. 789, 808. Like the British Government in 1819, the
Turks did not know what Parga was.

[196] To this period belongs the fountain at Candia, described by Pashley
(I. 203), and still standing. An inscription on it states that it was
erected by Antonio Priuli in 1666, “when the war had been raging for four
lustres.”

[197] Zinkeisen, IV. 992.

[198] Paparregopoulos, V. 552.

[199] _Childe Harold_, IV. 14.

[200] Von Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, VI. 573, VII.
182; Tournefort, _Voyage du Levant_, I. 62.

[201] Stavrakes, 138 _sqq._

[202] Pashley, II. 150-156.

[203] _Ibid._ I. 54.

[204] Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, II., Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, 222-300;
Κρητικὸν Θέατρον, which includes a comedy, a pastoral tragi-comedy, a
tragedy and an imitation of Simeon’s _Zeno_.

[205] Paparregopoulos, V. 636-38.

[206] Stavrakes, 139-41.

[207] Mustoxidi, _Delle Cose Corciresi_, pp. 399 and vi.

[208] _Ibid._ p. 401.

[209] Mustoxidi, p. 441. Aleman belonged to a family from Languedoc,
which received the barony of Patras after the Frank conquest of the
Morea, and whose name is still borne by the bridge near Thermopylæ, the
scene of the heroic fight of 1821.

[210] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 68. There is,
however, a document of Philip II of Taranto in favour of the Greek
clergy: Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 223.

[211] Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας, Mustoxidi, pp. 443-50.

[212] Mustoxidi, p. 452.

[213] Mustoxidi, pp. 456-64, lx-lxxii.

[214] Finlay, V. 62; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 315.

[215] This mediæval name, “the black saint,” applied first to a fortress,
then to a chapel on the site of the fortress, then (like Negroponte)
to the whole island, is said by Saint-Sauveur (_Voyage Historique,
Littéraire et Pittoresque_, II. 339) to have come in with the Tocchi,
and to be derived from the black image of the Virgin in the cathedral at
Toledo. It occurs, however, in a Neapolitan document of 1343, a Venetian
document of 1355, and a Serbian golden bull of 1361 and is mentioned in
the French version of the _Chronicle of the Morea_, probably written
between 1333 and 1341. It has now been officially superseded by the
classic Levkas.

[216] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 168.

[217] Marmora, _Della Historia di Corfù_, p. 253.

[218] “Celsam Buthroti accedimus urbem,” III. 293.

[219] Cicero _ad Atticum_, IV. 8 _a_; Marmora, p. 431.

[220] Marmora, p. 387.

[221] _Ibid._ p. 396; Saint-Sauveur, I. 345.

[222] Marmora, p. 420.

[223] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 28.

[224] Marmora, p. 312.

[225] Lounzes, Περὶ τῆς πολιτικῆς καταστάσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ Ἑνετῶν,
pp. 188-90; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186.

[226] The words are quoted in the Ὁδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας (1902).

[227] Mustoxidi, p. lxvi.

[228] Marmora, pp. 394, 419, 445.

[229] Lounzes, p. 101.

[230] Saint-Sauveur, II. 15-21.

[231] Marmora, p. 369.

[232] Idromenos, p. 87.

[233] Saint-Sauveur, II. 22-31.

[234] Marmora, p. 430.

[235] Lounzes, pp. 178-82; Romanos, Ἡ Ἑβραϊκὴ κοινότης τῆς Κερκύρας;
Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4; Marmora, pp. 255, 286, 370,
430, 437. The last writer approvingly says about the Jews, _loro non
conviene di stabile, che il sepolcro_.

[236] Viaro Capodistria, _Remarks respectfully submitted to the
Consideration of the British Parliament_, p. 64.

[237] Marmora, p. 433; Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους (4th
ed.), V. 644.

[238] _Ibid._ V. 530.

[239] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, p. 90, and the same
author’s essay Περὶ τῆς ἐν ταῖς Ἰονίοις νήσοις ἐκπαιδεύσεως.

[240] Paparregopoulos, V. 635; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 127;
Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, pp. 138, 165.

[241] Quirini, _Primordia Corcyræ_, pp. 167, 168; Mustoxidi,
_Illustrazioni Corciresi_, I. 10, 11.

[242] Marmora, p. 425.

[243] Finlay, V. 284-5; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp.
91-3; Paparregopoulos, V. 645-7.

[244] Saint-Sauveur, III. 112, 140, 199, 260, 268, 277.

[245] Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 125.

[246] Marmora, p. 389.

[247] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186. Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. p. xxxvii;
Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, I. 157-93.

[248] Quoted by Lounzes, p. 63 _n._

[249] Saint-Sauveur, III. 8, 91. When, in the sixteenth century, the
Cephalonians claimed precedence over Zante, they quoted to the Venetians,
in support of their claim, the fact that in the Homeric catalogue the
people of Zakynthos are only cited as the subjects of Odysseus (Sathas,
Μνημεῖα, IV. p. iv).

[250] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 186; Saint-Sauveur, III. 201.

[251] Andreades, Περὶ τῆς οἰκονομικῆς διοικήσεως τῆς Ἑπτανήσου ἐπὶ
Βενετοκρατίας (1914).

[252] Lounzes, pp. 83-5; Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 160, 186; Grivas,
Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης.

[253] Lounzes, p. 77; Saint-Sauveur, II. 351.

[254] Saint-Sauveur, II. 239-48.

[255] Mrs Dawes, _Saint Spiridion_, translated from L. S. Brokines’s work
Περὶ τῶν ἐτησίως τελουμένων ἐν Κερκύρᾳ λιτανειῶν τοῦ Ἁγίου Σπυρίδωνος.
See also Marmora, pp. 261-7.

[256] _Ibid._ p. 333.

[257] Marmora, pp. 301-12; M. Mustoxidi, Ἱστορικὰ καὶ Φιλολογικὰ
Ἀνάλεκτα, 24-44, 83-97; Paparregopoulos, V. 667; Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη
Ἑλλάς, 112-18.

[258] Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία τῆς Κερκύρας, pp. 24, 80, 94; Marmora,
p. 414; _Anagrafi dell’ Isola di Corfù_, 1761; Daru, _Histoire de
Venise_, V. 213; Saint-Sauveur, II. 154.

[259] One plan is in Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 126,
the other in Marmora, pp. 364-5.

[260] Marmora, p. 345.

[261] Finlay, V. 85-6; Marmora, pp. 348-50.

[262] Marmora, p. 370.

[263] Pinkerton’s _Collection of Travels_, IX. 4.

[264] Marmora, pp. 389-91; Mrs Dawes, _Saint Spiridion_.

[265] Paparregopoulos, V. 672. A Latin inscription of 1684 at Santa Maura
bears Morosini’s name.

[266] Viscount Kirkwall, _Four Years in the Ionian Islands_, I. 29-30.

[267] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa_, V. 501-2.

[268] Jervis, _History of the Island of Corfù_, p. 132.

[269] A recent Greek writer in the Ὀδηγὸς τῆς νήσου Κερκύρας states,
I know not on what authority, that, as a reward for their bravery,
Schulenburg called Mt Abraham at Corfù after the patriarch. The name
occurs in Marmora long before Schulenburg’s time.

[270] Leake, _Travels in Northern Greece_, I. 464.

[271] _Leben und Denkwürdigkeiten Johann Mathias Reichsgrafen von der
Schulenburg_, II; Zinkeisen, _op. cit._ V. 520-31; Daru, _Histoire de
Venise_, V. 145-53; Greek chronicle of Epeiros printed by Pouqueville,
_Voyage de la Grèce_, V. 294-9; Idromenos, Συνοπτικὴ Ἱστορία, pp. 81-6.

[272] Two plans, one of the siege, one of the works executed by
Schulenburg, are in the British Museum, and are reproduced by Jervis, pp.
139, 145.

[273] Daru, V. 159, 171.

[274] Saint-Sauveur, II. 99, III. 251-3; Andreades, I. 278.

[275] Saint-Sauveur, II. 148. I copied down the dates 1759 and 1778 from
two of the ruins there.

[276] Paparregopoulos, V. 686; Daru, V. 198-9; Jervis, p. 153.

[277] Paparregopoulos, V. 701; Saint-Sauveur, II. 288.

[278] Saint-Sauveur, II. 150-3; Hazlitt, _The Venetian Republic_, II.
311; Romanin, _Storia documentata di Venezia_, VIII. 289-99; Legrand,
_Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, III. 332-6.

[279] Saint-Sauveur, II. 199-206.

[280] Romanin, IX. 134-8.

[281] Daru, V. 221; Saint-Sauveur, III. 38-49.

[282] Daru, V. 30.

[283] Saint-Sauveur (an eye-witness), II. 63 _et sqq._

[284] Romanin, X. 240-5; Rodocanachi, _Bonaparte et les Îles Ioniennes_,
pp. 24, 26.

[285] Πολιορκία καὶ ἄλωσις τῆς Μονεμβασίας ὑπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῷ 1821.
Ἀθήνησι, 1874.

[286] p. 398.

[287] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, II. 287;
Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 397.

[288] Lampros, Μιχαὴλ Ἀκομινάτου, II. 137; Niketas, 97, 581-92.

[289] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 2065.

[290] _Ibid._ ll. 2630, 2644.

[291] _Ibid._ ll. 2765-9.

[292] _Ibid._ ll. 2891-6; Romanos, Γρατιανὸς Ζώρζης, 136. The French
version of the _Chronicle_ omits the Naxian and Cephalonian contingents.

[293] _Epistolæ_, vol. II. p. 622; _Les Registres d’Innocent IV_, vol.
III. 306, 397.

[294] _La Grèce Continentale_, p. 412; Sir T. Wyse, _Excursion into the
Peloponnesus_, I. 6. Cf. Tozer in _J.H.S._ IV. 233-6.

[295] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 1306; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, p. 27.

[296] _Les Registres d’Urbain IV_, II. 100, 341; Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως,
ll. 4534, 4547, 4580, 4584, 4643, 5026, 5569, 5576.

[297] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 164, 192-3, 204, 215,
220, 226, 248.

[298] _Antique Memorie di Cerigo_, _apud_ Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς
Ἱστορίας, VI. 301.

[299] Sanudo, _Istoria del Regno_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques
gréco-romanes_, 127; _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 181;
Sansovino, _Cronologia del Mondo_, fol. 185; Hopf _apud_ Ersch und
Gruber, LXXXV. 310.

[300] Miklosich und Müller, _op. cit._ V. 155-61; Phrantzes, 399, 400;
Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον Ἱστορικόν, 400.

[301] _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 363; _Libro de los Fechos_, 107;
Muntaner, _Cronaca_, ch. 117; Bartholomæus de Neocastro and Nicolaus
Specialis _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ XIII. 1185; X. 959.

[302] Chs. 199, 201.

[303] Thomas, _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, I. 127.

[304] Miklosich und Müller, _l.c._

[305] Phrantzes, 57; Manuel Palaiologos, _Theodori Despoti Laudatio
Funebris_, _apud_ Migne, _Patrologia Græca_, CLVI. 228-9; Chalkokondyles,
80.

[306] Hopf, _op. cit._ LXXXVI. 79: see Appendix.

[307] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, I. 269; II. 181.

[308] Montfaucon, _Palæographia Græca_, 81, 89; Ἑλληνομνήμων, 336-46.

[309] Miklosich und Müller, V. 171-4; Παρνασσός, VII. 472-6.

[310] _Ibid._ III. 258.

[311] P. 447.

[312] Chalkokondyles, 476, 485; Phrantzes, 396-7; Spandugino (ed. 1551),
44-5.

[313] Magno, _Annali Veneti_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_,
203-4; _Pii II. Commentari_, 103-4.

[314] Phrantzes, 415; Magno, 204; Sathas, VI. 95; Chalkokondyles, 556.
Regina, fol. 52, 56 (for a copy of which I am indebted to Mr Horatio F.
Brown: see Appendix). The actual date is uncertain; Phrantzes and Magno
give 1464, and the Venetian document above quoted points to that year;
but Malatesta’s secretary in his account of the war (Sathas, _l.c._) puts
it in 1463, before the siege of Corinth.

[315] Sanudo, _Diarii_, I. 703.

[316] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, V. 228-30, 238-9, 241; Miklosich und
Müller, _op. cit._ III. 293-309.

[317] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, IV. 230; Sanudo, _Diarii_,
XXIX. 482.

[318] Feyerabend, _Reyssbuch des Heyligen Lands_, fol. 182; Faber,
_Evagatorium_, III. 314. The name was so long preserved that a wine-shop
in Venetian dialect was called “Malvasia.”

[319] Sanudo, _Diarii_, VII. 714; XXIII. 536; XXIV. 669; XXV. 64; XXIX.
402; XXXI. 227; XXXV. 363; XLIV. 475; LV. 296; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, III. 56.

[320] Sanudo, _Diarii_, XI. 349; XXXIII. 366; Sathas, IV. 224, 227, 229,
234; Lamansky, _Les Secrets de l’État de Venise_, p. 659; Feyerabend,
_op. cit._ fol. 112.

[321] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, VI. 236, 238.

[322] Paruta, _Historia Venetiana_, I. 451-3.

[323] Lami, _Deliciæ Eruditorum_, XV. 203; Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII.
310-3, 320-1, 335, 344, 377-8, 441-3.

[324] _Ibid._ 342, 413, 450, 454.

[325] Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. 396; Meliarakes, Οἰκογένεια Μαμωνᾶ.

[326] Litta, _Le famiglie celebri italiane_, vol. v. Plate XIV.

[327] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_ (ed. Baluze), II. 477.

[328] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 201, 213, 218, 222;
_Recueil des Historiens des Croisades_. _Documents Arméniens_, II. 508.

[329] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 1559, 3187; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_,
102; _Libro de los Fechos_, 25, 26; _Cronaca di Morea_, _apud_ Hopf,
_Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 424; Dorotheos of Monemvasia, Βιβλίον
Ἱστορικόν (ed. 1814), 461; Sanudo, _Istoria del Regno di Romania_, _apud_
Hopf, _op. cit._ 100.

[330] Canciani, _Barbarorum Leges Antiquæ_, III. 507; Muntaner,
_Cronaca_, ch. 261.

[331] _Archivio storico italiano_, Ser. IV. I. 433.

[332] Rubió y Lluch, _Los Navarros en Grecia_, 482.

[333] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_, II. 265.

[334] Rubió y Lluch, _op. cit._ 481.

[335] Cairels _apud_ Buchon, _Histoire des Conquêtes_, 449; Henri de
Valenciennes _apud_ Buchon, _Recherches et Matériaux_, II. 203, 205-6.

[336] _Epistolæ Innocentii III_, II. 261-2, 264, 477, 835-7; _Honorii III
Opera_, IV., 414.

[337] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1747), I. 492.

[338] _Regesta Honorii III_, II. 96, 167, 207, 333.

[339] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 478; and _apud_ Ersch und Gruber,
_Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV. 276.

[340] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, ll. 3196-3201, 3295-6, 4613; _Le Livre
de la Conqueste_, 119, 160; _Cronaca di Morea_, 438-9; _Libro de los
Fechos_, 56, 75.

[341] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. 201, 213, 218, 222.

[342] Litta, _l.c._

[343] Τὸ Χρονικὸν τοῦ Μορέως, l. 7915; _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 260.

[344] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV.
321. The original document has now been rendered illegible by the damp.

[345] _Le Livre de la Conqueste_, 465; _Libro de los Fechos_, 114.

[346] _Ibid._ 120; Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 177; Sanudo, _op.
cit._ 125.

[347] D’Arbois de Jubainville, _Voyage paléographique dans le Département
de l’Aube_, 337.

[348] Sanudo, _l.c._

[349] _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 87, 89.

[350] Raynaldi _op. cit._ V. 95; Thomas, _Diplomatarium
Veneto-Levantinum_, I. 120-1.

[351] _Archivio Veneto_, _l.c._; Misti, XVI. f. 97tᵒ. (See Appendix.)

[352] Rubió y Lluch, _l.c._; Çurita, _Anales de la Corona de Aragon_, II.
f. 537.

[353] Misti, XVII. f. 71; XVIII. f. 10; XX. ff. 37tᵒ, 40; XXIII. ff.
26, 30tᵒ, 46tᵒ; XXIV. 53tᵒ, 63, 102tᵒ, 103 (see Appendix); Predelli,
_Commemoriali_, II. p. 153.

[354] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium_, III. 160;
Predelli, _Commemoriali_, II. 181; Misti, XXVII. f. 3; XXVIII. f. 28.

[355] Orbini, _Regno degli Slavi_, 271.

[356] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VII. 224; Jauna, _Histoire générale des
royaumes de Chypre, etc._, II. 882.

[357] Rubió y Lluch, _op. cit._ 436, 482; Çurita, _l.c._; Misti, XXXIV.
f. 88tᵒ.

[358] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 230.

[359] Misti, XLI. f. 58.

[360] Thomas and Predelli, _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 292;
_Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 295, 302.

[361] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, II. 210.

[362] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. p. 310 (given in full by Lampros,
Ἔγγραφα ἀναφερόμενα εἰς τὴν μεσαιωνικὴν Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν, 399).

[363] Sathas, _op. cit._ II. 145.

[364] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 119; Sathas, _op. cit._ III. 431;
_Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum_, IX. 90-91; Misti, XLVIII. ff.
143, 148.

[365] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 513; Thomas and Predelli, _op. cit._
203.

[366] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 119; Sathas, _op. cit._ 430-1.

[367] Sathas, _op. cit._ II. 270-1.

[368] Sanudo and Navagero, _apud_ Muratori, _S.R.I._ XXII. 890, XXIII.
1080; Cronaca di Amadeo Valier (Cod. Cicogna, N. 297), II. f. 259; _Revue
de l’Orient latin_, IV. 546.

[369] Sanudo and Navagero, _ibid._, XXII. 911, XXIII. 1081; _Revue de
l’Orient latin_, V. 196.

[370] Sathas, _op. cit._ III. 429-30; Hopf, _Dissertazione documentata
sulla storia di Karystos_ (tr. Sardagna, 91-5).

[371] _La Grèce continentale et la Morée_, 286.

[372] _Sigillographie_, 177.

[373] Γεωγραφία τοῦ νομοῦ Κεφαλληνίας, pp. 153, 190.

[374] Pertz, _Monumenta Germaniæ historica_, XVIII. 46.

[375] _Gesta Regis Ricardi_, Rolls Series, II. 197-200, 203-5.

[376] _Libro de los fechos_ (Aragonese version of “The Chronicle of the
Morea”), pp. 53-4.

[377] A. Dandolo _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._ XII. 336; _Misti_,
VI. fol. 17, quoted in _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 93.

[378] Albericus Trium Fontium, II. 558.

[379] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, V. 44.

[380] Tafel und Thomas, _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, Abt. II. B. XIV. p.
215.

[381] Riccio, _Saggio di Codice Diplomatico, Supplemento_, pt I., p. 87;
Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XI. 415.

[382] Miklosich und Müller, _op. cit._ II. 139.

[383] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 48.

[384] _Dell’ Origine dei Principi Turchi_ (ed. 1551), pp. 12, 26, 27, 62.

[385] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, I. i. 319; II. i. 351, 352; Magno
_apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 196.

[386] p. 57 (ed. Sinner).

[387] Jorga, “Notes et Extraits pour servir à l’Histoire des Croisades,”
in _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 84.

[388] _Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum_, p. v.

[389] Hopf, _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 160; Meliarakes, _op. cit._
150.

[390] Lunzi, _Della condizione politica delle Isole Ionie_, p. 190.

[391] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, VI. 215-6; cf. Lunzi, _op.
cit._ p. 197.

[392] Sathas, _op. cit._ V. 157; Meliarakes, _op. cit._ 191; Sanudo,
_Diarii_, V. 883, 1009.

[393] Karavias, Ἱστορία τῆς νήσου Ἰθάκης ἀπὸ τῶν ἀρχαιοτάτων χρόνων μεχρὶ
τοῦ 1849.

[394] Sathas, _op. cit._ VI. 285.

[395] De la Ville, _Napoli Nobilissima_ (1900), xii. 180-1.

[396] _Geschichte Griechenlands_ in Ersch und Gruber’s _Allgemeine
Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 170, 173, 177, and 179; _Geschichte der Insel
Andros_, p. 128.

[397] _Geschichte Griechenlands_, III. 26, 39, 190.

[398] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 14; II. 145, 163, 168, 178;
III. 181. Predelli, _Commemoriali_, III. 278, 354.

[399] Library of St Mark, Venice, MS. Ital. Cl. VI. 286, vol. II. ff. 94,
95.

[400] Predelli, _Commemoriali_, VI. 236, 238.

[401] Lamansky, _Secrets de l’État de Venise_, p. 58.

[402] Sathas, _op. cit._ VIII. 451.

[403] _Ibid._ IV. 245.

[404] _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs de l’Archipel_, p. 296.

[405] Lamansky, _op. cit._ pp. 641-2, 651 _et sqq._; Sathas, _op. cit._
IV. 310-40.

[406] _M. C. Scrutinio alle voci_, vols. VII. and VIII.

[407] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, pp. 373-6.

[408] _L’Isole le più famose del Mondo_, p. 77.

[409] P. 206.

[410] _Relatione della Rep. Venetiana_, pp. 18-9.

[411] _Voyage de Levant_, pp. 348-9.

[412] _Viaggio di Levante_ (Ital. tr.), p. 3.

[413] _Relation d’un Voyage_, p. 196.

[414] _L’Archipelago_, p. 42.

[415] Vol. I. p. 687.

[416] _Voyage_, I. 145-7.

[417] _Journey into Greece_, pp. 62-5.

[418] _Viaggio all’ Arcipelago_, p. 68.

[419] _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, pp. 14-20.

[420] _L’Egeo Redivivo_, pp. 331-2.

[421] _Naukeurige Beschryving_ (French tr.), pp. 267, 354.

[422] _Voyage du Levant_, I. 108.

[423] Vols. XV. to XVIII.

[424] Delle _Notizie Storiche della Lega_, p. 41.

[425] Greek mediæval scholars, owing to the disturbed political
conditions, have scarcely had time since Salonika became Greek to
continue the historical studies of Tafel, Papageorgiou, and Tafrali—for
even the last composed his two valuable treatises on the topography
of Salonika and its history in the fourteenth century early in 1912,
therefore before the reconversion of the mosques into churches and while
the city was still Turkish. But the well-known mediævalist. Professor
Adamantiou, has already written a handbook on Byzantine Thessalonika, Ἡ
Βυζαντινὴ Θεσσαλονίκη (Athens, 1914); M. Risal has popularised the story
of this “Coveted City,” _La Ville convoitée_ (3rd ed., Paris, 1917); K.
Zesiou, the epigraphist, has examined the Christian monuments; the late
Professor Lampros published “eight letters” of its Metropolitan Isidore,
who flourished towards the end of the fourteenth century; and K. Kugeas
has edited the note-book of an official of the archbishopric who was at
Salonika between 1419 and 1425, a few years before its conquest by the
Turks. See Πρακτικὰ τῆς ... Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τοῦ 1913, pp. 119-57;
Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, IX. 343-414; _Byz. Zeitschr._ XXIII. 144-63.

[426] Migne, _Patr. Gr._, CXVI. 1116, 1169, 1173, 1185 (where “Maximian
Herculius” of the text is corrected to Galerius, the younger Maximian).

[427] Akropolites (ed. Teubner), I. 82.

[428] Adamantiou, 49.

[429] _A History of the Eastern Empire_, pp. 381-401, 485-8.

[430] ii. 451.

[431] _Ibid._, pp. 529, 531-2.

[432] Migne, _Patr. Gr._, CX. 26.

[433] Kameniates, pp. 491, 519; Theodore Studita, in Migne, _Patr. Gr._,
XCIX. 917.

[434] An inscription found in 1874 confirms Kameniates: _Byz. Zeitschr._
X. 151-4.

[435] Schlumberger, _Sigillographie_, pp. 102-6.

[436] Ellissen, _Analekten_, IV. 46-53.

[437] Tafel, _De Thessalonica_, p. 474.

[438] Eustathios (ed. Bonn), p. 449.

[439] Eustathios, p. 452.

[440] Niketas, pp. 384-401, 471.

[441] Salonika was still Lombard in May 1223: Pitra, _Analecta sacra et
classica_, VII. 335-8, 577.

[442] _Mission au Mont Athos_, p. 64; Wroth, _Catalogue of the Coins
of the Vandals_, pp. 193-203; Schlumberger, _Mélanges d’Archéologie
byzantine_, I. 57.

[443] Migne, _Patr. Gr._ CIX. 644.

[444] II. 234, 393, 568-82; Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 673-5, 740, 795;
Kydones, in Migne, _Patr. Gr._ CIX. 649; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. pp.
viii-xxxvi.

[445] Müller, _Byz. Analekten_ in _Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akademie_,
IX. 394; Chalkokondyles, pp. 47, 174; Phrantzes, p. 47; Doukas, pp. 50,
199; _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 291; Βυζαντίς, I. 234.

[446] Doukas, p. 197; Phrantzes, pp. 64, 122; Chalkokondyles, p. 205;
Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 133-50.

[447] Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, I. 257.

[448] Perhaps the name is a reminiscence of the bishop of Samaria, to
whom Mount Athos belonged from 1206 to 1210: Innocent III, Epp. IX. 192.

[449] p. 235; Anagnostes; Phrantzes, pp. 90, 155; Doukas, pp. 199-201;
_Byz. Zeitschr._ XXIII. 148, 152; Ν. Ἑλλ., V. 369-91.

[450] Nikephoros Gregoras, I. 29; Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et
Diplomata_, I. 125.

[451] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, XVII. 227-9; XXVIII.
791-809; Dandolo, _Chronicon_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XII. 370.

[452] _Ibid._ 371; M. da Canal, _La Cronique des Veneciens_, in _Archivio
Storico Italiano_, VIII. 488; _Annales Januenses_, _apud_ Pertz, _M.G.H.
Script._ XVIII. 245.

[453] _Atti_, XXVIII. 500-4.

[454] Ogerii Panis, _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, _ibid._ 119; _Atti_, XXVIII.
805.

[455] _Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. Documents Arméniens_, II.
747; Lanfranci Pignolli, etc. _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz, _ibid._ 249.

[456] Pachymeres, I. 420; II. 558; Nikephoros Gregoras, I. 526; Sanudo,
_Istoria del Regno di Romania_, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_,
146; _Atti_, XXXI. ii. 37 n²; M. Giustiniani, _La Scio Sacra del rito
Latino_, 7.

[457] Doukas, 161-2; Friar Jordanus, _Mirabilia descripta_ (tr. H. Yule),
57.

[458] Genoese document of April 25, 1288, in Pandette Richeriane,
fogliazzo II. fasc. 25, cp. Appendix.

[459] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _op. cit._ 133; _Documents Arméniens_, II.
789; Carini, _Ricordi del Vespro_, II. 4; Ptolomæi Lucensis _Historia
Ecclesiastica_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XI. 1186.

[460] J. Aurie _Annales Januenses_, _apud_ Pertz, _op. cit._ XVIII.
307-8, 312, 315-8, 322-4, 336-7, 340, 344; _Documents Arméniens_, I.
745-54; II. 795-6, 801-2, 827; _Liber Jurium Reipublicæ Genuensis_, II.
275; _Notices et extraits des Manuscripts de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, XI.
41-52.

[461] Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 129.

[462] J. a Varagine _Chronicon Genuense_; F. Pipini _Chronicon_; and R.
Caresini _Continuatio_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ IX. 56, 743; XII. 406.

[463] Sanudo, _apud_ Hopf, _op. cit._ 146.

[464] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1749), IV. 319; _Les
Registres de Boniface VIII_, III. 290-3.

[465] Pachymeres, II. 436, 510, 558; Muntaner, _Cronaca_, ch. 117; _Le
Livre de la Conqueste_, 362; _Libro de los Fechos_, 107; B. de Neocastro
_Historia Sicula_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XIII. 1186.

[466] Cantacuzene, I. 370; N. Gregoras, I. 438.

[467] Muntaner, _op. cit._ ch. 234; J. Aurie _Annales_, _apud_ Pertz,
_M.G.H._ XVIII. 315; _Atti_, XXXI. ii. p. xxxvii. n¹.

[468] _Atti_, I. 73-5; XI. 322; _Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia,
Storia e Belle Arti_, V. 361-2; B. Senaregae _De Rebus Genuensibus
Commentaria_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XXIV. 559.

[469] Muntaner, _l.c._; Pachymeres, II. 638; Giomo, _Lettere di
Collegio_, p. 96.

[470] Cantacuzene, I. 371.

[471] G. Adae _De modo Sarracenos extirpandi_, in _Documents Arméniens_,
II. 531-3, 537, 542, who makes them “sons of Paleologo”; _Jean XXII,
Lettres Communes_, V. 302.

[472] _Secreta Fidelium Crucis_ and _Epistolæ_, _apud_ Bongars, _Gesta
Dei per Francos_, II. 30, 298.

[473] Brocardus, _Directorium ad passagium faciendum_, in _Documents
Arméniens_, II. 457-8, makes Martino “nephew of the late Benedetto.”

[474] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 413-5;
_Supplément_, 16; Pls. XIV, XXI; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα τῶν ἀδελφῶν
Μαρτίνου καὶ Βενεδίκτου Β’ Ζαχαρίων, δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 1314-1329, pp.
9-13; _ibid._ Μεσαιωνικὰ νομίσματα τῶν δυναστῶν τῆς Χίου, 6-11, Pl. I;
Promis, _La Zecca di Scio_, 34-6, Pl. I.

[475] _Libro de los Fechos_, 137.

[476] Minieri Riccio, _Saggio di Codice diplomatico_. _Supplemento_, II.
75-7, where the year “MCCCXV” will not tally with “Indictionis octavæ” (=
1325). Gittio (_Lo Scettro del Despota_, 18) gives both correctly.

[477] Raynaldi _Annales Ecclesiastici_, V. 95; _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 87,
89.

[478] Schlumberger, _op. cit._ 326, 415-6, Pls. XII-XIII; Promis, _La
Zecca di Scio_, 36-7, Pl. I; P. Lampros, Νομίσματα, 13-15; Μεσαιωνικὰ
νομίσματα, 12-14, Pl. I; Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα καὶ μολυβδόβουλλα τῶν κατὰ
τοὺς μέσους αἰῶνας δυναστῶν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, 31-2.

[479] Cantacuzene, I. 370-91; N. Gregoras, I. 438-9; Phrantzes, 38;
Chalkokondyles, 521-2; Friar Jordanus, _op cit._ 57; Ludolphi _De Itinere
Terræ Sanctæ_, 23-4; _Continuazione della Cronaca di Jacopo da Varagine_,
in _Atti_, X. 510; Brocardus, _l.c._; _Archives de l’Orient latin_, I.
274.

[480] _Benoît XII, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales_, I. 182-3;
Ludolphi _l.c._

[481] _Clément VI, Lettres closes, patentes et curiales_, I. 150, 171,
182, 431-3.

[482] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VI. 342-3.

[483] Cantacuzene, II. 582-3; Caresini _op. cit._; Cortusii Patavini
duo; G. Villani, _Historie Fiorentine_, and Stellae _Annales Genuenses_,
_apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ XII. 417, 914; XIII. 918; XVII. 1081; Folieta,
_Clarorum Ligurum Elogia_, 90.

[484] Doukas, 162-3; Cantacuzene, I. 388-90, 476-95; N. Gregoras, I.
525-31, 534-5, 553; Phrantzes, 38; Chalkokondyles, 521; Friar Jordanus,
_op. cit._ 57.

[485] P. Lampros, Ἀνέκδοτα νομίσματα, 69-70, 72.

[486] Jerosme Justinian, _La Description et Histoire de l’Isle de Scios,
ou Chios_, part I. 19; part II. 166; Boschini, _L’Arcipelago_, pp. 72,
74; Piacenza, _L’Egeo Redivivo_, pp. 200, 216; Coronelli, _Isola di
Rodi_, p. 360. To this occupation of Ikaria refers the ballad in _Journal
of Hellenic Studies_, I. 293-300.

[487] G. Stellae _Annales Genuenses_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital.
Script._, XVII. 1086-90; Uberti Folietæ _Historiæ Genuensis Libri xii_
(Genoa, 1585), fo. 137-8ᵛ; 313ᵛ; Ag. Giustiniani, _Castigatissimi
Annali della eccelsa & Illustrissima Republi. di Genoa_ (Genoa, 1537),
CXXXIIⱽ-IVⱽ; P. Interiano, _Ristretto delle Historie Genovesi_ (Genoa,
_s.a._), fo. 107ᵛ-8ᵛ; _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, _Delle Imprese e del
Dominio dei Genovesi nella Grecia_, pp. 261-70; Cantacuzene, II. 583-4;
Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 765-7; Chalkokondyles, p. 522.

[488] Comte de Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 366-70;
Promis, _La Zecca di Scio_, 14 n². _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia
patria_, XXXV. 52, 210; Rhodokanakes, Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος I. 8-9, n. 15; J.
Justinian, part II. 143; _Araldica e Diritto_ (Jan. 1915), p. 46.

[489] _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, pp. 271-85; _Liber Iurium Reipublicæ
Genuensis_, II. (_Historiæ Patriæ Monumenta_, IX.), 558-72, 1498-1512.

[490] Promis, p. 39.

[491] XIX. 140-1.

[492] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, pp. 422 f. and
Plate XIV, 19, 25.

[493] _Liber Iurium_, II. 714-20; _Documenti_, _apud_ Pagano, 285-91.

[494] Stella, _op. cit._ pp. 1217-20; Folieta, _op. cit._ fo. 531; Ag.
Giustiniani. _op. cit._ CLXXIIⱽ.

[495] _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, II. 4.

[496] Cantacuzene, III. 81-4; Nikephoros Gregoras, II. 842, 851.

[497] Vlastos, Χιακά, 228-31.

[498] G. Stella, p. 1091; Raphayni Caresini _Continuatio Chronicorum
Andreæ Danduli_, _apud_ Muratori, _Rer. Ital. Script._, XII. 420-1;
Sanudo, _Vite de’ Duchi di Venezia_, _ibid._ XXII. 621-2; Matteo Villani,
_Istorie_, _ibid._ XIV. 117-18.

[499] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, XIII. 198; J.
Justinian, part II. 165; J. Stellae, _Annales Ianuenses_, in _Rer. Ital.
Script._, XVII. 1307-8.

[500] Chalkokondyles, p. 519.

[501] _Atti_, VI. 20, 353-4; XIII. 222, 231, 260-2, 996-7; Doukas, p. 314.

[502] Doukas, pp. 322-8.

[503] Veneroso, _Genio Ligure risvegliato, Prove_, p. 30.

[504] _Atti_, VII. part II. 94-6, 480-7; _The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph
ben Joshua_ (transl. Bialloblotzky), p. 289.

[505] _Atti_, XXVIII. 761, 767.

[506] _Annual of the Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. (1909-10) 154-5; Χιακὰ
Χρονικά. (Athens, 1914), II. 127.

[507] Thuani, _Historiarum sui temporis Libri cxxxviii._ (ed. 1620), II.
368-70; Bosio, _Dell’ Istoria della Sacra Religione et illᵐᵃ Militia di
San Giovanni Gierosolimitano_, III. 757-9; Luccari, _Copioso Ristretto
degli Annali di Rausa_, p. 147; A. Mauroceni, _Historia Veneta_, p. 335;
Rhodokanakes, facing I. 359.

[508] Vlastos, Χιακά, 232-4.

[509] _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 146.

[510] F. W. Hasluck, _ibid._ pp. 137-84.

[511] J. Justinian, part III. 116-18.

[512] P. Belon du Mans, _Les observations de plusieurs singularitez
et choses memorables_ (Paris, 1588), pp. 185-7; N. de Nicolay, _Les
navigations, peregrinations et voyages, faicts en la Turquie_ (Antwerp,
1576), pp. 66-7.

[513] _Ibid._ p. 76.

[514] Belon, p. 186.

[515] N. de Nicolay, p. 67.

[516] Targioni Tozzetti, _Relazione di alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse
parti della Toscana_ (ed. 2), V. 436; J. Justinian, part II. 71-7.

[517] Pp. 43-4.

[518] Published by G. Porro-Lambertenghi in _Miscellanea di Storia
Italiana_, VI. 541-8.

[519] Tozzetti, V. 454.

[520] Thevet in _Ann. of Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 183-4.

[521] J. Justinian, part I. 34-7; M. Giustiniani, _La Scio Sacra del Rito
Latino_, pp. 15-16, 78-88; E. Alexandrides in Χιακὰ Χρονικά (Athens,
1911), I. 10-17; Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii
Ævi_, II. 90-2.

[522] Miklosich und Müller, III. 260-4; _Atti_, XXVIII. 563-8; J.
Justinian, part II. 82.

[523] J. Justinian, part I. 31-3; part II. 170-1; Thevet in _Ann. of
Brit. School at Athens_, XVI. 183

[524] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, I. 296; II. 1, 396;
XI. 343; XVII. 241-51; XXVIII. 522, 543, 545-50, 805-6; XXXIV. 157, 253,
268, 322, 326, 345; _Les Registres de Boniface VIII_, I. 222-3; _Giornale
Ligustico di Archeologia, Storia e Belle Arti_, I. 218; IX. 3-13.

[525] Doukas, 40-3, 46; Nikephoros Gregoras, III. 554; Chalkokondyles,
520; Kritoboulos: lib. II. c. 13; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 39; M.
Villani, _Istorie_, and G. Stellae, _Annales Genuenses_, _apud_
Muratori, _R.I.S._, XIV. 447; XVII. 1094; Pii II _Commentarii_, 245; Ag.
Giustiniano, _Annali della Repubblica di Genova_ (ed. 1854), II. 95; P.
Bizari, _Senatus populique Genuensis ... historiæ_, 134; U. Folietæ,
_Historiæ Genuensium libri XII_ (ed. 1585), 141-2; _Clarorum Ligurum
Elogia_ (ed. 1573), 97-8.

[526] Servion, _Gestez et chroniques de la Mayson de Savoye_, II. 138-9.

[527] M. Villani, _Istorie_, _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._, XIV. 447.

[528] N. Gregoras, III. 503-4, 565.

[529] Servion, _op. cit._ II. 138-9, 143.

[530] Phrantzes, 48.

[531] Misti, XXVIII. f. 73 (Doc. of Sept. 20, 1358).

[532] Predelli, _I Libri Commemoriali della Repubblica di Venezia_, II.
266; _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 84-5.

[533] Predelli, _op. cit._ III. 156 (Documents of Jan. 11, 14, 1382).

[534] Raynaldi _Annales ecclesiastici_ (ed. 1752), VII. 19, 172;
Innocentii VI Epistolæ secretæ, IV. f. 164 (Reg. Vat. 238). Νέος
Ἑλληνομνήμων, XII. 474-5.

[535] Raynaldi _op. cit._ 224. The invitation to Francesco, otherwise
practically identical with that to John V, contains the important
variant, that the Turkish race “tam potenter tamque fortiter _terram tuam
... obsidet_.” Gregorii XI Secret. Anno II. ff. 85-6 (Reg. Vat. 268).
Jauna, _Histoire générale des roiaumes de Chypre ... etc._ II. 882.

[536] Raynaldi _op. cit._ VII. 249; Wadding, _Annales Ordinis Minorum_,
VIII. 289; Gregorii XI Secret. Anno IV. f. 63 (Reg. Vat. 270).

[537] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, I. 433,
513, 531; II. 129-30, 159, 212, 250, 252-3, 255-6, 264-6.

[538] Libri Bullarum, IV. (1365-6), f. 270ᵛ.

[539] Chalkokondyles, 520-1; Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 13

[540] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 86-7.

[541] Hasluck in _B.S.A._, XV. 262; Conze, _Reise auf der Insel Lesbos_,
5; Newton, _Travels and Discoveries in the Levant_, I. 115.

[542] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 39-40, VII. 144, 344; _Narrative of the
Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court of Timour, at Samarkand_,
A.D. 1403-6 (tr. Markham), 23; Bondelmonti, _Liber Insularum Archipelagi_
(ed. de Sinner), 115.

[543] _Atti_, XIII. 169, 953-67.

[544] Bauyn, _Mémoires du voiage fait en Hongrie_, f. 351-2; Froissart,
_Chroniques_ (ed. K. de Lettenhove), XV. 345, 347. The relationship was
as follows:

                  Amedeo V of Savoy
        +----------------+----------------+
        |                                 |
    Catherine = Leopold I               Anne = Andronikos III
              | of Austria                   |
              |                              |
          Catherine = Enguerrand           Maria    = Francesco I
         of Austria |  de Coucy        Palaiologina | Gattilusio
                    |                               |
        Enguerrand VII de Coucy          Francesco II Gattilusio

[545] _Le Livre des faicts du bon Messire Jean le Maingre dit Boucicaut_
(ed. Paris, 1825), part I. ch. 28; Delaville le Roulx, _La France en
Orient au XIVᵉ siècle_, II. 33 (Doc. of April 15, 1397).

[546] _Ibid._ II. 34-5, 48, 91-3; Froissart, _Chroniques_, XVI. 38, 40,
261 (Doc. of June 24, 1397); Doukas, 52-3.

[547] Bauyn, _Mémoires du voiage_, f. 35; Froissart, _Chroniques_, XVI.
41-2.

[548] _Le Livre des faicts_, part I. ch. 28; Froissart, _Chroniques_,
XVI. 46, 48-50. Le Roulx, _op. cit._ II. 43-5 (Doc. of Aug. 10, 1397).

[549] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 248-51.

[550] _Le Livre des faicts_, part I. ch. 31; _Narrative_, 24.

[551] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 93; Constantine the Philosopher,
_Life of Stephen Lazarevich_ in _Glasnik_, XLII. 279; _Archiv für
slavische Philologie_, XVIII. 429.

[552] Doukas, 75-6.

[553] _Narrative_, 23-4; _Mélanges historiques. Choix de documents_, III.
174.

[554] _Le Livre des faicts_, part II. chs. 14, 31; Le Roulx, _op. cit._
I. 484 n¹; II. 189.

[555] _Narrative_, 22-3.

[556] Gioffredo, _Storia delle Alpi Marittime_, in _Monumenta Historiæ
Patriæ_, IV. 1001-2, 1077.

[557] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 89-90, 217.

[558] _Ibid._ I. 219.

[559] _Bibliotheca Carmelitana_, II. 943; Fontana, _Sacrum Theatrum
Dominicanum_, 238; Sp. P. Lampros, _Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on
Mount Athos_, II. 305.

[560] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta_, II. 140, 234, 338.

[561] Noiret, _Documents inédits pour servir à l’histoire de la
domination vénitienne en Crète de 1380 à 1485_, pp. 107, 127.

[562] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 40; VII. 341. From _Giornale Ligustico_, I.
219, it has been assumed that he was still alive on May 25, 1409; but the
Greek is confirmed by Noiret, _Documents_, 161, where Nicolò is described
as regent on April 4, 1405, and by Libri Bullarum, XXIV. (1409-16) f.
194ᵛ, where Jacopo is addressed as “lord of Mytilene” on April 12, 1409.

[563] Bondelmonti, _Liber Insularum_, 115.

[564] Noiret, _Documents_, p. 161; Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας,
II. 127; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, IV. 279-80, 282.

[565] Innocent VII. Ann. I. Lib. Mist. ff. 53-4. Bened. XIII. Avin. t.
XL. ff. 157-9.

[566] Probably between April 12 and May 25. _Giornale Ligustico_, I.
217-9; Libri Bullarum, _l.c._

[567] Inscription at Ænos, _B.S.A._, XV. 251, 254: Χριστιανικῆς
Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας Δελτίον, VIII. 16.

[568] Lib. IV. c. 13.

[569] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 43-4; III. 24-5; Noiret, _Documents_, 230-1.

[570] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, V. 176, 188, 315.

[571] Libri Bullarum, XXIV. (1409-16).

[572] Doukas, 106, 108; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, III. 118-20; _Revue_, IV. 574;
V. 193.

[573] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 219-20.

[574] Between March 13, 1426 (probably after May 11, 1428) and October
14, 1428. _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 219-20; II. 86-7. Hopf’s assumption
that it was Jacopo who was killed in the fall of the tower must be wrong,
because Bondelmonti, writing in 1422, speaks of that event as having
occurred _meis diebus_. The allusion to the lord of Foglia Vecchia as a
distinct person in the document of May 11, 1428, indicates that Jacopo
was still alive.

[575] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 40, 492; VII. 95; Gioffredo, _op. cit._
1077; Anselme, _Histoire généalogique et chronologique de la Maison de
France_, IV. 501.

[576] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, V. 114.

[577] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 347; Bertrandon de la Brocquière, _Le
Voyage d’Outremer_ in _Recueil de Voyages et de Documents_ (ed. Ch.
Schefer), XII. 173-4.

[578] _B.S.A._ XV. 258.

[579] _B.S.A._ XV. 254-6; Χρ. Ἀρχ. Ἑτ. Δελτίον, VIII. 13, 16-7, 19-20,
29-30.

[580] _l.c._

[581] Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln des Thrakischen Meeres_, 55-6; Pl. II.
7, 8; _Athenische Mitteilungen_, XXXIV. 26-7; _Atti_, XI. 341.

[582] Tozzetti, _Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi fatti in diverse parti della
Toscana_ (ed. 1773), V. 452.

[583] _Joannis Canabutzæ magistri ad principem Æni et Samothraces in
Dionysium Halicarnassensem commentarius_, 2, 14; _B.S.A._ XV. 256.

[584] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 44.

[585] _Giornale Ligustico_, I. 220-1; II. 86-9; III. 314-5; _Revue de
l’Orient latin_, V. 371-2; VI. 96.

[586] _Documenti diplomatici tratti dagli Archivj Milanesi_, III. 49 n¹.

[587] _Giornale Ligustico_, II. 90-3, 292-6, 313-4, 316; _Atti_, XXIII.
265; _Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 112.

[588] Chalkokondyles, 462; Pero Tafur, _Andanças é viajes_ in _Colleccion
de libros españoles raros ó curiosos_, VIII. 159, 187; _Giornale
Ligustico_, II. 292-3; Lampros, _Catalogue_, II. 305. A Genoese document
(_Revue de l’Orient latin_, VI. 67), proves that Alexios IV died in 1429,
not, as usually assumed, _c._ 1445.

[589] Phrantzes, 191.

[590] Stefano Magno _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 199.

[591] Phrantzes, 193-5; Chalkokondyles, 306; _Revue de l’Orient latin_,
VII. 75; _Ekthesis Chronica_, 7.

[592] _Description des Îles de l’Archipel_ (ed. Legrand), 92; Phrantzes,
96; _Ath. Mitt._ XXII. 119 n³.

[593] Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 37, Pl. III, 4; Libri Bullarum,
XXXIV. (1432-3), f. 112.

[594] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, III. 24-5; Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 436.

[595] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 449, 451; De Rossi, _Inscriptiones
Christianæ Urbis Romæ_, II. part I. 372 n⁴; _Atti_, XIII. 983.

[596] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 435-6, 447, 451-2; Pero Tafur, in _op.
cit._ VIII. 134, 187.

[597] Colucci, _Delle Antichità Picene_, XV. pp. cxxxiii, cxxxvii-cxli;
Codex Vat. lat. 5250, ff. 11-13, 15-17 (mostly published in _Ath. Mitt._
XXII. 115-7); Ciriaci Anconitani codex (in Biblioteca Capitolare of
Treviso), I. 138, f. 152ᵛ _et seqq._

[598] _Ibid._ f. 152 _et sqq._; Colucci, _Delle Antichità_, XV. p.
cxxxii; Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 459; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 341-2; De
Rossi, _Inscriptiones_, II. part I. 370 n¹; _Revue de l’Orient latin_,
VII. 53, 384.

[599] Conze, Hauser und Niemann, _Archaeologische Untersuchungen auf
Samothrake_, I. 1 n¹, 2, 16, Pls. IV-VIII, LXII; vol. II. Pl. IX; Conze,
_Reise auf den Inseln_, 62, Pl. XII; Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 14; _Annali
dell’ Instituto_ (1842), XIV. 141 and _tav. d’agg._ p. 3, where the date
should be, ͵ϛϡξγʹ = 1454/5; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 94; _Ath. Mitt._,
XXXIV. 28.

[600] Cod. Vat. lat. 5250, f. 11, published by Ziebarth, _Eine
Inschriftenhandschrift der Hamburger Stadtbibliothek_, 15; _Ath. Mitt._,
XVIII. 361; XXXI. 405-8; Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 82, Pl. III, 5,
9, 13.

[601] Tozzetti, _Relazioni_, V. 435; Moschides, Ἡ Λῆμνος, I. 168.

[602] Leonardi Chiensis, _De vera nobilitate_, 55; _Revue de l’Orient
latin_, VII. 427.

[603] _Ibid._ VIII. 54; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 347-9.

[604] Chalkokondyles, 519. But Ænos was described in 1457 as _semper in
servitute Teucrorum_ (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 366).

[605] _Giornale Ligustico_, II. 295-6; _Revue_, VIII. 43.

[606] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 350; _Revue_, VIII. 29, 65;
Chalkokondyles, 519. Folietæ _Clarorum Ligurum Elogia_ (ed. 1573), 97-8;
B. Campofulgosi _Exemplorum, hoc est, dictorum factorumque memorabilium
... lib. IX_ (ed. Bâle), 328 (who makes her the wife of Luchino); Æneæ
Sylvii, _Opera ... omnia_, 355-6 (who calls the heroine a virgin, and who
heard the story told in 1455 by the bishop of Caffa, who had heard it in
Lesbos). Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 317-8.

[607] _Atti_, XIII. 247.

[608] Phrantzes, 327.

[609] Doukas, 266.

[610] Kritoboulos, lib. I. cc. 74-5; Doukas, 314, 328; Magno _apud_ Hopf,
_Chroniques_, 198-9.

[611] Pp. 321-2.

[612] Doukas, 326, 328-35; Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 5; Campofulgosi
_Exemplorum_, 526; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, 26; Ag.
Giustiniani, _Annali_, II. 384; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 354.

[613] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 349-50.

[614] Kritoboulos, lib. II. cc. 11-16; III. 24; Doukas, 335;
Chalkokondyles, 469; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 25; _Ecthesis Chronica_, 17-18.
Sa’d al-Dīn (tr. Bratutti), _Chronica dell’ origine e progressi di casa
Ottomana_, II. 168; Hadji Khalfa, _Cronologia historica_ (tr. Carli),
130; Hammer, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_ (ed. 1828), II. 20 nᵃ;
Conze, _Reise auf den Inseln_, 82, Pl. III, 11.

[615] Doukas, 335-7; Chalkokondyles, 469.

[616] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 353-5; Raynaldi _Annales_, X. 56, 59,
61-2; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 140.

[617] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I. 231.

[618] Guglielmotti, _Storia della Marina Pontificia_, 260 n; Æneæ Sylvii
_Opera ... omnia_ (ed. Bâle), 370.

[619] Kritoboulos, lib. II. c. 23; Doukas, 338; Chalkokondyles, 469;
the two last say that Imbros was also captured in 1456—a statement
contradicted not only by Kritoboulos, but by the omission of Imbros from
the list of papal islands in _Atti_, VI. 937-8 and in Raynaldi _Annales_,
X. 88, which shows that the capture of the other three took place before
Dec. 31, 1456. Pius II’s letter (Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 113) shows that
Imbros was “still under the rule of the infidels” in 1459.

[620] Doukas, 338; Kritoboulos, lib. III. c. 10; _Atti_, VI. 800;
Raynaldi, _Annales_, X. 111; Chalkokondyles, 519; Letter of Scarampi to
Gaetani of Sept. 15, 1457, _apud_ Guglielmotti, _Storia della Marina
Pontificia_, II. 280; Reg. Vat. 443, f. 113.

[621] _Giornale Ligustico_, III. 313-4.

[622] Doukas, 346; Chalkokondyles, 520, 528; Kritoboulos, lib. IV. c.
2; Æneæ Sylvii, _Opera ... omnia_ (ed. Bâle), 355; Ag. Giustiniani,
_Annali_, II. 384; Magno, _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques_, 201.

[623] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 363-4.

[624] J. Paulides, Μαρία Γατελούζη in Ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὴν Βάρβιτον. Rhodokanakes,
Ἰουστινιάναι—Χίος, I. 115 n. 101; II. 107.

[625] Raynaldi _Annales_, X. 179-80.

[626] Kritoboulos, lib. III. cc. 14, 15, 17, 18, 24; Chalkokondyles,
469-70, 483, 494; Æneæ Sylvii _Opera_, 370; Magno, _apud_ Hopf,
_Chroniques_, 200 (confused); Phrantzes, 413-4.

[627] Raynaldi, _Annales_, X. 285-6; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, X. 113-5.

[628] _Giornale Ligustico_, III. 180-1 n; V. 352-3, 355-61, 363; _Atti_,
V. 429; Rymer, _Fœdera_, XI. 418, 441.

[629] _Atti_, VII. part I. 77-8, 108; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 364-6;
Doukas, 341.

[630] Βυζαντίς, II. 266; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VII. 342-3; VIII. 94-5, 361.

[631] S. Cali (Καλή, the Greek equivalent of “Bonne”).

[632] Leonardi Chiensis _De Lesbo a Turcis capta_, _apud_ Hopf,
_Chroniques_, 359-66 (an eye-witness); Magno, _ibid._ 201-2; Doukas,
345-6, 512; Chalkokondyles, 518-21, 523-9, 553; Kritoboulos, lib. IV. cc.
11-14; Phrantzes, 94; Malipiero, _Annali Veneti_, in _Archivio Storico
Italiano_, VII. 11; Pii II _Commentarii_, 244; _Atti_, VII. part I.
159-60, 190; _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 366-7; Sabellici _Historiæ Rerum
Venetarum_ (ed. 1556), 867, 873; Cambini and Spandugino _apud_ Sansovino,
_Historia Universale dell’ Origine et Imperio de’ Turchi_ (ed. 1573),
ff. 156, 191; Ἱστορία πολιτικὴ, 26; Bosio, _Dell’ Historia della sacra
religione di San Giovanni_, I. 196; _The Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben
Joshua_ (tr. Bialloblotzky), 289.

[633] _Atti_, VII. part I. 227, 242, 244.

[634] Sabellici _op. cit._ 883; Malipiero in _Arch. Stor. It._, VII.
28; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, VI. 93, 97; Magno _apud_ Hopf, _Chroniques_, 204;
Chalkokondyles, 565; Phrantzes, 415.

[635] Sabellici _op. cit._ 885-6; Malipiero, _l.c._; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, I.
244, VI. 98; Phrantzes, _l.c._; Sanudo and Navagiero _apud_ Muratori,
_R.I.S._, XXII. 1170; XXIII. 1123, 1132; Kritoboulos, lib. V. c. 7; Sa’d
al-Dīn, II. 223; Cepio, _De P. Mocenigi rebus gestis_, 30.

[636] Sathas, _op. cit._ VI. 99; Malipiero, 37; Sabellicus, 890;
Navagiero, 1125; Secreta, XXII. f. 186; Magno, 204.

[637] Malipiero, 50; Sanudo and Navagiero in _R.I.S._, XXII. 1190, XXIII.
1128; Magno, 206; Phrantzes, 448.

[638] Magno, 205, 208; Sathas, Μνημεῖα, V. 48; Malipiero, 50, 59, 67,
107, 121; Sanudo, 1190, 1210; Kritoboulos, lib. V. c. 15; Miklosich und
Müller, Acta, III. 297; Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 299-318.

[639] Malipiero, 44; Sabellicus, 895; Cambini _apud_ Sansovino, f. 158;
Phrantzes, 447; Sa’d al-Dīn, II. 244; Hammer, II. 98 nᵃ; Piacenza,
_L’Egeo Redivivo_, 439.

[640] _Giornale Ligustico_, V. 370-2.

[641] _Ibid._ V. 367-70.

[642] Gottlob, _Aus der Camera Apostolica_, 293.

[643] _Revue de l’Orient latin_, I. 537-9.

[644] Anonymous, Οἱ Γατελοῦζοι ἐν Λέσβῳ, 70 n¹.

[645] _Atti_, XXXIV. 322, 326, 345.

[646] P. 521.

[647] Schlumberger, _Numismatique de l’Orient latin_, 436-43;
_Supplément_, 18-19; Pls XVI, XVII, XXI; Lampros, _Catalogue_, II. 305;
Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, VI. 41, 491-2; VII. 87-8.

[648] Fontana, _Sacrum Theatrum Dominicanum_, 81; _Scriptores Ordinis
Prædicatorum_ (ed. Echard), I. 816-7; Rovetta, _Bibliotheca Provinciæ
Lombardiæ Sacri Ordinis Prædicatorum_, 76; _Bullarium Ordinis Fr.
Prædicatorum_ (ed. Bremond). III. 210-11, 236, 336.

[649] _De vera nobilitate_, 53, 55, 82-3.

[650] Reg. Vat. 443, ff. 111-2.

[651] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 449.

[652] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_, III. 132, 319.

[653] Hopf, in Ersch und Gruber’s _Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 189.

[654] Rycaut in Knolles, _Turkish History_, II. 87 (ed. 1687).

[655] Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, V. 339. Paparregopoulos, V. 575.

[656] Finlay, VI. 11.

[657] P. 308.

[658] _Historia Patriarchica_, 102-7; Cobham, _The Patriarchs of
Constantinople_; Paparregopoulos, _op. cit._ V. 502-36; Finlay, V. 130-49.

[659] The Serb Patriarchate of Ipek was practically removed to Carlovitz
in 1738, and ceased to exist even in name in 1766. The Bulgarian
Patriarchate of Ochrida was formally abolished in 1767.

[660] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 128.

[661] Paparregopoulos, V. 471.

[662] Rycaut, in Knolles, _op. cit._ II. 90. Ranke, _Fürsten u. Völker
von Süd. Europa_, p. 69, says that it ceased between 1630 and 1650.
Paparregopoulos (V. 471) puts the date of its abolition in 1638; Finlay
(V. 163-4) at 1676.

[663] Paparregopoulos says that “all but one” were Greeks; but he
includes the Albanian family of Ghika and the Kallimachai, who came,
as their latest biographer, M. Jorga, has shown, from Moldavia. See my
notice in _The English Historical Review_, XVIII. 577. Blancard, _Les
Mavroyéni_.

[664] Finlay, V. 21, 31.

[665] Zinkeisen, III. 360.

[666] Paparregopoulos, V. 489.

[667] Paparregopoulos, V. 494.

[668] Sathas, Μνημεῖα, IV. pp. liv-lxi; and vols. VII.-IX., which contain
documents relating to them from 1464 to 1570, some of their literary
productions, and a picture of one of them fully armed.

[669] Finlay, V. 122

[670] Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XIII. 273-317.

[671] Θρήνος τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, l. 354 _apud_ Ellissen, _Analekten_,
III.

[672] Gregorovius, _Storia della Città di Roma nel medio evo_ [ed.
1901], III. 826; IV. 207, 240; Pastor, _Geschichte der Päpste_, II. 382;
Lanciani, _Wanderings in the Roman Campagna_, 217.

[673] Paruta, _Storia della Guerra di Cipro_, 79-80.

[674] _Op. cit._ 294.

[675] _Memorie istoriche dei Monarchi Ottomani_, 401.

[676] Paruta, 299-300. _Négociations de la France dans le Levant_, III.
191.

[677] pp. 212-214.

[678] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 171.

[679] Paruta, 391.

[680] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 175, where the dates of their
deaths, given in his Χρονικὸν Ἀνέκδοτον Γαλαξειδίου, p. 153, are
corrected; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, I. 40.

[681] Zinkeisen, _Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, III. 529.

[682] Crusius, _Turco-Græcia_, VII. 10, 19; Laborde, _Athènes aux xvᵉ,
xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles_, I. 55-60.

[683] It is headed Περὶ τῆς Ἀττικῆς and has last been published and
annotated by my friend K. Philadelpheus, in his excellent Ἱστορία τῶν
Ἀθηνῶν ἐπὶ Τουρκοκρατίας, I. 189-92. He assigns to it the date 1628.

[684] Philadelpheus, I. 202-8; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (ed.
2), pp. 447-50.

[685] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα τῆς Ἱστορίας τῶν Ἀθηναίων (ed. 2), I. 191,
336.

[686] Konstantinides thinks his figures much too high (_op. cit._ 442-7).

[687] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηναίων, II. 77-83. Konstantinides (pp.
421-2) relying on a statement of Sanuto that the governor of Athens, even
before 1470, was styled only _subashi_, thinks that all the time down
to 1610 Athens was merely a district of a _sandjak_. Philadelpheus (I.
287-90) agrees with the latter view, but extends the duration of this
arrangement to 1621 or even later.

[688] Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, pp. 178-9.

[689] See the Greek history of Epeiros given in Pouqueville, _Voyage dans
la Grèce_, V. 82-90.

[690] Finlay, _History of Greece_, V. 57, 90-1, 94, 96, 101, 108.

[691] Dapper, _Description des Îles de l’Archipel_, p. 224.

[692] Spon, _Voyage_, II. 23 (ed. 1679).

[693] Finlay, V. 108, 114.

[694] Laborde, I. 67-70. An Austrian archæologist has suggested that the
Hermes, Paris, or Perseus, of Antikythera, discovered some 20 years ago,
and now at Athens, was part of the spoil of a vessel bound for England
which foundered in 1640 off that island.

[695] His genealogy is given in Sathas, Τουρκοκρατουμένη Ἑλλάς, p. 197,
n. 2.

[696] Sathas, p. 209.

[697] _Ibid._ pp. 197-210.

[698] Nani, _Istoria della R. Veneta_, pt. II. p. 134.

[699] Randolph, _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 9; Guillet, _Athènes
ancienne et nouvelle_, pp. 28-38. It must be added, however, that the
Capuchins of Athens, upon whose notes this book was based, may from
theological bias have exaggerated the misdeeds of the Orthodox clergy.
On this ground the local historian, Alexandrakos, in his Ἱστορία τῆς
Μάνης, p. 18, indignantly rejects these accusations. But in 1894 I heard
in Athens a similar story about a Thessalian priest, implicated in a
celebrated case of brigandage.

[700] Finlay, V. 116-7; Spon, I. 123; Sathas, pp. 308-10;
Paparregopoulos, Ἱστορία τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ Ἔθνους, V. 493; Leake, _Travels in
the Morea_, III. 450.

[701] Laborde, I. 63; Philadelpheus (I. 184, 187) puts his visit in 1621.
The passage about Athens is in his _Voyage de Levant_ (ed. 1645), pp.
473-5.

[702] Laborde, I. 75, 201; Guillet, p. 223.

[703] His _Relation d’État présent de la ville d’Athènes_ is reprinted in
full in Laborde’s book.

[704] Laborde, I. 176; Finlay, V. 104, n. 2; Ray’s _Collection of Curious
Travels and Voyages_, vol. II.; Randolph, _The Present State of the
Morea_; Magni, _Relazione della città d’Atene_.

[705] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 135.

[706] Laborde, II. 358, 363. The Venetian report, given in Δελτίον τῆς
Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑτ. V. 226, says the _borgo_ in 1687 contained “4000 and
more houses.”

[707] Gregorovius, _Geschichte der Stadt Athen im Mittelalter_, II. 417 n.

[708] _Ubi supra_, II. 187.

[709] There is a picture, taken from Stuart, of this Παναγία στὴν πέτρα
in Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 280. See his Μνημεῖα, I. 93. It was
destroyed by Hadji Ali, to provide materials for the defences of Athens
against the Albanians in 1778.

[710] Laborde, I. 126 n.

[711] In the third volume of Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία.

[712] Spon, II. 180. Even now there is no synagogue in Athens.

[713] _E.g._ the thief who pillaged the king’s study at Tatoi in 1902
was an Albanian from Markopoulo, between Athens and Laurion. Many of the
names of the Attic villages—_e.g._ Tatoi, Liosia and Liopesi—are Albanian.

[714] Printed by Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, II. 238-43.

[715] Guillet, who tells the story, upon which Spon casts doubt, places
this under Ahmed I. Spon says the boon was granted about 1645.

[716] Ἄρχοντες, νοικοκυραῖοι, παζαρῖται, ξωτάρηδες.

[717] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 102.

[718] _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 22.

[719] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 120.

[720] Ἐπῆραν τὰ παιδιὰ ἀπὸ τὴν Ἀθήνα [_sic_] are the words. This
chronicle, which is dated 1606, has been re-published by Kampouroglos in
his Μνημεῖα, I. 89-90, and by Lampros, _Ecthesis Chronica and Chronicon
Athenarum_, 85-6.

[721] Spon, II. 103.

[722] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 33; Paparregopoulos, V. 597.

[723] The θρῆνος for him is published in Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 7-27,
and by Legrand, _Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, II. 123-47.

[724] Laborde, I. 208.

[725] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 174.

[726] Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, III. 120.

[727] Vernon, in Ray’s _Collection of Curious Travels and Voyages_, II.
22.

[728] Spon, II. 194; Paparregopoulos, V. 645. Philadelpheus has treated
exhaustively of the Athenian schools in the Turkish period (II. ch. XIX.).

[729] In Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, vol. III.

[730] Kampouroglos, (Ἱστορία, II. 37) thinks that it had been the
metropolitan church of Athens during the whole Frankish period.
Philadelpheus (I. 178, 273, 312) agrees with him. When I visited it I
could see not only that it had been a mosque, but that it might easily
have been a church. There are old pillars inside it, a continuation of
those in the Roman market outside.

[731] Ἱστορία, II. 275, 304. Philadelpheus, I. 273. This identification
is conclusively proved not only by tradition among very old Athenians,
but by an entry in a Gospel found at Ægina with the words τοῦ Καθολικοῦ
τῆς Ἀθήνας τοῦ Ἁγίου Παντελεήμονος. This church stood in the square where
the public auctions are still held.

[732] Spon, II. 155, 172. “Deli-Dagh” is a translation of “Monte Matto,”
the Italian version of Hymettos. Kampouroglos, Ἱστορία, II. 50.

[733] Babin in Laborde, I. 188 n.

[734] Finlay, V. 100.

[735] Spon, II. 192-4; Laborde, I. 163.

[736] Laborde, I. 81, 198; Spon, II. 121.

[737] Spon, II. 122.

[738] Spon, II. 107-8; Laborde, I. 81.

[739] Babin, in Laborde, I. 199.

[740] Randolph, _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_, p.
5.

[741] Spon, II. 179.

[742] The Greeks call any large beast a δράκος.

[743] Spon, II. 211, 213, 220, 223, 230; Randolph, _Present State of the
Morea_, p. 1.

[744] Vernon, _ubi supra_, II. 22, 25.

[745] Spon, II. 16, 23, 28, 41, 51, 57-62, 65, 73, 232, 246; Finlay, V.
100; Vernon, _ubi supra_, II. 27.

[746] Paparregopoulos, V. 590.

[747] Spon, II. 219, 270-3.

[748] Randolph, _The Present State of the Morea_, p. 4.

[749] Pègues, _Histoire ... de Santorin_, 591-619.

[750] Spon, I. 149.

[751] Randolph, _The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago_,
8-14.

[752] Sanger, _Histoire nouvelle des anciens Ducs_, 305-24; Sathas,
Νεοελληνικὴ Φιλολογία, 345; Dowling, _Hellenism in England_, 46-7, 80-5.

[753] Hopf, _ubi supra_, LXXXVI. 172-3.

[754] Hopf, _Veneto-byzantinische Analekten_, pp. 422-6; and in Ersch und
Gruber, LXXXVI. 177.

[755] _Racconto historico della Veneta Guerra in Levante_ (Colonia,
1691), I. 62, 65.

[756] Laborde, _Athènes aux xvᵉ, xviᵉ et xviiᵉ siècles_, II. 74-8.

[757] Ἡμερολόγιον Μάτεση _apud_ Sathas, Ἑλληνικὰ Ἀνέκδοτα, I. 198;
Chiotes, Ἱστορικὰ Ἀπομνημονεύματα, III. 281, 318.

[758] _La Morea combattuta dall’ armi Venete_ (Venetia, 1686), pp. 180-2.

[759] Locatelli, I. 151, 161, 167, 174, 213.

[760] Mateses _apud_ Sathas, I. 210; Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_,
II. i. 139; Locatelli, I. 263, 276.

[761] _Ibid._ I. 338.

[762] _Journal d’Anna Akerhjelm_, _apud_ Laborde, II. 307.

[763] Locatelli, I. 348.

[764] Morosini’s dispatches _apud_ Laborde, II. 121-31.

[765] Locatelli, II. 3.

[766] Laborde, I. 116-17.

[767] Morosini’s dispatch _apud_ Laborde, II. 158; Chandler, _Travels in
Asia Minor and Greece_ (ed. 1825), II. 111.

[768] _Apud_ Laborde, II. 277; Locatelli, II. 3; Ranke, “Die Venezianer
in Morea,” in _Sämmt. Werke_, XLII. 297.

[769] Locatelli, II. 8; Morosini’s dispatch _apud_ Laborde, II. 162.

[770] Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστ. καὶ Ἐθν. Ἑταιρίας, V. 222-7: Locatelli, II. 24-34.

[771] Laborde, II. 358.

[772] _Ibid._ II. 279.

[773] _Ibid._ II. 279, 313.

[774] _Ibid._ II. 179, 317.

[775] _Ibid._ II. 150, 172, 176, 180, 182; Fanelli, _Atene Attica_, pp.
113, 308, 317.

[776] Laborde, II. 90; Mateses _apud_ Sathas, I. 216.

[777] _Atene Attica_, p. 344.

[778] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 43; Philadelpheus, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν,
II. 315; Δελτίον, V. 545.

[779] Mateses, _loc. cit._; Locatelli, II. 50; Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I.
189, 296; Ἱστορία, I. 343; III. 256.

[780] Δελτίον, V. 457; Lampros, Ἱστορικὰ Μελετήματα, p. 217.

[781] Locatelli, II. 109, 164, 247; Garzoni, _Istoria della Repubblica di
Venezia_ (ed. 1720), I. 365.

[782] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, I. 34-6.

[783] _Ibid._ I. 211; Philadelpheus, II. 62.

[784] Kampouroglos, Μνημεῖα, II. 339; Konstantinides, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν,
p. 494, n. 1.

[785] J. Benizelos, Ἱστορία τῶν Ἀθηνῶν _apud_ Philadelpheus, II. 273.

[786] Garzoni, I. 432-4, 509-10; Δελτίον, V. 525.

[787] Garzoni, I. 622, 629; Tournefort, _Relation d’un voyage du Levant_,
I. 141.

[788] Authorities, the reports of the Venetian governors, used by Ranke
for his essay “Die Venezianer in Morea” (_Sämmt. Werke_, XLII. 277-361),
and by Zinkeisen (_Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches_, V. 473-89),
have since been published by the late Professor Lampros in his Ἱστορικὰ
Μελετήματα, pp. 199-220, and in Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς
Ἑταιρίας, II. 282-317, 686-710; V. 228-51, 425-567, 605-823. For the
campaign of 1715 Brue, _Journal de la campagne_; Diedo, _Storia della
Repubblica di Venezia_, IV. 73-107; the Greek poem by Manthos of Joannina
(an eye-witness), “Conquête de la Morée par les Turcs” in Legrand,
_Bibliothèque grecque vulgaire_, III. 280-331; Ferrari, _Delle notizie
storiche della lega ... contra ... Acmet III_, pp. 41-69; _Chronique
de l’expédition des Turcs en Morée_, 1715, _attribuée à Constantin
Dioikétès_.

[789] _Itinéraire_ (ed. 1826), I. 80-2; Lampros, p. 209.

[790] _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, pp. 385-90.

[791] Buchon, _Nouvelles Recherches_, II. i. 99, 102, which disprove the
statement that it was introduced from Naxos about 1580.

[792] French Consular dispatches _apud_ Zinkeisen, V. 486, n. 2.

[793] _Voyages_, I. 462.

[794] IV. 83.

[795] Lamprynides, Ἡ Ναυπλία, 230-40.

[796] I. 138.

[797] Δελτίον, V. 802; Ferrari, p. 44.

[798] _History of Modern Greece_, I. 242 n.; Depellegrin, _Relation du
voyage dans la Morée_, p. 14; Lamprynides, p. 284.

[799] Philadelpheus, II. 69.

[800] Zinkeisen, V. 499 n.; Gerola, _Monumenti Veneti nell’ Isola di
Creta_, I. ii. 535.

[801] _Art. Am._ II. 658; _Epist. ex Ponto_, IV. xiv. 45.

[802] _H. N._ III. 26.

[803] II. 627; V. 650.

[804] VII. 480.

[805] III. 12, § 2.

[806] Ed. Wesseling, 323, 329, 332, 489, 497, 549, 608, 611-12.

[807] Ed. Teubner, p. 13.

[808] _Travels in Northern Greece_, I. 2.

[809] _Voyage dans la Grèce_, I. 284.

[810] _Acta et Diplomata res Albaniæ mediæ ætatis illustrantia_, I. 4, 5,
7.

[811] Procopius (ed. Teubner), II. p. 23.

[812] III. 56.

[813] Jireček, _Geschichte der Bulgaren_, 167, 191, 202 n.

[814] Ed. Teubner, I. 49-50, 126, 132, 137, 161, 177, 187, 193-94; II.
168-69, 189, 194, 197; _Recueil des historiens des Croisades: Historiens
occidentaux_, III. 177.

[815] _Fontes Rerum Austriacarum_, II. xii. 118, 184.

[816] Niketas, 118-19.

[817] _Font. Rer. Aust._ II. xii. 472, 570.

[818] Miklosich und Müller, _Acta et Diplomata Græca Medii Ævi_, III.
240; M. Sanudo, _ap._ Hopf, _Chroniques gréco-romanes_, 107; Ughelli,
_Italia Sacra_, VI. 774.

[819] Del Giudice, _Codice Diplomatico del Regno di Carlo Iᵒ e IIᵒ
d’Angiò_, I. 308; Pachymeres, I. 508.

[820] Buchon, _Recherches et Matériaux_, I. 33.

[821] Del Giudice, II. i. 239; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 73, 84, 85, 93, 94.

[822] _Ibid._ 106, 115, 117, 127, 139; _Archivio Storico Italiano_, ser.
IV. ii. 355; _Font. Rer. Aust._ ii. xiv. 226, 243.

[823] _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 146, 157.

[824] Ducange, _Histoire de l’Empire de Constantinople_ (ed. 1729), II.
_Recueil_, 21, 22.

[825] _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 159; _Diplomatarium Veneto-Levantinum_, I.
150, 233; Miklosich und Müller, III. 109.

[826] _Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 135, 161; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 214, 215, 220,
237; _Archivio Veneto_, XX. 94.

[827] _Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 125, 130, 136-38, 147-49, 154, 159-62, 191;
_Arch. Ven._ XX. 92; _Act. et Dip. Alb._ I. 217, 245.

[828] Cantacuzene, I. 495.

[829] _Starine_, IV. 29; Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, I. 385 (thus
disproving Hopf’s statement, for which there is no authority, that Valona
became Serbian in 1337).

[830] _Spomenik_, XI. 29, 30.

[831] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium_, III. 176;
Predelli, _I Libri Commemoriali_, III. p. 307.

[832] Hopf _apud_ Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXV.
458ᵇ.

[833] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 58.

[834] _Ibid._ XXVII. 264; Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, 178.

[835] Orbini, _Il regno degli Slavi_, 289; _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV.
100-103. For the history of Saseno cp. Lampros in Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων, XI.
57-93.

[836] _Ibid._ VII. 145; _Historia della casa Musachia_ _ap._ Hopf,
_Chroniques_, 290.

[837] From _turri del Prego, turris Pirgi_, Hopf has evolved Parga, which
in 1320 formed part of the Despotat of Epeiros (_Dip. Ven.-Lev._ I. 170),
and became Venetian in 1401. Pyrgos was at the mouth of the Semeni (_Act.
et Dip. Alb._ II. 107, III).

[838] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 226.

[839] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 263, 266, 308, 349.

[840] Miklosich und Müller, II. 230; Hopf, _Chroniques_, _l.c._;
Chalkokondyles, 251.

[841] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ IV. 384, 412, 423; V. 81, 120; XII. 198,
199, 263; Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, 204.

[842] Sathas, Μνημεῖα Ἑλληνικῆς Ἱστορίας, I. 173.

[843] _Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum_, p. XXI.

[844] _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._ XXII. 372.

[845] Hopf _ap._ Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 159ᵃ.

[846] Sathas, Μνημ. VI. 135, 137, 139, 173, 218.

[847] Sathas, Μνημ. IX. 174.

[848] A. Mauroceni, _Historia Veneta_ (ed. 1623), 172.

[849] Sathas, Μνημ. IX. 218; Paruta, _Storia della guerra di Cipro_, 225.

[850] Predelli, _Commem._ VII. pp. 190-93.

[851] Garzoni, _Istoria della Repubblica di Venezia_ (ed. 1720), I.
365-71.

[852] _Ibid._ 390-407; _Epirotica_, 254.

[853] _Voyage_, I. 285.

[854] Aravantinos, Χρονογραφία τῆς Ἠπείρου, I. 190-92, 248-49.

[855] _Ibid._ I. 261, 288, 306, 311, 319, 328-29, 383, 400-1, 409-10.

[856] _Diplomatische Aktenstücke_ (Wien, 1914), p. 71.

[857] _Il Messaggero_, Oct. 31, 1914.

[858] I. 333.

[859] Lost in 1903, but recently re-discovered at Corfù. See _Morning
Post_, July 25, 1916.

[860] _Ur_ = “Prince” in Hungarian.

[861] Justly, as _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, I. 131 show.

[862] Jireček (II. 120 n. 2) has shown that the form “Obilich” was
substituted in the eighteenth century, because “Kobilich” (= “son of a
mare”) was considered vulgar.

[863] _Il Regno degli Slavi_, p. 294.

[864] _Copioso Ristretto degli Annali di Rausa_, pp. 85, 132.

[865] _Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum Meridionalium_, XXI. 123.

[866] _Historia Byzantina_, I. 347.

[867] _Abhandlungen der historischen Classe der k. bayrischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften_, VIII. 698.

[868] _Istorija Crne Gore_, p. 43.

[869] _Turcs et Monténégrins_, pp. 20, 30, 33.

[870] _Istorija o Černoj Gorê_, Italian translation by Ciàmpoli, pp. 23,
25, 29-30.

[871] In Ersch und Gruber, _Allgemeine Encyklopädie_, LXXXVI. 101;
_Chroniques gréco-romanes_, p. 534.

[872] _Trésor de Chronologie_, p. 1773.

[873] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ IV. 301, 305, 372, 377.

[874] Gelcich, _La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balšidi_, p. 226.

[875] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ V. 68; XVII. 36.

[876] Ersch und Gruber, LXXXVI. 42-3.

[877] _Die serbischen Dynasten Crnojević_, p. 61.

[878] _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ XXI. 10.

[879] _Ibid._ XXI. 164-5, 167-8, 202, 205, 382, 384.

[880] Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_, p. 566.

[881] Between May 2 and November 11: _Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Merid._ XXII.
364, 383.

[882] _Ibid._ XXVII. 212.

[883] _Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina_,
II. 229.

[884] I have drawn largely for this essay from the _Wissenschaftliche
Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina_, of which twelve volumes
were published during the Austro-Hungarian occupation, and which throw
new light on many points of Bosnian history. I have also visited all
the chief places of historic interest in the occupied territory and the
_sandjak_ of Novibazar.

[885] P. 159 (ed. Bonn).

[886] _Wiss. Mitth._ I. 333, 434.

[887] Constantine Porph. III. 156, 160.

[888] Pp. 104, 131-32 (ed. Bonn).

[889] _Wiss. Mitth._ VII. 215-20; Miklosich, _Monumenta Serbica_,
1; Theiner, _Vetera Monumenta Slavorum Meridionalium historiam
illustrantia_, I. 6, 12-13, 15, 19-20, 22.

[890] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._, 24, 28-30, 32-34; Theiner, _Vetera
Monumenta historica Hungariam sacram illustrantia_, I. 31-32, 55-56,
72, 113, 120, 128-30, 133, 137, 147, 162-63, 168-73, 201-06; Thomas
Archidiaconus in _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, XXVI. 91, 103, 105, 113, 121,
195.

[891] _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 260, 262.

[892] _Ibid._ XI. 278; Orbini, _Il Regno degli Slavi_, 350.

[893] L. v. Thallóczy in _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 268-73 (reprinted in his
_Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter_, 7-75).

[894] Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ 42, 44, 60, 69; Theiner, _Mon. Hung._ I.
230, 273-76, 303, 348, 359-60, 364, 375-78, 395, 403, 456, 458, 463;
_Mon. Slav._ I. 135.

[895] _Wiss. Mitth._ XI. 184, 235, 239-44; Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._
101-03, 105-07; Thallóczy, _op. cit._, 273.

[896] _Wiss. Mitth._ IV. 324-42; Miklosich, _Mon. Serb._ 187.

[897] Makuscev, _Monumenta historica Slavorum Meridionalium_, I. 528;
Doukas (Italian version), 354 (ed. Bonn).

[898] Jireček, _Geschichte der Serben_, II. 126.

[899] _Wiss. Mitth._ II. 94-124; IV. 390-93; VI. 284-90; Thallóczy, _op.
cit._, 303.

[900] _Recueil de Voyages et de Documents_ (Paris, 1892), XII. 195;
Thallóczy, _op. cit._, 79-109.

[901] P. 249; _Wiss. Mitth._ II. 125-51.

[902] Farlati, _Illyricum Sacrum_, IV. 68.

[903] Another theory is that he received the ducal title from the Pope
in 1449, when he turned Catholic, or the King of Aragon, or that he
took it with the agreement of the Sultan. (_Wiss. Mitth._ III. 503-09;
X. 103 n.; Thallóczy, _Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im
Mittelalter_, 146-59.) But he is styled _dux terre Huminis_ as early as
Aug. 23, 1445 (_Mon. sp. hist. Slav. Mer._ XXI. 226), “Duke of St Sava”
in 1446 (Farlati, _l.c._), and “Duke” in a dubious inscription of that
year (_Wiss. Mitth._ III. 502).

[904] Chalkokondyles, 459; Kritoboulos, III. ch. 2.

[905] Chalkokondyles, 532; Kritoboulos, IV. ch. 15.

[906] _Wiss. Mitth._ I. 496; III. 384; Hopf, _Chroniques_, 333; _Historia
Politica_, 33; Chalkokondyles, 535-44; Makuscev, I. 309, 532; II. 25.

[907] Kritoboulos, V. chs. 4-6.

[908] _Wiss. Mitth._ IV. 395; _Mon. sp. h. Sl. Mer._, VI. 114, 126; XXV.
386; Orbini, 388.

[909] Campani _Vita Pii II, apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._, III. pt ii. 981.

[910] _Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_, VI. 648-9.

[911] _Mélanges historiques_, IV. 395.

[912] Her stay in Rome on this occasion may be dated approximately by two
letters which she wrote there on October 23 and November 5 (_Mon. Pat.
Script._ II. 115; Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’île de Chypre_, III. 114).
Capgrave, _Ye Solace of Pilgrimes_, 138.

[913] P. 179 (Ed. 1614).

[914] _Cronaca di Bologna_, _apud_ Muratori _R.I.S._ XVIII. 742.

[915] P. 94.

[916] _Mélanges historiques_, V. 411.

[917] Volaterranus _apud_ Muratori, _R.I.S._ (ed. 1904), XXIII. 87, 127,
148.

[918] Torrigio, _Le sagre grotte Vaticane_ (ed. 1675), 285-6, 288-9, 299;
J. Burchardi, _Diarium_ (ed. 1883), I. 272-3.

[919] _Archivio storico italiano_, Ser. III. iii. 226, 234-5.

[920] _Histoire de l’île de Chypre_, III. 346-7, 408, 412-3.

[921] Theiner, _Vetera monumenta historica Hungariam sacram
illustrantia_, II. 318, 373-4.

[922] _Libro nel qual s’ insegna a scriver ogni sorte lettera_ (ed. 1578)
f. 55; (ed. 1553) f. 54.

[923] _Memorie Istoriche della Chiesa e Convento di S. Maria in Araceli_,
129, 148 (which give the Slavonic inscription, taken from Palatino).

[924] _Copioso ristretto degli Annali di Ragusa_, 10; Thallóczy, _op.
cit._, 110-20, 309-10.

[925] Theiner, _Vet. Mon. Hung._ II. 442, 447, 452; Makuscev, _Monumenta
historica Slavorum Meridionalium_, II. 95.

[926] _Arch. stor. ital._ Ser. III. iii. 229; Gottlob, _Aus der Camera
Apostolica_, 292-4.

[927] Mas Latrie, _Histoire_, III. 174; Sathas, Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη,
II. 474.

[928] Migne, _Patrologia Græca_, CLXI. pp. lxxxvi-vii.

[929] Steinmann, _Die Sixtinische Kapelle_, I. 386; Abb. 25; Schrader,
_Mon. Ital._ IV. 216.

[930] William of Tyre, Bk XVI. 29; Jacques de Vitry (ed. Bongars),
1068-9, Röhricht, _Geschichte des Königreichs Jerusalem_, 191.

[931] Ludolphi, _De Itinere Terræ Sanctæ_, 40-1.

[932] William of Tyre, Bk IX. 2.

[933] _Recueil des Hist., Lois_, I. 22; Jacques de Vitry, 1116.

[934] William of Tyre, Bk XVII. 1.

[935] _Recueil des Hist., Lois_, I. 22-26.

[936] Bk XI. 10.

[937] _Recueil des Hist., Hist. Occid._, II. 47, 58; _Morning Post_, Jan.
11, 1918.

[938] _Ibid._ II. 36, 50; _Archives de l’Orient Latin_, I. 663-8.

[939] Röhricht, _Regesta Regni Hieros._, pp. 285, 321, 325.

[940] From _pullus_, a “colt,” and probably of the same origin as the
Moreote termination -όπουλος.

[941] Pp. 1088-9.

[942] _Lois_, I. 426-7.

[943] Bk XXI. 7.

[944] Jacques de Vitry, p. 1082.

[945] Bk XII. 7.

[946] William of Tyre, Bk XX. 29-30; Jacques de Vitry, p. 1063.

[947] Radulfus de Diceto, II. 80-1; _Annales de Dunstapliâ_, 126;
Röhricht, _Regesta_, pp. 321, 361; _Geschichte_, 965; Mas Latrie, _Hist.
de l’Île de Chypre_, II. 81-2, 213.

[948] Mas Latrie, _Histoire de l’Île de Chypre_, I. 200, 256.

[949] I. 214-5.

[950] _Ibid._ I. 178-82; II. 54.

[951] _Ibid._ I. 231.

[952] _Ibid._ II. 230, 253-54, 316-17.

[953] _Ibid._ I. 34.

[954] _Ibid._ I. 151; II. 252, 273.

[955] _Ibid._ I. 30.

[956] _Ibid._ I. 113.

[957] _Ibid._ II. 18, 58.

[958] _Ibid._ II. 106, 186, 259, 296.

[959] _Ibid._ I. 230-1; II. 89-90.

[960] _Ibid._ I. 101, 181; II. 149.

[961] _Ibid._ I. 204; II. 149, 253.

[962] _Ibid._ I. 109-11, 120-3.

[963] _Ibid._ II. 209-22.

[964] _Ibid._ I. 128.

[965] _Ibid._ I. 220, 227, 246; II. 82, 83, 169.

[966] _Ibid._ I. 69, 240; II. 162.

[967] _Ibid._ I. 28, 55, 169, 174; II. 81.

[968] _Ibid._ I. 89.

[969] _Ibid._ II. 13, 26, 60, 71, 104, 114, 115, 138, 176, 204, 209.

[970] _Ibid._ II. 8, 15, 97.

[971] _Ibid._ I. 27.

[972] _Ibid._ I. 199; II. 76, 78, 86, 205, 241-2.

[973] _Ibid._ II. 94, 111.

[974] _Ibid._ II. 65, 199.

[975] _Ibid._ II. 99.

[976] _Ibid._ II. 84.

[977] _Ibid._ II. 206.

[978] _Ibid._ I. 84, 128-9, 154, 179, 183, 197; II. 170, 256.

[979] _Ibid._ II. 53.

[980] _Ibid._ I. 57.

[981] _Ibid._ I. 27, 153, 202.

[982] _Ibid._ I. 169.

[983] _Ibid._ I. 222; II. 81, 194.

INDEX

  Abarinos, 108, 109

  Abdul Hamid II, 269, 271

  Abraham, Mount, 224, 226

  Academy, the, 3, 542

  Acciajuoli, family of (dukes of Athens), 100, 130, 136, 138, 142 ff.,
        148, 154, 390, 498, 499
    Angelo, cardinal, 138
    Antonio I, 80, 100, 139, 142 ff., 154, 159, 255
    Antonio II, 147, 150, 159
    Donato, 138, 139
    Francesca, 81, 144, 263
    Francesco, 150
    Franco, 146, 147, 150, 151, 153, 159 ff.
    Nerio I, 127, 129, 130, 135 ff., 154, 156, 159, 169, 254, 263
    Nerio II, 80, 100, 146 ff., 159, 160, 236
    Nicholas, 96

  Achaia, 7 ff., 12, 13, 18 ff., 26, 31, 70 ff., 78, 79, 81 ff., 89
        ff., 100, 103, 107 ff., 111, 112, 114 ff., 120, 125 ff., 138,
        143, 164, 166, 178, 202, 232, 246 ff., 262, 263, 265, 283, 290,
        298, 321, 325, 327, 418, 419, 500, 501, 520, 533

  Achaian League, 1

  Acheron, 111

  Achilleios, St, Thessalian archbishop, 47

  Achilles, 25, 115, 543

  _Achilles, Romance of_, 118

  Achmet Pasha, 264
    son of Turakhan, 102

  Achsah, 113

  Acre, 58, 517, 518, 520, 523 ff., 532

  _Acts of the Apostles, The_, 9, 10, 270, 392

  Adalia, 175
    Michael of, 537

  Adam, Guillaume, archbishop of Antivari, 125, 246, 450

  Adamantiou, Prof., 269 n.

  Adelaide, queen of Baldwin I of Jerusalem, 518

  Admetos, 62

  Adorno, Gabriele, 304

  Adrianople, 25, 106, 255, 299, 334, 335, 339, 448, 484, 488, 499, 535

  Adriatic Sea, 49, 175, 271, 380, 429 ff., 439, 443, 444, 449, 451,
        454, 461, 462, 474, 480, 481, 498, 508, 534, 535, 540, 548

  Ædepsos, baths of, 5, 246

  Ægean Islands, 20, 37, 197, 355, 357

  Ægean Sea, 37, 55, 149, 151, 162, 166, 168, 171, 175, 234, 239, 267,
        283, 289, 294, 298, 316, 340, 384, 399, 417

  Ægeopelagos, 68

  Ægina, 6, 44, 45, 53, 61, 66, 117, 131, 143, 144, 172, 173, 271, 373,
        394 n., 413, 415 ff., 422

  Aeironesion, 430

  Ælian, _Tactics_, 537

  Æneas of Gaza, 311

  _Æneid_, the, 205, 504

  Ænos, 106, 298, 306, 313, 318 ff., 323 ff., 331, 333, 334, 338, 339,
        344, 351, 353, 498, 499

  Æschylus, 150, 237, 375
    _Agamemnon_ of, 171

  Ætolia, 15, 37, 356, 451, 453

  Africa, 29, 168

  Aga, Isouf, 396

  Agallianos, 38

  Agamemnon, 136

  Aglauros, grotto of, 408

  Agnes, queen-mother of Jerusalem, 521

  Agora, 131

  Agrippa, 7

  Ahmed I, sultan, 382, 389
    III, sultan, 425

  Aigion, 7, 72, 101, 106, 376, 418

  Aigle, Guillaume de l’, 320

  Aila (ʿAkaba, Eloth), 516, 517

  Aivan Serai, 319

  ʿAkaba, _see_ Aila

  ʿAkaba, gulf of, 523

  Akamir, Slav chieftain, 39

  Akarnania, 12, 37, 131, 223, 356, 379, 404, 451, 453

  Akerhjelm, Anna, 408

  Akominatos, Michael, 53, 54, 60, 63, 64, 66, 88, 111, 112, 135, 156,
        232

  Akova, 72
    the lady of, 95

  Akrocorinth, 52, 62, 87, 88, 96, 101, 104, 129, 136, 145, 156, 397,
        405

  Akropolis, the, 3, 6, 7, 15, 18, 30, 32, 33, 46, 47, 53, 63, 65, 76,
        85, 111, 121, 128 ff., 135 ff., 140, 142, 144, 147, 148, 150
        ff., 157, 160, 274, 279, 381, 387, 389, 393, 395, 396, 407 ff.,
        411, 412, 414, 415

  Aktian festival of Augustus, 23

  “Aktian games,” 6

  Aktion, battle of, 6

  Alaric, 25, 26, 27, 29

  Albania, and the Albanians, 50, 59, 103 ff., 129, 146, 149, 188, 193,
        217, 228, 361, 368, 370, 383, 384, 388 n., 412, 419, 430 ff.,
        434 ff., 438 ff., 442, 443, 447, 449, 450, 453, 454, 456, 461,
        480, 498, 499, 512, 536, 541, 549

  Albanon, 443

  Albigenses, the, 472

  Alcestis, 62

  Aldobrandini, the, 175
    Pietro, 507

  Aldoin, count of Acerra, 276

  Aleman, Guillaume, 72, 78, 89, 200

  Aleppo, 516, 522

  Alessio, 437, 456

  Alexander V, pope, 198
    VI, pope, 507, 510, 513
    VIII, pope, 439
    crown prince of Serbia, 451
    of Trebizond, 328, 329, 349
    the Great, 51, 270
    the name of, 390
    Severus, 17

  Alexandrakos, historian, 383 n.

  Alexandretta, 516

  Alexandria, 43, 289, 371, 528, 532

  _Alexiad_, the, 537, 541

  Alexios IV, emperor of Trebizond, 177, 328, 329
    nephew of Manuel I, 275, 276

  Alfonso V, king of Aragon, 143, 149, 151, 156, 159, 327, 334
    V, king of Portugal, 340

  Alfred, king of England, 32

  Algerines, the, 228

  Algiers, 380, 384

  Ali, pasha of Joannina, 224, 440
    Turkish admiral, 374

  Alibret, cardinal, 510

  Alikianou, 186

  Alkinoös, 229

  Alkmaion, 153

  Almiro, gulf of, 246

  Alonzo of Naples, 506

  Alpheios, valley of the, 72

  Alps, the, 275

  Al Rashid, Haroun, 40

  Altavilla, family of, 202

  Amalasuntha, 430

  Amalfi, 499, 523, 528, 548

  Amari, 45

  Amaury I, 519, 521, 523, 529

  Ambelaki, 413

  Ambelokepoi, 395

  Ambrakian gulf, the, 205, 404, 426

  Ambrose, St, archbishop of Milan, 271

  Amedeo of Savoy, pretender to Achaia, 137, 263
    V of Savoy, 320 n.
    VI of Savoy, 316, 317
    VIII of Savoy, 326

  America, and the Americans, 93, 311, 367

  Ammiraglio, ponte dell’, 52

  Amoiroutses, George, 154, 360

  Amorgos, 8, 165, 167

  Amphiktyonic Council, the, 7, 16

  Amphissa, 63

  Ampurias, 122

  Anacletos, bishop of Rome, 16

  Anæa, 283

  Anand, Col. Thomas, 195

  _Anaphiótika_, the, 416

  Anargyroi, monastery of the, 36, 413

  Anastasios II, 269

  Anatolia, 492

  Ancona, 340, 372, 439, 499

  Andravida, 71, 73, 88, 93
    Norman arch of, 84

  Andreville, _see_ Andravida

  Andrew, St, 17, 41, 106
    St, head of, 499 ff.
    duke of the Herzegovina, 470

  Andronikos, the Syrian, 7

  Andros, 43, 142, 163, 166, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174, 176, 373, 394,
        398, 400

  Androusa, 97

  Androutsos, 228

  Anemas, Michael, 545

  Anephorites, pass of, 142

  Angelos, family of (despots of Epeiros), 88, 115, 124, 182, 200, 201,
        263
    Helene, 80, 115, 116, 431
    Isaac II, emperor, 54, 55, 58
    Manuel, 278
    Michael I, 58, 69, 199, 431
    Michael II, 199, 200, 249, 431 ff.
    Nikephoros I, 262, 432, 433
    Nikephoros II, 318, 434
    Theodore, emperor of Salonika, 277, 278
    Thomas, 433

  Angevins, the, 95, 116, 118, 124, 166, 169, 199 ff., 208, 209, 262,
        263, 432 ff., 441, 454

  Angles in England, the, 444

  Angora, 99, 254, 322, 323, 456, 483

  Anguillara, count of, 340

  Anjou, house of, 93, 95, 252
    Charles I of, 93, 116, 166, 200, 249
    Charles II of, 94

  Anna, St, foot of, 513
    Lady, of Epeiros, 83, 84

  Anne of Savoy, 278, 299, 305, 314, 320 n., 450

  Anoe, 265

  Anopaia, pass of, 33

  Antelme of Clugny, 72

  Antikyra (Aspra Spitia), 5

  Antikythera, _see_ Cerigotto

  Antioch, 50, 516 ff., 520 ff., 524, 526, 527, 530, 541, 547
    George of, admiral, 51
    Marie of, 76, 117

  Antiparos, island of, 170

  Anti-Paxo, 204, 214

  Antirrhion, 417

  Antivari, 435, 437, 446, 450, 451, 454, 456, 498

  Antonine, Maritime and Jerusalem Itineraries, 429

  Antonines, the, 14 ff.

  Antonius, Caius, 4

  Antony, 6

  Antwerp, 174

  Aoos, _see_ Vojussa

  Apelles, 543

  Apellikon, 2

  Apollo, statue of, 381

  Apollonios of Tyana, 10

  Apollos, 9, 10

  Apostoles, Arsenios, 241

  Apulia, 43, 49, 69, 109, 262, 385, 458, 466, 530

  Aquileia, patriarch of, 340, 501

  Aquinas, St Thomas, 311

  Arabs, the, 36, 37, 191, 202, 526

  Aragon, 82, 123, 124, 128, 130, 140, 141, 143, 149, 151, 152, 158,
        159, 200, 285, 504

  Arangio, family of, 301
    Francesco, 304

  Arbe, island of, 492

  Arcadia (Mesarea), 59, 72, 88

  Arcadius, son of Theodosius, 25

  Arch of Trajan, _see_ Philopappos

  Archipelago, duchy of the, 70, 81, 85, 112, 120, 154, 161 ff., 170,
        171, 178, 184, 194, 289, 310, 312, 314, 324, 332, 352, 399,
        401, 498

  Archivio di Stato, 502

  Archon Eponymos of Athens, 12, 13, 19, 31

  Ardiæi, the, 460

  Areopagos, the, 9, 11, 16, 21, 31, 66, 135, 396, 407

  Aretousa, 198

  Arezzo, 145

  Argives, the, 23

  Argolis, 100

  Argos, 15, 19, 26, 62, 76, 87, 88, 98, 102, 106, 111, 114, 121, 124
        ff., 136, 159, 232, 372, 424

  Argostoli, 215

  Argyroi, family of the, 267

  Argyropoulos, 515

  Ariadne, 162

  Arian controversy, the, 22, 23, 25
    monks, 26

  Arianiti, Angelina, 512
    Costantino, 512
    Giorgio, 512

  Ariobarzanes II, king of Cappadocia, 3

  Aristarchos, 270

  Aristides, philosopher, 16

  Aristion, 2, 3

  Aristogeiton, 6, 410

  Aristophanes, 35, 65, 393, 537
    the _Birds_, 443
    the School of, 153

  Aristotle, 2, 3, 32, 84, 144, 311, 514, 515, 537, 541
    study of, 141, 147
    _Natural History of Animals_, 515

  Arius, 23

  Arkadia (Kyparissia), 14, 72, 89

  Armeni, 45

  Armenia, and the Armenians, 197, 276, 278, 361, 498, 506, 516, 526,
        528

  Arnauts, the, _see_ Albanians

  Arsenios, metropolitan of Corfù, 46

  Arta, 53, 70, 88, 163, 264, 377, 379, 513

  Arundel, earl of, 381

  Asan, Alexander, 344
    Manuel, 332
    Matthew, 238, 343

  Ascalon, 520

  Asên, Alexander, 434, 435
    George, 435
    II, John, of Bulgaria, 448
    III, John, of Bulgaria, 433
    John Alexander, of Bulgaria, 434
    John Comnenos, 434

  Asia, 323, 446, 483, 541
    Minor, 58
    Minor, king and despot of, 290

  Asian Diocese, the, 20, 21

  Asklepios, shrine of, 30

  Aspra Spitia, _see_ Antikyra

  Assassins, sect of the, 528, 529

  _Assicurati_, the, 213

  _Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois_, 520

  _Assizes of Antioch_, 526
    _of Cyprus_, 520
    _of Jerusalem_, 71, 112, 520, 527
    _of Romania_, 122

  Assos, 336

  Atalante, 76, 111, 395
    channel, the, 246, 249, 255

  Athanasios, metropolitan, 405

  Athena, 413, 543, 548
    goddess, 12, 25, 46
    statue of, 30, 32
    Archegetis, gate of (Temple of Augustus), 7, 13, 153, 410
    Promachos, statue of, 30 n.

  Athenais, _see_ Eudokia, empress

  Athenion, 2

  Athens, 1 ff., 5 ff., 29 ff., 36 ff., 45 ff., 53, 54, 60, 61, 63 ff.,
        74 ff., 80 ff., 85, 97, 98, 100, 110 ff., 121 ff., 129 ff., 135
        ff., 167, 169, 171, 198, 232, 233, 236, 242, 247 ff., 268, 273,
        277, 278, 290, 292, 351, 356, 371, 372, 377 ff., 381, 383 n.,
        385 ff., 406 ff., 418, 425, 498, 499, 515, 525, 533
    archbishops of, 66, 67, 88, 130, 131
    castle of, 157
    cathedral of Our Lady of, 65, 138, 139, 156
    Christian Archæological Museum, 94, 131, 235
    church of St Mary of, 140, 141
    convent of St Andrew, 378
    dukes and duchy of, 59, 70, 74, 76, 78 ff., 82, 83, 85, 92, 95, 96,
        100, 114 ff., 125 ff., 132, 133, 138, 144, 147, 149, 151, 153,
        154, 245, 360
    first bishop of, 17
    National Library at, 160
    the Olive Grove, 19
    the _Sindici_ of, 130
    the Sire of, 114
    university of, 14, 15, 17, 21, 23, 31, 32
    _also see_ Churches