fulfilled, “So soon as thou shall come down.” =Sacred Poetry= in
  the vernacular was used only in extra-ecclesiastical devotions.
  The oldest German Easter hymn belongs to the 12th century.[313]
  The Minnesingers of the 13th century composed popular songs
  of a religious character, especially in praise of Mary; there
  were also sacred songs for travellers, sailors, soldiers, etc.
  Heretics separated from the church and its services spread their
  views by means of hymns. St. Francis wrote Italian hymns, and
  among his disciples Fra Pacifico, Bonaventura, Thomas of Celano,
  and Jacopone followed worthily in his footsteps.

  § 104.11. =Church Music= (§ 88, 2).--The Gregorian _Cantus
  firmus_ soon fell into disfavour and disuetude. The rarity,
  costliness, and corruption of the antiphonaries, the difficulty
  of their notation and of their musical system, and the want of
  accurately trained singers, combined to bring this about. Singers
  too had often made arbitrary alterations. Hence alongside of the
  _Cantus firmus_ there gradually grew up a _Discantus_ or _Cantus
  figuratus_, and instead of singing in unison, singing in harmony
  was introduced. Rules of harmony, concord, and intervals were
  now elaborated by the monk Hucbald of Rheims about A.D. 900,
  while the German monk Reginus about A.D. 920 and the abbot Opo
  of Clugny did much for the theory and practice of music. In place
  of the intricate Gregorian notation the Tuscan Benedictine Guido
  of Arezzo, A.D. 1000-1050, introduced the notation that is still
  used, which made it possible to write the harmony along with
  the melody, counterpoint, _i.e._ _punctum contra punctum_. The
  discoverer of the measure of the notes was Franco of Cologne
  about A.D. 1200. The organ was commonly used in churches. The
  Germans were the greatest masters in its construction and in
  the playing of it.--Continuation, § 115, 8.

  § 104.12. =Ecclesiastical Architecture.=--Church building, which
  the barbarism of the 10th century, and the widespread expectation
  of the coming end of the world had restrained, flourished during
  the 11th century in an extraordinary manner. The endeavour to
  infuse the German spirit into the ancient style of architecture
  gave rise to the =Romance Style of Architecture=, which prevailed
  during the 12th century. It was based upon the structure of
  the old basilicas, the most important innovation being the
  introduction of the vaulted in place of the flat wooden roof,
  which made the interior lighter and heightened the perspective
  effect. The symbolical and fanciful ornamentation was also richly
  developed by figures from the plants and animals of Germany, from
  native legends. Towers were also added as fingers pointing upward,
  sometimes over the entrance to the middle aisle or at both sides
  of the entrance, sometimes over the point where the nave and
  transepts intersected one another, or on both sides of the choir.
  The finest specimens of this style were the cathedrals of Spires,
  Mainz, and Worms. But alongside of this appeared the beginnings
  of the so-called =Gothic Architecture=, which reached its height
  in the 13th and 14th centuries. Here the German ideas shook
  themselves free from the bondage of the old basilica style.
  Retaining the early ground plan, its pointed arch admitted
  of development in breadth and height to any extent. The pointed
  arch was first learnt from the Saracens, but its application to
  the Gothic architecture was quite original, because it was not as
  with the Saracens decorative, but constructive. The blank walls
  were changed into supporting pillars, and became a magnificent
  framework for the display of ingenious window architecture. A
  rich stone structure rose upon the cruciform ground plan, and
  the powerful arches towered up into airy heights. Tall tapering
  pillars symbolized the heavenward strivings of the soul. The
  rose window over the portal as the symbol of silence teaches that
  nothing worldly has a voice there. The gigantic peaked windows
  send through their beautifully painted glass a richly coloured
  light full on the vast area. Everything in the structure points
  upward, and this symbolism is finally expressed in the lofty
  towers, which lose themselves in giddy heights. The victory over
  the kingdom of darkness is depicted in the repulsive reptiles,
  demonic forms, and dragon shapes which are made to bear up the
  pillars and posts, and to serve as water carriers. The wit of
  artists has made even bishops and popes perform these menial
  offices, just as Dante condemned many popes to the infernal
  regions.[314]

  § 104.13. The most famous architects were Benedictines. The
  master builder along with the scholars trained by him formed
  independent corporations, free from any other jurisdiction.
  They therefore called themselves “=Free Masons=,” and erected
  “=Lodges=,” where they met for consultation and discussion. From
  the 13th century these lodges fell more and more into the hands
  of the laity, and became training schools of architecture. To
  them we are largely indebted for the development of the Gothic
  style. Their most celebrated works are the Cologne cathedral
  and the Strassburg minster. The foundation of the former was
  laid under Archbishop Conrad of Hochsteden in A.D. 1248; the
  choir was completed and consecrated in A.D. 1322 (§ 174, 9).
  Erwin of Steinbach began the building of the Strassburg minster
  in A.D. 1275.

  § 104.14. =Statuary and Painting.=--Under the Hohenstaufens
  =statuary=, which had been disallowed by the ancient church,
  rose into favour. Its first great master in Italy was Nicola
  Pisano, who died in A.D. 1274. Earlier indeed a statuary school
  had been formed in Saxony, of which no names but great works
  have come down to us. The goldsmith’s craft and metallurgy were
  brought into the service of the church by the German artists,
  and show not only wonderful technical skill, but also high
  attainment in ideal art. In =Painting= the Byzantines taught
  the Italians, and these again the Germans. At the beginning
  of the 13th century there was a school of painting at Pisa and
  Siena, claiming St. Luke as its patron, and seeking to impart
  more life and warmth to the stiff figures of the Byzantines.
  Their greatest masters were Guido of Siena and Giunta of Pisa,
  and the Florentine Cimabue, † A.D. 1300. Mosaic painting mostly
  on a golden ground was in favour in Italy. Painting on glass
  is first met with in the beginning of the 11th century in the
  monastery of Tegernsee in Bavaria, and soon spread over Germany
  and all over Europe.[315]--Continuation, § 115, 13.

          § 105. NATIONAL CUSTOMS AND THE NATIONAL LITERATURE.

  It was an age full of the most wonderful contradictions and
anomalies in the life of the people, but every phenomenon bore
the character of unquestionable power, and the church applied the
artificer’s chisel to the unhewn marble block. In club law the most
brutal violence prevailed, but bowed itself willingly or unwillingly
before the might of an idea. The basest sensuality existed alongside
of the most simple self-denial and renunciation of the world, the most
wonderful displays of self-forgetting love. The most sacred solemnities
were parodied, and then men turned in awful earnest to manifest the
profoundest anxiety for their soul’s salvation. Alongside of unmeasured
superstition we meet with the boldest freethinking, and out of the
midst of widespread ignorance and want of culture there radiated forth
great thoughts, profound conceptions, and suggestive anticipations.

  § 105.1. =Knighthood and the Peace of God.=--Notwithstanding
  its rude violence there was a deep religious undertone in
  knighthood, which came out in Spain in the war with the Saracens,
  and throughout Europe in the crusades. What princes could not do
  to check savagery was to some extent accomplished by the church
  by means of the injunction of the Peace of God. In A.D. 1034
  the severity of famine in France led to acts of cannibalism
  and murder, which the bishops and synods severely punished. In
  A.D. 1041 the bishops of Southern France enjoined the Peace of
  God, according to which under threat of anathema all feuds were
  to be suspended from Wednesday evening to Monday morning, as the
  days of the ascension, death, burial, and resurrection of Christ.
  At a later council at Narbonne in A.D. 1054, Advent to Epiphany,
  Lent to eight days after Easter, from the Sunday before Ascension
  to the end of the week of Pentecost, as well as the ember days
  and the festivals of Mary and the Apostles, were added. Even on
  other days, churches, cloisters, hospitals, and churchyards, as
  well as priests, monks, pilgrims, merchants, and agriculturists,
  in short, all unarmed men, and, by the Council of Clermont,
  A.D. 1095, even all crusaders, were included in the peace of
  God. Its healthful influence was felt even outside of France,
  and at the 3rd Lateran Council in A.D. 1179 Alexander III. raised
  it to the rank of a universally applicable law of the church.

  § 105.2. =Popular Customs.=--Superstition resting on old
  paganism introduced a Christian mythology. In almost all
  the popular legends the devil bore a leading part, and he
  was generally represented as a dupe who was cheated out of
  his bargain in the end. The most sacred things were made the
  subjects of blasphemous parodies. On =Fool’s Festival= on New
  Year’s day in France, mock popes, bishops, and abbots were
  introduced and all the holy actions mimicked in a blasphemous
  manner. Of a similar nature was the _Festum innocentum_ (§ 57, 1)
  enacted by schoolboys at Christmas. Also at Christmas time the
  so-called =Feast of Asses= was celebrated. At Rouen dramatic
  representation of the prophecies of Christ’s birth were given;
  at Beauvais, the flight into Egypt. This relic of pagan license
  was opposed by the bishops, but encouraged by the lower clergy.
  After bishops and councils succeeded in banishing these fooleries
  from consecrated places they soon ceased to be celebrated. Under
  the name of =Calends=, because their gatherings were on the
  Calends of each month, brotherhoods composed of clerical and
  lay members sprang up in the beginning of the 13th century
  throughout Germany and France, devoting themselves to prayer
  and saying masses for living and deceased members and relatives.
  This pious purpose was indeed soon forgotten, and the meetings
  degenerated into riotous carousings.

  § 105.3. =Two Royal Saints.=--=St. Elizabeth=, daughter of
  Andrew II. of Hungary, married in her 14th year to St. Louis IV.,
  Landgrave of Thuringia, was made a widow in her 20th year
  by the death of her husband in the crusade of Frederick II.
  in A.D. 1227, and thereafter suffered many privations at the
  hand of her brother-in-law. Her father confessor inspired her
  with a fanatical spirit of self denial. She assumed in Marburg
  the garb of the Franciscan nuns, took the three vows, and retired
  into a house of mercy, where she submitted to be scourged by
  her confessor. There she died in her 24th year in A.D. 1231.
  Her remains are credited with the performance of many miracles.
  She was canonized by Gregory IX., in A.D. 1235, and in the
  14th century the order of Elizabethan nuns was instituted for
  ministering to the poor and sick.[316]--=St. Hedwig=, aunt of
  Elizabeth, married Henry duke of Silesia, in her 12th year.
  After discharging her duties of wife, mother, and princess
  faithfully, she took along with her husband the vow of chastity,
  and out of the sale of her bridal ornaments built a nunnery at
  Trebnitz, where she died in A.D. 1243 in her 69th year. Canonized
  in A.D. 1268, her remains were deposited in the convent church,
  which became on that account a favourite resort of pilgrims.

  § 105.4. =Evidences of Sainthood.=

    1. =Stigmatization.= Soon after St. Francis’ death in A.D. 1226,
       the legend spread that two years before, during a forty days’
       fast in the Apennines, a six-winged seraph imprinted on his
       body the nail prints of the wounded Saviour. The saint’s
       humility, it was said, prevented him speaking of the miracle
       except to those in closest terms of intimacy. The papal bull
       canonizing the saint, however, issued in A.D. 1228, knows
       nothing of this wonderful occurrence. What was then told of
       the great saint was subsequently ascribed to about 100 other
       ascetics, male and female. Some sceptical critics attributed
       the phenomenon to an impressionable temperament, others
       again accounted for all such stories by assuming that they
       were purely fabulous, or that the marks had been deceitfully
       made with human hands. Undoubtedly St. Francis had made
       those wounds upon his own body. That pain should have been
       felt on certain occasions in the wounds may be accounted for,
       especially in the case of females, who constituted the great
       majority of stigmatized individuals, on pathological grounds.

    2. =Bilocation.= The Catholic Church Lexicon, published in
       A.D. 1882 (II. 840), maintains that it is a fact universally
       believed that saints often appeared at the same time at
       places widely removed from one another. Examples are given
       from the lives of Anthony of Padua, Francis Xavier, Liguori,
       etc. This is explained by the supposition that either God
       gives this power to the saint or sends angels to assume his
       form in different places.

  § 105.5. =Religious Culture of the People.=--Unsuccessful
  attempts were made by the Hohenstaufens to institute a public
  school system and compulsory education. Waldensians and such
  like (§ 108) obtained favour by spreading instruction through
  vernacular preaching, reading, and singing. The Dominicans took
  a hint from this. The Council of Toulouse, A.D. 1229 (§ 109, 2),
  forbade laymen to read the Scriptures, even the Psalter and
  Breviary, in the vulgar tongue. Summaries of the Scripture
  history were allowed. Of this sort was the =Rhyming Bible=
  in Dutch by Jacob of Maërlant, † A.D. 1291, which gives in
  rhyme the O.T. history, the Life of Jesus, and the history of
  the Jews to the destruction of Jerusalem. In the 13th century
  =Rhyming Legends= gave in the vernacular the substance of the
  Latin Martyrologies. The oldest German example in 3 bks. by
  an unknown author contains 100,000 rhyming lines, on Christ
  and Mary, the Apostles and the saints in the order of the
  church year. Still more effectively was information spread
  among the people during the 11th and subsequent centuries
  by the performance of =Sacred Plays=. From simple responsive
  songs they were developed into regular dramas adapted to
  the different festivals. Besides historical plays which were
  called =Mysteries==_ministeria_ as representations of the
  _Ministri eccl._, there were allegorical and moral plays called
  =Moralities=, in which moral truths were personified under the
  names of the virtues and vices. The numerous pictures, mosaics,
  and reliefs upon the walls helped greatly to spread instruction
  among the people.[317]

  § 105.6. =The National Literature= (§ 89, 3).--_Walter v. d.
  Vogelweide_, † A.D. 1230, sang the praises of the Lord, the
  Virgin, and the church, and lashed the clerical vices and
  hierarchical pretensions of his age. The 12th century editor
  of the pagan _Nibelungenlied_ gave it a slightly Christian
  gloss. _Wolfram of Eschenbach_, however, a Christian poet
  in the highest sense, gave to the pagan legend of Parcival
  a thoroughly Christian character in the story of the Holy
  Grail and the Knights of the Round Table of King Arthur. His
  antipodes as a purely secular poet was _Godfrey of Strassburg_,
  whose Tristan and Isolt sets forth a thoroughly sensual picture
  of carnal love; yet as the sequel of this we have a strongly
  etherealized rhapsody on Divine love conceived quite in the
  spirit of St. Francis.--The sprightly songs of the _Troubadours_
  of Southern France were often the vehicle of heretical sentiments
  and gave expression to bitter hatred of the Romish Babylon.[318]

         § 106. CHURCH DISCIPLINE, INDULGENCES, AND ASCETICISM.

  The ban, directed against notorious individual sinners and foes
of the church, and the interdict, directed against a whole country,
were formidable weapons which rarely failed in accomplishing their
purpose. Their foolishly frequent use for political ends by the popes
of the 13th century was the first thing that weakened their influence.
The penitential discipline of the church, too (§ 104, 4), began to
lose its power, when outward works, such as alms, pilgrimages, and
especially money fines in the form of indulgences were prescribed as
substitutes for it. Various protests against prevailing laxity and
formality were made by the Benedictines and by new orders instituted
during the 11th century. Strict asceticism with self-laceration and
mortification was imposed in many cloisters, and many hermits won
high repute for holiness. The example and preaching of earnest monks
and recluses did much to produce a revival of religion and awaken
a penitential enthusiasm. Not satisfied with mortifying the body by
prolonging fasts and watchings, they wounded themselves with severe
scourgings and the wearing of sackcloth next the skin, and sometimes
also brazen coats of mail, heavy iron chains, girdles with pricks, etc.

  § 106.1. =Ban and Interdict.=--From the 9th century a
  distinction was made between _Excommunicatio major_ and
  _minor_. The latter, inflicted upon less serious offences
  against the canon law, merely excluded from participation in
  the sacrament. The former, called =Anathema=, directed against
  hardened sinners with solemn denunciation and the church’s
  curse, involved exclusion from all ecclesiastical communion
  and even refusal of Christian burial. Zealots who slew such
  excommunicated persons were declared by Urban II. not to be
  murderers. Innocent III., at the 4th Lateran Council A.D. 1215,
  had all civil rights withdrawn from excommunicates and their
  goods confiscated. Rulers under the ban were deposed and
  their subjects released from their oath of allegiance. Bishops
  exercised the right of putting under ban within their dioceses,
  and the popes over the whole church.--The =Interdict= was first
  recognised as a church institution at the Synod of Limoges in
  A.D. 1031. While it was in force against any country all bells
  were silenced, liturgical services were held only with closed
  doors, penance and the eucharist administered only to the dying,
  none but priests, mendicant friars, strangers, and children
  under two years of age received Christian burial, and no one
  could be married. Rarely could the people endure this long. It
  was therefore a terrible weapon in the hands of the popes, who
  not infrequently exercised it effectually in their struggles
  with the princes of the 12th and 13th centuries.

  § 106.2. =Indulgences.=--The old German principle of
  composition (§ 89, 5), and the Gregorian doctrine of purgatory
  (§ 61, 4), formed the bases on which was reared the ordinance
  of indulgences. The theory of the monks of St. Victor of the
  12th century regarding penitential satisfaction (§ 104, 4),
  gave an impetus to the development of this institution of
  the church. It copestone was laid in the 13th century by the
  formulating of the doctrine of the superabundant merit of
  Christ and the saints (_Thesaurus supererogationis Christi
  et perfectorum_) by Alexander of Hales, Albert the Great, and
  Aquinas. The members of the body of Christ could suffer and
  serve one for another, and thus Aquinas thought the merits of
  one might lessen the purgatorial pains of another. Innocent III.,
  in A.D. 1215, allowed to bishops the right of limiting the pains
  of purgatory to forty days, but claimed for the pope exclusively
  the right of giving full indulgence (_Indulgentia plenaria_).
  Clement VI. declared that the pope as entrusted with the keys
  was alone the dispenser of the _Thesaurus supererogationis_.
  Strictly indulgence was allowed only to the truly penitent,
  as an aid to imperfect not a substitute for non-existent
  satisfaction. This was generally ignored by preachers of
  indulgences. This was specially the case in the times of the
  crusaders. Popes also frequently gave indulgences to those who
  simply visited certain shrines.

  § 106.3. =The Church Doctrine of the Hereafter.=--All who
  had perfectly observed every requirement of the penances
  and sacraments of the church to the close of their lives
  had the gates of =Heaven= opened to them. All others passed
  into the =Lower World= to suffer either positively=_sensus_,
  inexpressible pains of fire, or negatively=_damnum_, loss of
  the vision of God. There are four degrees corresponding to
  four places of punishment. =Hell=, situated in the midst
  of the earth, _abyssus_ (Rev. xx. 1), is place and state of
  eternal punishment for all infidels, apostates, excommunicates,
  and all who died in mortal sin. The next circle is the purifying
  fire of =Purgatory=, or a place of temporary punishment positive
  or negative for all believing Christians who did not in life
  fully satisfy the three requirements of the sacrament of penance
  (§ 104, 4). The =Limbus infantum= is a side chamber of purgatory,
  where all unbaptized infants are kept for ever, only deprived
  of blessedness in consequence of original sin. Then above this
  is the =Limbus Patrum=, “Abraham’s bosom,” where the saints of
  the Old Covenant await the second coming of Christ.

  § 106.4. =Flagellation.=--From the 8th century discipline was
  often exercised by means of scourging, administered by the
  confessor who prescribed it. In the 11th century voluntary
  =Self-Flagellation= was frequently practised not only as
  punishment for one’s own sin, but, after the pattern of Christ
  and the martyrs, as atonement for sins of others. It originated
  in Italy, had its great patron in Damiani (§ 97, 4), and was
  earnestly commended by Bernard, Norbert, Francis, Dominic,
  etc. It is reported of St. Dominic that he scourged himself
  thrice every night, first for himself, and then for his living
  companions, and then for the departed in purgatory. The zealous
  Franciscan preachers were mainly instrumental in exerting an
  enthusiasm for self-mortification among the people (§ 98, 4).
  About A.D. 1225, Anthony of Padua attracted crowds who went
  about publicly lashing themselves while singing psalms. Followers
  of Joachim of Floris (§ 108, 5) as =Flagellants= rushed through
  all Northern Italy in great numbers during A.D. 1260, preaching
  the immediate approach of the end of the world.[319]

                         § 107. FEMALE MYSTICS.

  Practical mysticism which concerned itself only with the
salvation of the soul, had many representatives among the women of
the 12th and 13th centuries. Among them it was specially characterized
by the prevalence of ecstatic visions, often deteriorating into
manifestations of nervous affections which superstitious people
regarded as exhibitions of miraculous power. Examples are found
in all countries, but especially in the Netherlands, and the Rhine
provinces, in France, Alsace and Switzerland, in Saxony and Thuringia.
Those whose visions pointed to the inauguration of reforms are of
particular interest to us, as they often had a considerable influence
on the subsequent history of the church.

  § 107.1. =Two Rhenish Prophetesses of the 12th
  Century.=--=St. Hildegard= was founder and abbess of a
  cloister near Bingen on the Rhine, where she died in A.D. 1178
  in her 74th year. Grieving over clerical and papal corruptions,
  she had apocalyptic visions of the antichrist, and travelled
  far and engaged in an extensive correspondence in appealing for
  radical reforms. St. Bernard and pope Eugenius III. who visited
  Treves in A.D. 1147 acknowledged her prophetic vocation, and
  the people ascribed to her wonderful healing power.--Hildegard’s
  younger contemporary was the like-minded =St. Elizabeth
  of Schönau=, abbess of the neighbouring convent of Schönau,
  who died in A.D. 1165. Her prophecies were mostly of the
  apocalyptic-visionary order, and in them with still greater
  severity she lashed the corruptions of the clergy. She also
  gave currency to the legend of St. Ursula (§ 104, 9).

  § 107.2. =Three Thuringian Prophetesses of the
  13th Century.=--=Mechthild of Magdeburg=, after thirty years
  of Beguine life, wrote in a beautiful rhythmical style in German
  her “Light of Deity,” setting forth the sweetness of God’s love,
  the blessedness of glorified saints, the pains of purgatory and
  hell, and denouncing with great moral earnestness the corruptions
  of the clergy and the church, and depicting with a poet’s or
  prophet’s power the coming of the last day. Influenced by the
  apocalyptic views of Joachim of Floris (§ 108, 5), she also gives
  expression to a genuinely German patriotism. With her it is a new
  preaching order that leads to victory against antichrist, and the
  founder of this order, who meets a martyr’s death in the conflict,
  is a son of the Roman king. In contrast with Joachim, she thus
  makes the German empire not a foe but the ally of the church.
  Mechthild’s prophecies largely influenced Dante, and even
  her name appears in that of his guide Matilda.--=Mechthild of
  Hackeborn=, who died in A.D. 1310, in her _Speculum spiritualis
  gratiæ_ published her visions of a reformatory and eschatological
  prophetic order, more subjective and personal than those of the
  former.--=Gertrude the Great=, who died in A.D. 1311, is more
  decidedly a reformer than either of the Mechthilds or any other
  woman of the Middle Ages. A diligent inquirer into the depths
  of Scripture, she renounced the veneration usually shown to Mary,
  the saints, and relics, repudiated all the ideas of her age
  regarding merits, ceremonial exercises, and indulgences, and
  in the exercise of simple faith trusted only to the grace of
  God in Christ. She seems to belong to the 16th rather than to
  the 13th century. Her visions, too, are more of a spiritual kind.

          V. Heretical Opposition to Ecclesiastical Authority.

               § 108. THE PROTESTERS AGAINST THE CHURCH.

  Mediæval endeavours after reform, partly proceeded from within the
church itself in attempts to restore apostolic purity and simplicity,
partly from without on the part of those who despaired of any good
coming out of the church, and who therefore warred bitterly against
it. Such attempts were often lost amid the vagaries of fanaticism and
heresy, which soon threatened the foundation of the social fabric, and
often came into collision with the State. Most widely spread and most
radical were the numerous dualistic sects of the Cathari. Montanist
fanaticism was revived in apocalyptic prophesyings. There were
also pantheistic sects, and among the Pasagians a sort of Ebionism
reappeared. Another group of sects originated through reformatory
endeavours of individual men, who perceiving the utter corruption
of the church of their day, sought salvation in a revolutionary
overthrow of all ecclesiastical institutions and repudiated often
the truth with the error which was the object of their hate. The only
protesting church of a thoroughly sensible evangelical sort was that
of the Waldensians.

  § 108.1. =The Cathari.=--Opposition to hierarchical pretensions
  led to the spread of sects, especially in Northern Italy and
  France, from the 11th century. Hidden remnants of Old Manichæan
  sects got new courage and ventured into the light during the
  period of the crusades. In France they were called Tisserands,
  because mostly composed of weavers. In Italy they were called
  Patareni or Paterini, either from the original meaning of
  the word, rabble, riff-raff (§ 97, 5), or because they so
  far adopted the attitude of the Pasaria of Milan, as to offer
  lay opposition to the local clergy, or because of the frequent
  use of the Paternoster. Of later origin are the names Publicani
  and Bulgări, given as opprobrious designations to the Paulicians.
  The most widely current name of Cathari, from early times a
  favourite title assumed by rigorist sects (§ 41, 3), had its
  origin in the East. In France they were called Albigensians,
  from the province of Albigeois, which was their chief seat in
  Southern France.--Of the =Writings of the Cathari= we possess
  from the end of the 13th century a Provençal translation of the
  N.T., free from all falsification in favour of their sectarian
  views. Their tenets are to be learnt only from the polemical
  writings of their opponents, Alanus ab Insulis (§ 102, 5), the
  Dominican Joh. Moneta, about A.D. 1240, and Rainerius, Sacchoni,
  Dominican and inquisitor, about A.D. 1250.

  § 108.2. Besides their opposition to the hierarchy, all these
  sects had in common a dualistic basis to their theological
  systems. They held in a more or less extreme form the following
  doctrines: The good God who is proclaimed in the N.T. created
  in the beginning the heavenly and invisible world, and peopled
  it with souls clothed in ethereal bodies. The earthly world, on
  the other hand, is the work of an evil spirit, who is held up
  as object of worship in the O.T. Entering the heavenly world
  he succeeded in seducing some of its inhabitants, whom he, when
  defeated by the archangel Michael, took with him to earth, and
  there imprisoned in earthly bodies, so as to make return to their
  heavenly home impossible. Yet they are capable of redemption,
  and may, on repentance and submission to purificatory ordinances,
  be again freed from their earthly bonds and brought home again
  to heaven. For this redemption the good God sent “the heavenly
  man” Jesus (1 Cor. xv. 47) to earth in the appearance of man to
  teach men their heavenly origin and the means of restoration.
  The Cathari rejected the O.T., but accepted the N.T., which they
  read in the vernacular. Marriage they regarded as a hindrance to
  Christian perfection. They treated with contempt water baptism,
  the Supper, and ordination, as well as all veneration of saints
  and relics, and tolerated no images, crosses, or altars. Prayer,
  abstinence, and baptism of the Spirit were regarded as the only
  means of salvation. Preaching was next to prayer most prominent
  in their public services. They also laid great stress upon
  fasting, genuflection, and repetitions of stated formulæ,
  especially the Lord’s Prayer. Their members were divided into
  _Cregentz_ (_credentes_ or catechumens) and _Bos homes_ or
  _Bos crestias_ (_boni homines, boni Christiani_=_perfecti_ or
  _electi_). A lower order of the catechumens were the _Auditores_.
  These were received as _Credentes_ after a longer period of
  training amid various ceremonies and repetition of the Lord’s
  prayer, etc. The order of the _Perfecti_ was entered by spiritual
  baptism, the _Consolamentum_ or communication of the Holy Spirit
  as the promised Comforter, without which no one can enjoy eternal
  life. Even opponents such as St. Bernard admit that there was
  great moral earnestness shown by some of them, and many met a
  martyr’s death with true Christian heroism. Symptoms of decay
  appeared in the spread among them of antinomian practices. This
  moral deterioration showed itself as a radical part of this
  system in the so-called =Luciferians= or devil worshippers,
  whose dualism, like that of the Euchites and Bogomils (§ 71),
  led to the adoption of two Sons of God. Lucifer the elder,
  wrongly driven from heaven, is the creator and lord of this
  earthly world, and hence alone worshipped in it. His expulsion
  (Isa. xiv. 12) is carried out by the younger son, Michael, who
  will, however, on this account, whenever Lucifer regains heaven,
  be sent with all his company into eternal punishment. Of an
  incarnation of God, even of a docetic kind, they know nothing.
  They regarded Jesus as a false prophet who was crucified on
  account of the evil he had done.--Catharist sects suspected
  of Manichæan tendencies were discovered here and there during
  the 11th century. In the following century their number had
  increased enormously, and they spread over Lombardy and Southern
  France, but were also found in Southern Italy, in Germany,
  Belgium, Spain, and even in England. They had a pope residing
  in Bulgaria, twelve magistri and seventy-two bishops, each with
  a _Filius major_ and _minor_ at his side. In A.D. 1167 they
  were able to muster an œcumenical Catharist Council at Toulouse.
  Neither clemency nor severity could put them down. St. Bernard
  prevailed most by the power of his love, and subsequently learned
  Dominicans had more effect with their preaching and disputations.
  They found abundant opportunity of displaying their hatred of
  the papacy during the struggles of the Guelphs and Ghibellines.
  In spite of terrible persecution, which reached its height in
  the beginning of the 13th century in the Albigensian crusade
  (§ 109, 1), remnants of them were found down into the 14th century.

  § 108.3. The small sect of the =Pasagians= in Lombardy during
  the 12th century, protesting against the Manichæan depreciation
  of the O.T. of the Catharists, adopted views of a somewhat
  Ebionite character. With the exception of sacrifice, they
  enforced all the old ceremonial observances, even circumcision,
  and held an Arian or Ebionite theory of the Person of Christ.
  Their name meaning “passage,” seems to refer to pilgrimages to
  the Holy Land, and possibly from this a clue to their origin may
  be obtained.

  § 108.4. =Pantheistic Heretics.=

    1. =Amalrich of Bena= taught first philosophy, then theology,
       at Paris in the end of the 12th century. In A.D. 1204
       Innocent III. called him to account for his proposition,
       Christian in sound, but probably pantheistically intended,
       that no one could be saved who is not a member in Christ’s
       body, and obliged him to retract. His death occurred soon
       after, and some years later we find traces of a pantheistic
       sect founded on the alleged doctrines of Amalrich vigorously
       propagated by his disciple William the goldsmith. God had
       previously appeared as Father incarnate in Abraham, and
       as Son in Christ, and now henceforth as the Holy Spirit
       in every believer, who therefore in the same sense as Christ
       is God. As such, too, he is without sin, and what to others
       would be sin is not so to him. In the age of the Son the
       Mosaic law lost its validity, and in that of the Spirit,
       the sacraments and services of the new covenant. God has
       always been all in all. We find him in Ovid as well as in
       Augustine, and the body of Christ is in common bread as well
       as in the consecrated wafer on the altar. Saint worship is
       idolatry. There is no resurrection; heaven and hell exist
       only in the imagination of men. Rome is Babylon, and the
       pope is antichrist; but to the king of France, after the
       overthrow of antichrist, shall the kingdoms of the earth
       be subject, etc. A synod at Paris in A.D. 1209 condemned
       William and nine priests to be burnt, and four other priests
       to imprisonment for life, and ordered that Amalrich’s
       bones should be exhumed and scattered over an open field.
       Regarding the physical works of Aristotle as the source of
       this heresy, the council also prohibited all lectures upon
       these (§ 103, 1). This was seen to be a mistake, and so
       in A.D. 1225 Honorius III. fixed on the true culprit and
       condemned the _De divisione naturæ_ of Erigena (§ 90, 6).
       The penalties inflicted did not by any means lead to the
       rooting out of the sect. During the whole 13th century it
       continued to spread from Paris over all eastern France as
       far as Alsace, Switzerland, and the Netherlands, and in
       the 14th century reached its highest development in the
       pantheistic-libertine doctrines of the Brothers and Sisters
       of the Free Spirit (§ 116, 5). We never again meet with the
       name of Amalrich, and the sects were never called after him.

    2. =David of Dinant= at the same time with Amalrich taught
       philosophy and theology in the University of Paris. He
       also lived for a long while at the papal court in Rome,
       high in favour with Innocent III. as a subtle dialectician.
       The Synod of Paris of A.D. 1209, which passed judgment on
       the Amalricians, pronounced David a heretic and ordered his
       works to be burnt. He avoided personal punishment by flight.
       The central point of his system was the assumption of a
       single eternal substance without distinctions, from which
       God, spirit (νοῦς), and matter (ὕλη) sprang as the three
       principles of all later forms of existences (_corpora_,
       _animæ_, and _substantiæ æternæ_). God is regarded as the
       _primum efficiens_, matter as the _primum suscipiens_, and
       spirit as the medium between the two. David’s scholars never
       formed a sect and never had any connection apparently with
       the followers of Amalrich.

    3. =The Ortlibarians= were a sect condemned by Innocent III.,
       followers of a certain Ortlieb of Strassburg about A.D. 1212.
       They held the world to be without beginning. They looked
       upon Jesus as the son of Joseph and Mary, sinless like all
       other children, but raised to be son of God only through
       illumination from the doctrines of their sect, which had
       existed from the earliest times. They admitted the gospel
       story of Christ’s life, sufferings, and resurrection, not,
       however, in a literal but only in a moral and mystical
       acceptation. The consecrated host was but common bread,
       and in it was the body of the Lord. A Jew entering their
       sect needed not to be baptized, and fellowship with them
       was sufficient to secure salvation. There is no resurrection
       of the flesh; man’s spirit alone is immortal. After the
       last judgment, which will come when pope and emperor are
       converted to their views and all opposition is overcome,
       the world will last for ever, and men will be born and die
       just as now. They professed a strictly ascetic life, and
       many of them fasted every second day.

  § 108.5. =Apocalyptic Heretics.=--The Cistercian abbot =Joachim
  of Floris=, who died in A.D. 1202, with his notions of the so
  called “_Everlasting Gospel_,” as a reformer and as one inclined
  to apocalyptic prophecy, followed in the footsteps of Hildegard
  of Bingen and Elizabeth of Schönau (§ 107, 1). His prophetic
  views spread among the Franciscans and were long unchallenged.
  In A.D. 1254 the University of Paris, warning against the begging
  monks (§ 103, 3), got Alexander IV. to condemn these views as set
  forth in commentaries on Isaiah and Jeremiah ascribed to Joachim,
  but now found to be spurious. Preger doubts but, Reuter maintains
  the genuineness of the three tracts grouped under the title of
  the _Evangelium æternum_. The main points in his theory seem
  to have been these: There are three ages, that of the Father
  in the O.T., of the Son in the N.T., and of the Holy Spirit in
  the approaching fulness of the kingdom of God on earth. Of the
  apostles, Peter is representative of the first age, Paul of the
  second, and John of the third. They may also be characterized as
  the age of the laity, the clergy, and the monks, and compared in
  respect of light with the stars, the moon, and the sun. The first
  six periods of the N.T. age are divided (after the pattern of
  the forty-two generations of Matt. i. and the forty-two months
  or 1260 days of Rev. xi. 2, 3) into forty-two shorter periods of
  thirty years each, so that the sixth period closes with A.D. 1260,
  and then shall dawn the Sabbath period of the New Covenant as the
  age of the Holy Spirit. This will be preceded by a short reign
  of antichrist as a punishment for the corruptions of the church
  and clergy. By the labours of the monks, however, the church is
  at last purified and brought forth triumphant, and the life of
  holy contemplation becomes universal. The germs of antichrist
  were evidently supposed to lie in the Hohenstaufen empire of
  Frederick I. and Henry VI. The commentaries on Isaiah and
  Jeremiah went so far as to point to the person of Frederick II.
  as that of the antichrist.

  § 108.6. =Ghibelline Joachites= in Italy, mostly recruited
  from the Franciscans, sided with the emperor against the pope
  and adopted apocalyptic views to suit their politics, and
  regarded the papacy as the precursor of antichrist. One of
  their chiefs, Oliva, who died in A.D. 1297, wrote a _Postilla
  super Apoc._, in which he denounced the Roman church of his
  day as the Great Whore of Babylon, and his scholar Ubertino of
  Casale saw in the beast that rose out of the sea (Rev. xiii.)
  a prophetic picture of the papacy.--In Germany these views
  spread among the Dominicans during the 13th century, especially
  in Swabia. The movement was headed by one Arnold. who wrote an
  _Epistola de correctione ecclesiæ_ about A.D. 1246. He finds in
  Innocent IV. the antichrist and in Frederick II. the executioner
  of the Divine judgment and the inauguration of the reformation.
  Frederick’s death, which followed soon after in A.D. 1250, and
  the catastrophe of A.D. 1268 (§ 96, 20), must have put an end
  to the whole movement.

  § 108.7. =Revolutionary Reformers.=

    1. The =Petrobrusians=, whose founder, =Peter of Bruys=,
       was a pupil of Abælard and a priest in the south of France,
       repudiated the outward or visible church and sought the
       true or invisible church in the hearts of believers. He
       insisted on the destruction of churches and sanctuaries
       because God could be worshipped in a stable or tavern, burnt
       crucifixes in the cooking stove, eagerly opposed celibacy,
       mass, and infant baptism, and after a twenty years’ career
       perished at the stake about A.D. 1126 at the hands of a
       raging mob. One of Peter’s companions, =Henry of Lausanne=,
       whose fiery eloquence had been influential in inciting to
       reform, succeeded to the leadership of the Petrobrusians,
       who from him were called =Henricians=. St. Bernard succeeded
       in winning many of them back. Henry was condemned to
       imprisonment for life, and died in A.D. 1149.

    2. =Arnold of Brescia=, who died in A.D. 1155, a preacher
       of great moral and religious earnestness, addressed himself
       to attack the worldliness of the church and the papacy.
       Except in maintaining that sacraments dispensed by unworthy
       priests have no efficacy, he does not seem to have deviated
       from the church doctrine. Officiating as reader in his
       native town, his bishop complained of him as a heretic
       to the second Lateran Council of A.D. 1139. His views
       were condemned, and he himself was banished and enjoined
       to observe perpetual silence. He now went to his teacher
       Abælard in France. Here St. Bernard accused him at the synod
       convened against Abælard at Sens in A.D. 1141 (§ 102, 2) as
       “the armour-bearer” of this “Goliath-heretic,” and obtained
       the condemnation of both. He was then excommunicated
       by Innocent II. and imprisoned in a cloister. Arnold,
       however, escaped to Switzerland, where he lived and taught
       undisturbed in Zürich for some years, till Bishop Hermann
       of Constance, at the instigation of the Saint of Clairvaux,
       threatened him with imprisonment or exile. He was now taken
       under the protection of Guido de Castella, Abælard’s friend
       and patron, and accompanied him to Bohemia and Moravia.
       On Guido’s elevation as Cœlestine II. to the papal chair
       in A.D. 1143, Arnold returned to his native land. From
       A.D. 1146 we find him in Rome at the head of the agitation
       for political and ecclesiastical freedom. For further
       details of his history, see § 96, 13, 14. A party of
       so-called Arnoldists occupied itself long after his death
       with the carrying out of his ecclesiastico-political ideal.

  § 108.8.

    3. The so called =Pastorelles= were roused to revolution by
       the miseries following the crusades. An impulse was given
       to the sect by the news of the imprisonment of St. Louis
       (§ 94, 6). A Cistercian =Magister Jacob= from Hungary
       appeared in A.D. 1251 with the announcement that he had
       seen the Mother of God, who gave him a letter calling upon
       the pastors to rescue the Holy Sepulchre. Those who have
       heard the Christmas message are called of God to undertake
       the great work which neither the corrupt hierarchy nor the
       proud, ambitious nobles were able to perform; but before
       them, the poor shepherds, the sea will open a way, so that
       they may hasten with dry feet to the release of king Louis.
       His fanatical harangues soon gathered immense crowds of
       common people around him, estimated at about 100,000 men.
       But instead of going to the Holy Land, they first gave
       vent to their wrath against the clergy, monks, and Jews
       at home by murdering, plundering, and ill treating them
       in all manner of ways. The queen-mother Blanca, favourable
       at first, now used all her power against them. Jacob was
       slain at Bourges, his troops scattered, and their leaders
       executed.

    4. In the =Apostolic Brothers= we have a blending of Arnoldist
       and Joachist tendencies. Their founder, =Gerhard Segarelli=,
       an artisan of Parma, was moved about A.D. 1260 by the sight
       of a picture of the apostles in their poverty to go about
       preaching repentance and calling on the church to return to
       apostolic simplicity. He did not question the doctrine of
       the church. Only when Honorius in A.D. 1286 and Nicholas IV.
       in A.D. 1290 took measures against them did they openly
       oppose the papacy and denounce the Roman church as the
       apocalyptic Babylon. Segarelli was seized in A.D. 1294
       and perished in the flames with many of his followers in
       A.D. 1300. =Fra Dolcino=, a younger priest, now took the
       leadership, and roused great enthusiasm by his preaching
       against the Roman antichrist. He bravely held his ground
       with 2,000 followers for two years in the recesses of the
       mountains, but was reduced at last in A.D. 1307 by hunger,
       and died like his predecessor at the stake. He distinguished
       four stages in the historical development of the kingdom
       of God on earth. The first two are those of the Father
       and the Son in the O.T. and the N.T. The third begins
       with Constantine’s establishment of the Christian empire,
       advanced by the Benedictine rule and the reforms of the
       Franciscans and Dominicans, but afterwards falling into
       decay. The fourth era of complete restoration of the
       apostolic life is inaugurated by Segarelli and Dolcino.
       A new chief sent of God will rule the church in peace, and
       the Holy Spirit will never leave the restored communion of
       His saints. Remnants of the sect were long in existence in
       France and Germany, where they united with the Fraticelli
       and Beghards. Even in A.D. 1374 we find a synod at Narbonne
       threatening them with the severest punishments.

  § 108.9. =Reforming Enthusiasts.=

    1. A certain =Tanchelm= about A.D. 1115 preached in the
       Netherlands against the corruptions of the church. He
       claimed like honour with Christ as being assisted by the
       same Spirit, is said to have betrothed himself to the
       Virgin Mary, and to have been killed at last in A.D. 1124
       by a priest.

    2. A Frenchman, =Eon de Stella= of Brittany, hearing in
       a church the words “_per =Eum= qui venturus est judicare
       vivos et mortuos_,” and understanding it of his own name,
       went through the country preaching, prophesying, and working
       miracles. He secured many followers, and when persecuted,
       fled to the woods. He denied the Divine institution of
       the hierarchy, denounced the Roman church as false because
       of the wicked lives of the priests, rejected the doctrine
       of a resurrection of the body, denied that marriage was
       a sacrament, and regarded the communication of the Spirit
       by imposition of hands the only true baptism. In A.D. 1148
       troops were sent against him, and he and many of his
       followers were taken prisoners. His adherents were burnt,
       but Eon was brought before a synod at Rheims, where he
       answered the question of the pope Eugenius III., “Who art
       thou?” by saying _Is qui venturus est_, etc. He was then
       pronounced deranged and delivered over to the custody of
       the archbishop.

  § 108.10. =The Waldensians.=

    1. =Their Origin.=--A citizen of Lyons, named Valdez
       (Valdesius, Waldus, the Christian name of Peter, given
       to him first 120 years later, is quite unsupported), who
       had become rich by the practice of usury, an occupation
       condemned by the church, was about A.D. 1173 deeply
       impressed by reading the legend of St. Alexius, and was
       in his spiritual anxiety directed by a theologian to the
       words of Christ to the rich young ruler in Matthew xix. 21.
       Making over to his wife only his landed property, and
       distributing all the rest of his possessions among the
       poor, and then, for further instruction in regard to the
       imitation of Christ required of him, having applied himself
       to the study of the gospels, the Psalter, and other biblical
       books, and a selection of classical passages translated for
       his use by two friendly priests out of the writings of the
       Fathers into the Romance dialect, he founded in A.D. 1177,
       in company with certain men and women, who were prepared
       like himself to abandon the world and all its goods,
       a society for preaching the gospel among the people. In
       accordance with the Lord’s command to the seventy disciples
       (Luke x. 1-4), they went forth two and two in apostolic
       costume, in woollen penitential garments, without staff
       or scrip, their feet protected with merely wooden sandals
       (_sabatas, sabots_), preaching repentance, and proclaiming
       the gospel message of salvation throughout the land, in
       order to bring back again among the people the Christian
       life in its purity and simplicity. The Archbishop of
       Lyons prohibited their preaching; but they referred to
       Acts v. 29, and appealed, praying for a confirmation of
       their association, to the Third Lateran Council of A.D. 1179,
       under Alexander III., which, however, scornfully dismissed
       their appeal. As they nevertheless still continued to preach,
       Pope Lucius III., at the Council of Verona, in A.D. 1184,
       laid them under the ban. They had hitherto no intention
       of offering any sort of opposition to the doctrine,
       worship, or constitution of the Catholic church. Even the
       Catholic authorities did not so much take offence at what
       they preached but rather only at this, that they without
       ecclesiastical call and authority had assumed the function
       of preaching. Innocent III., also, admitted the imprudence
       of his predecessor, and favoured the plan of a Waldensian
       who had left his brethren to transform the association of
       the _Pauperes de Lugduno_ into the monastic-like lay union
       of _Pauperes Catholici_, to which in A.D. 1208 he assigned
       the duties of preaching, expounding Scripture, and holding
       meetings for edification under episcopal supervision. But
       this concession came too late. Since the church had itself
       broken off the fetters which had previously bound them to
       the traditional faith of the Catholic church, the Leonists
       had gone too far upon the path of evangelical freedom to
       be satisfied with any such terms. Innocent now renewed the
       ban against them at the Fourth Lateran Council of A.D. 1215.
       Of the later life and work of the founder we know with
       certainty only this, that he made extensive journeys in
       the interests of his cause. Even during his lifetime (he
       died probably about A.D. 1217) the members (_socii_) of
       the society (_Societas Valdesiana_) founded by him had
       spread themselves in great numbers over the whole of the
       south of France, the east of Spain, the north of Italy,
       and the south of Germany, and had even crossed the Channel
       into England. They were named, in accordance with their
       fundamental principle, as well as from the starting
       point of their apostolic mission, _Pauperes de Lugduno_
       or _Leonistæ_=from Lyons, also from the covering of
       their feet, _Sabatati_; but they styled themselves among
       one another _fratres_ and _sorores_, and their adherents
       among the people _amici_ and _amicæ_; while the Catholic
       polemical writers, who for a similar class among the
       Cathari had employed the distinctive terms _Perfecti_
       and _Credentes_, made use of these designations in
       treating of the Waldensians. The latter continue “in
       the world,” that is, in the exercise of their family
       duties, and the discharge of civil obligations, and all
       the positions and entanglements connected therewith;
       while the former devoted themselves to a celibate life,
       to absolute poverty, to incessant preaching from place to
       place, and to unconditional refusal of all oathtaking, and
       a literal acceptance of all the precepts of the Sermon on
       the Mount, involving the rejection of any sort of fixed
       residence, and on the basis of Luke x. 7, 8, any handiwork
       that would earn for them the necessaries of life. They
       had their own _ministri_ for the administration of the
       sacraments; but these were elected only _ad tempus_,
       namely once a year, simply for the discharge of that duty.
       At the head of the whole community down to his death stood
       the founder himself. He led the entire movement, received
       new members into the _societas_, and chose and ordained
       the _ministri_.--The two most important sources for the
       primitive history of the Waldensian movement, mutually
       supplementing one another, are, the _Chronicon Laudunense_
       of an unnamed canon of Laon in the _Mon. Germ. Scrr._
       xxvi. 447, and the tract _De Septem Donis Spir. S._ of the
       inquisitor Stephen de Borbone, who died A.D. 1261, which is
       given in full in _de la Marche, Anecdotes historiques_, etc.,
       Paris, 1877.

  § 108.11.

    2. =Their Divisions.=--One of the oldest, most important,
       and most reliable sources of information regarding the
       affairs of the old Waldensians was first published by
       Preger in 1875, in his _Beiträge z. Gesch. d. Waldensier
       im MA._, namely, an epistle embodied by the “_anonymous
       writer of Passau_” in his heretic catalogue, from the
       “Poor Men of Italy” to their fellow believers in Germany,
       _ad Leonistas in Alamannia_, in which they give a report of
       the proceedings at a convention held at Bergamo in A.D. 1218,
       with the deputies from “_the ultramontane_,” that is, the
       French, “Poor Men.” On the basis of this communication
       Preger has contested the view that the “Poor Men of Italy”
       were the Waldensians, and traces their origin rather to
       the working men’s association of the _Humiliati_ that
       had already sprung up in the eleventh century (§ 98, 7),
       which having even before this, by adopting Arnoldist ideas,
       become estranged from the Catholic church, came also into
       connection with Valdez, appropriated many of his opinions,
       and then entered into fraternal relations with the French
       Waldesians. This theory, as also no less the explanations
       connected therewith of the constitutional and doctrinal
       differences of the two parties, has been proved by Carl
       Müller in his _Die Waldensier u. ihre einzelne Gruppen
       bis Auf d. 14. Jhd._ to be in many particulars untenable,
       and he has shown that the Waldensian origin of “the Poor
       Men of Lombardy” is witnessed to even by this epistle.
       The results of his researches are in the main as follows:
       The movement set on foot in A.D. 1177 by Valdez of Lyons
       in the direction of an apostolic walk and conversation was
       transplanted at a very early period into northern Italy,
       and found there a favourable reception, especially in the
       ranks of the Humiliati. These, too, as well as Valdez, in
       A.D. 1179, approached Alexander III. with the prayer to
       authorize their entering on such a vocation, but were also
       immediately repulsed, attached themselves then to the “Poor
       Men of Lyons,” submitting to the monarchical rule of their
       founder, and along with them, in A.D. 1184, fell under the
       papal ban. Yet among the Lombards a strong craving after
       greater independence and freedom soon found expression,
       which asserted itself most decidedly in the claim to the
       right of their own independent choice and ordination of
       lifelong organs of government for their society, as well
       as for priestly services, which, however, Valdez, fearing
       a dissolution of the whole society from the granting of
       such partial independence, answered with a decided refusal.
       With equal decision did he insist upon the disbanding of
       those workmen’s associations for common production, which
       the Lombards, as formerly the Humiliati, formed from the
       laymen belonging to them, and forbade them even engaging
       in any handicraft which they had hitherto pursued alongside
       of their spiritual vocations, as inconsistent with the
       apostolic life according to the prescriptions of Christ in
       Luke x. Thus it came about, in consequence of the unyielding
       temper of both parties, that there was a formal split; for
       the Lombards appointed their own independent _præpositus_,
       who, just like their _ministri_ charged with the conduct
       of worship, held office for life. In the course of the year
       the split widened through the adoption of other divergences
       on the part of the Lombards. Yet after the death of the
       founder, about A.D. 1217 they entered upon negotiations
       about a reunion, which found a hearty response also among
       the French. By means of epistolary explanations a basis
       for union in regard to those questions which had occasioned
       the separation had already been attained unto. The French
       granted to the Lombards independent election and ordination
       of their ministers for church government and worship, and
       allowed the appointment to be for life, while they also
       agreed to the continuance of their workmen’s associations.
       In May, A.D. 1218, six brethren from the two parties were
       at Bergamo appointed to draw up definite terms of peace,
       and to secure a verbal explanation of other less important
       differences, which was also accomplished without difficulty.
       The whole peace negotiations, however, were ultimately
       shattered over two questions, which first came to the front
       during the verbal explanations: (i.) Over the question of
       the felicity of the deceased founder, which the Lombards
       were disposed to affirm only conditionally, _i.e._ in case
       he had been penitent before his death for the sins of which
       he had been guilty through his intolerant treatment of them,
       while the French would have it affirmed unconditionally;
       and (ii.) over the controversy about the validity of the
       dispensation of the sacrament of the altar by an unworthy
       person. On both sides they were thoroughly agreed in
       saying that not the priest, but the omnipotence of God,
       changed bread and wine in the Lord’s Supper into the body
       and blood of Christ. But while the French drew from this
       the conclusion that even an unworthy and wicked priest
       could truly and effectually administer the sacrament, the
       Italians persisted in the contrary opinion, and quoted
       Scripture and the writings of the Fathers to prove the
       correctness of their views.

  § 108.12.

    3. =Attempts at Catholicizing.=--On the origin, character,
       and task of the _Pauperes Catholici_ referred to above,
       the epistles of Pope Innocent III. regarding them afford
       us pretty accurate and detailed information. The first
       impulse toward their formation was given by a disputation
       with the French Waldensians held by Bishop Diego of Osma
       at Pamiers in A.D. 1206, by means of which he succeeded,
       aided by the powerful co-operation of his companion
       St. Dominic, in persuading a number of the heretics to
       return to the obedience of the Catholic church. Among
       those converted on that occasion was the Spaniard Durandus
       of Osca (Huesca), who now laid before the pope the plan
       of forming from among the converted Waldensians a society
       of Catholic Poor Men under the oversight of the bishops,
       which, by appropriating and carrying out all the fundamental
       principles of the Waldensian system--apostolic poverty,
       apostolic dress, apostolic life, and apostolic vocation,
       according to Luke x.--would not only paralyse or outbid
       the ministry of the heretical Poor Men among the people,
       but would also open up the way for their own return and
       attachment again to the church. The pope approved of his
       plan, and confirmed the union founded by him in A.D. 1208.
       The undertaking of Durandus seems to have been from the
       first not altogether without success in the direction
       intended. At least we find that Bernard Primus was
       encouraged one and a half years later to found a second
       similar society on essentially the same basis, which
       Innocent III. approved and confirmed. This later association
       was distinguished from the earlier only in this, that it
       allowed its members, besides their itinerant preaching
       and pastoral work, to engage also in their own handicraft.
       We are now led, by this difference, to the conclusion that,
       as the institution of Durandus issued from the bosom of the
       French Waldensians, that of Bernard had its origin among
       the groups of the Poor Men of Lombardy. This supposition
       is further confirmed when we observe that the latter, in
       drawing up its Catholic confession of faith, expressly
       abjures the formerly cherished conviction of the inefficacy
       of sacramental actions performed by unworthy priests.
       But the reason why both these unions, notwithstanding
       papal approval and support, failed to exert any permanent
       influence is to be sought pre-eminently in this, that,
       tainted as their reputation was with the memory of their
       former heresy, they were soon far outrun and overshadowed
       by the two great mendicant orders, which wrought with
       ampler means and appliances in the same direction.

  § 108.13.

    4. =The French Societies.=--What these found fault with
       in the Catholic church was, not its dogmatics, to which,
       with the single exception of the doctrine of purgatory
       and all therewith connected, indulgence, masses for souls,
       foundations, alms, and works of piety on behalf of the dead,
       they firmly adhered; nor yet its liturgical institutions,
       which, with the exception of masses for souls, they left
       untouched; nor yet its hierarchical constitutions _per
       se_, for they transferred its leading principles into
       their own organization: but it was simply this, that its
       clergy had become guilty of the deadly sin of assuming and
       exercising the apostolic prerogative without undertaking
       the obligations of apostolic poverty, the apostolic life,
       and the apostolic vocation, which alone warranted such
       assumption. But as they thus, nevertheless, firmly adhered
       to the Catholic principle of the validity of a sacrament
       administered even by an unworthy person, if only he had
       authority for doing so from the church, they could allow
       themselves, and specially their lay adherents, to take
       part in all Catholic services and acts of worship, without
       regarding themselves or their followers as under obligation
       to yield obedience to the pope and the bishops, or to
       recognise their spiritual jurisdiction, authority to
       inflict punishment, and right of arbitrary legislation
       in regard to fasts, festivals, impediments to marriage,
       etc.--As to the organization of the society, it is now
       perfectly clear that there was a threefold division of
       offices: bishops, presbyters, and deacons. Reception into
       the _Societas Fratrum_ was consummated by the imparting
       of the ordination of deacon. This, however, was preceded
       by a longer or shorter novitiate, _i.e._ a period of trial
       and preparation for the apostolic vocation of preaching.
       The entrance into this novitiate (_conversio_) required
       the surrender of all property for the benefit of the poor,
       and on the part of those already married the abandonment
       of every form of marital relationship; and on reception
       into the brotherhood the vow of obedience to the superiors
       was exacted, as well as a vow of celibacy and chastity.--To
       the bishop, who as such was also called _minister_ and
       _major_ or _majoralis_, belonged the right to administer
       the sacraments of penance and ordination, as well as the
       consecration of the eucharistic elements; he might preach
       wherever he chose, and he assigned to presbyters and deacons
       their spheres of labour. The presbyters, in addition to
       preaching, also heard confessions, imposed penance, and
       granted absolution, but did not administer the punishments
       imposed, for this was the exclusive function of the
       bishop.--The deacons were only to preach, but not to
       hear confession, and their special duty consisted in
       collecting contributions for the support of the brethren.
       That also women, on the basis of Titus ii. 3, 4, were
       admitted into these societies is an undoubted fact. Their
       position was essentially the same as that of the deacons;
       but the number of preaching sisters continued always
       relatively small.--After the death of the founder the
       society once a year chose from among the existing bishops
       two _rectores_, who now together administered that supreme
       government and high priesthood which had previously been
       exercised by the founder alone. It was, however, by-and-by
       found desirable to revert to the older monarchical
       constitution, but all through the 13th century this
       office was held only by a yearly tenure. The retiring
       bishops, however, received for life the rank and title
       of _major_. But even over the rector stood the _commune_
       or _congregatio_; _i.e._ the general chapter assembled
       once or twice in the year, in which the brethren of all
       the three orders had a seat and vote. The obligation
       to wear the apostolic dress, persistence in which would
       have in a very short time thrown all the brethren into
       the Moloch arms of the Inquisition, was abandoned soon
       after the erection of that tribunal in A.D. 1232.--The
       lay adherents attracted by the preaching and pastoral
       activity of the brethren, the so-called _Amici, Fautores,
       Receptatores_, were not organized as exclusive and
       independent communities, because their continued
       participation in the services and sacraments of the
       Catholic church was regarded as permissible. On the
       other hand, they maintained, as far as possible, regular
       intercourse with the brethren, who in various styles of
       dress visited them secretly, preached to them, exhorted
       and instructed them, prayed with them and said grace at
       their tables, heard their confessions, imposed penances
       and granted absolution, uttering the formula of absolution,
       however, not in the language of an absolute judicial
       proclamation, but as a supplication and fervent desire.
       The _Amici_ were allowed to make their Easter confession
       and observance of the Supper at the Catholic service. The
       brethren had of course also an independent celebration
       of the Lord’s Supper, which occurred only once a year,
       on Maundy Thursday, but was confined as a rule to the
       brothers and sisters there assembled. The profound
       acquaintance with Holy Scripture, especially the New
       Testament, not only among the preaching “brothers,” but
       also among their “friends,” many of whom knew by heart
       a large portion of the New Testament, was the subject of
       general remark and the occasion of astonishment. Besides
       Holy Scripture, the selection of patristic passages used
       by Valdez and the _Moralia_ of Gregory the Great were in
       high repute as means of instruction and edification.--The
       systematic efforts put forth from A.D. 1232 for the
       uprooting and extirpating of heresy wrought effectually
       among the French Waldensian “brethren” and “friends.” The
       remnants of them that survived the persecution were driven
       farther and farther into the remotest valleys of the western
       and eastern spurs of the Cottian Alps, into Dauphiné
       and Provence on the French side, and into Piedmont on
       the Italian side.--The most important sources are: _Adv.
       Valdens. sectam_, of Bernard Abbot of Fonscalidus, who
       died in A.D. 1193; _Doctrina de Moda Procedendi a Hæret._
       of the Inquisition at Carcassone and Toulouse of A.D. 1280;
       the _consultatio_ of Arch. Peter Amelius of Narbonne and
       the provincial synods held under him in A.D. 1243, 1244;
       and the recently published _Practica Inquisition._ of the
       inquisitor Bernard Guidonis of A.D. 1321.--Continuation,
       § 119, 9A.

  § 108.14.

       A representation of the origin and character of the old
       Waldensian movement completely different from that given
       in the sources mentioned and used in the preceding sections,
       especially in reference to the French societies, has
       been current since the middle of the 16th century in the
       modern Waldensian tradition, and by means of falsified or
       misunderstood documents has been repeated by most Protestant
       historians down to and including U. Hahn. The investigations
       of Dieckhoff and Herzog first demolished for ever those
       fabulous creations of Waldensian mythology, though more
       recent Waldensian writers, _e.g._ Hudry-Ménos, but not
       Comba, seek still tenaciously to assert their truth.
       According to these traditions, long before the days of
       Waldus of Lyons there were Waldensian, _i.e._ Vallensian
       communities in the valleys of Piedmont, the “Israel of
       the Alps,” the bearers of pure gospel truth, whose origin
       was to be traced back at least to Claudius of Turin, while
       others fondly carried it back to the Apostle Paul, who on
       his journey to Spain (Rom. xv. 24) may have also visited
       the Piedmontese valleys. It was to them that Peter of
       Lyons owed his spiritual awakening and his surname of
       Waldus, _i.e._ the Waldensian. For proof of this assertion
       we are referred to a pretty copious manuscript literature
       said to be old Waldensian, written in a peculiar Romance
       dialect, deposited in the libraries of Geneva, Dublin,
       Cambridge, Zürich, Grenoble, and Paris. Upon close and
       unprejudiced examination of these literary pieces, of
       which the oldest portion cannot possibly claim an earlier
       date than the beginning of the 14th century, it has become
       quite apparent that these, in so far as they are not
       fabrications or interpolations, do not afford the least
       grounds for justifying those Waldensian fantasies. This
       view is further corroborated by the fact, that the most
       careful and thorough investigator in this department, Carl
       Müller, confidently maintains the conviction and shows
       the basis on which it rests, “that the whole so-called
       Waldensian literature of the pre-Hussite period has been
       without exception derived from Catholic and not from
       Waldensian sources.” The falsifications in this reputed
       old Waldensian group of writings referred to, by means
       of interpolation, omission, and alteration in the tracts
       belonging to that collection, as well as the forging
       of new writings, and that simply for the purpose of
       vindicating for their society the mythical fame of
       a primitive, independent, and ever pure evangelical
       church, first found place after the Protestantizing
       of the Romance or Piedmontese Waldensians, and were
       thereafter successfully turned to account _bona_ or
       _mala fide_ by their historians, Perrin, Leger, Muston,
       Monastier, etc. In the _Nobla laiczon_ (=_lectio_),
       _e.g._ a religious doctrinal poem, in the statement of
       _vv._ 6, 7, that since the origin of the New Testament
       writings 1,400 years had passed (mil e 4 cent anz) the
       figure 4 was erased, so that it might appear to be an
       ascertained fact that in A.D. 1100, seventy years before
       the appearance of Waldus, there were already Waldensian
       communities in existence. But when, in A.D. 1862, the
       Morland manuscripts, which had been lost for 200 years,
       were again discovered in Cambridge library, there was
       found among them a copy of the _Nobla laiczon_, in which
       before the word _cent_ an erasure was observable, in
       which the outlines of the loop of the Arabic numeral 4
       were still clearly discernible. In another piece contained
       in this collection the passage referred to was quoted
       as “mil e CCCC anz.” Hussite writings translated from
       the Bohemian were also palmed off as genuine Waldensian
       works of the earlier centuries, and were in addition
       provided with the corresponding date. A manuscript of the
       New Testament at Zürich was assigned to the 12th century;
       but on more careful scrutiny it was shown that the writer
       must have had before him the Greek Testament of Erasmus.
       But the most glaring case of falsification is seen in
       the “Waldensian Confession of Faith,” first adduced by
       Perrin as evidence of the faith of the old Waldensians,
       to which a later hand had ascribed as the date of its
       composition the year 1120. It copies almost word for
       word the utterances of Bucer as given in Morel’s report
       of his negotiations with that divine and Œcolampadius.
       In this way a new stamp has been put upon the doctrinal
       articles of the old Waldensians.[320]

  § 108.15.

    5. =The Lombard-German Branch.=--In regard to the Lombards
       themselves, since the epistle of Bergamo we have only
       scanty reports, and these are found in the treatise of
       Monata, of 1240, _Adv. Catharos et Valdenses_, and in
       the _Summa de Catharis et Leonistis_ of the Dominican
       inquisitor Rainerius Sacchoni, of 1250. We have ampler
       accounts, however, from their German mission-field, which
       had already extended so far as to stretch from the Rhine
       provinces into Austria. From the time of the unsuccessful
       endeavours at Bergamo to effect a union between the two
       principal groups, there was, so far as we are aware, no
       further intercourse between the two. On the other hand,
       the German Waldensians during the 13th and 14th centuries
       maintained a pretty regular communication with their
       Italian brethren.--In general, too, the Lombards continued,
       along with their German offspring, to hold firmly by the
       fundamental tenets of the primitive Waldensian faith. Their
       preaching brothers and sisters were also called in Germany
       _Meister_ (_magistri_) and _Meïsterinnen_, the men also
       _Apostles_ and _Twelve-Apostles_, or, since also there,
       next to preaching, they had as their most essential and
       important spiritual function the administration of the
       sacrament of penance, _Beichtiger_ (_bihter_), confessors.
       The view that had been already so vigorously maintained
       at Bergamo, that a priest guilty of mortal sin, and
       such in their eyes were all Catholic priests, could not
       efficaciously administer any sacrament, led them naturally
       to assume a much freer attitude toward the Catholic church,
       which summed itself up in the radical principle, that
       everything connected with that church which cannot be shown
       from the New Testament to have been expressly taught and
       enjoined by Christ or His apostles, is to be set aside as
       an unevangelical human addition. This position however was
       insisted upon by them less in criticism and confutation of
       the church doctrine than in opposition to the practices of
       the church as a whole. In consequence of this criticism,
       they, transcending far the mere negations of the French,
       rejected not only all church festivals, beyond the simple
       Sunday festival, not only all processions and pilgrimages,
       all ceremonies, candles, incense, holy water, images,
       liturgical dress and cloths, all consecrations and blessing
       of churches, bells, burying grounds, candles, ashes, palms,
       robes, salt, water, etc., but also the centre and climax
       of all Catholic worship, the mass; not only of purgatory
       and everything in church practice that had sprung from it,
       not only ban and interdict, but also invocation of saints,
       image and relic worship, etc. Yet all the masters did
       not go equally far in this negative direction. Especially
       during the second half of the 13th century a remarkable
       reaction set in against the severity and exclusiveness
       of that negation, because increasing persecution obliged
       them to withdraw into secrecy as much as possible with
       their confession and their specifically Waldensian forms
       of worship, or to suspend their services altogether, and
       indeed, to save themselves from the suspicion of heresy,
       to allow to themselves and their lay adherents liberty
       to engage in the services of the Catholic church, and to
       submit to the indispensable demands of the church, such
       as the attendance at mass, making confession, and taking
       the communion at Easter. They held indeed firmly by the
       principle, _Quod sacerdos in mortali peccato sacramentum
       non possit conficere_, but they comforted themselves by
       the assurance already expressed at Bergamo, that the Lord
       Himself directly gives to the worthy communicant who, in
       case of need, receives the sacrament from the hand of an
       unworthy priest, what by him cannot be communicated, for
       the transubstantiation is effected not _in manu indigne
       conficientis_, but _in ore digne sumentis_. Thus during
       the times of oppression they kept their own observance of
       the supper quite in abeyance, the dispensation of which
       was not among them, as among the French, restricted to
       the masters; but on this account they laid all the greater
       weight on the necessity of confession to their own clergy as
       those who could alone give absolution. Also the prohibition
       of all oaths as well as bloodshedding, therefore also of
       military service, and the acceptance of magisterial and
       judicial offices, was strictly adhered to.--A peculiar
       adaptation of the Roman Catholic tradition of the baptism
       and donation of Constantine, which seems to have found
       no acceptance among the French, became a favourite legend
       among all the Lombard and German Waldensians. According
       to it the ancient church had existed for three hundred
       years in apostolic humility, simplicity, and poverty.
       But when the Roman bishop Sylvester was endowed by the
       emperor Constantine the Great with such superabundance of
       worldly might, riches, and honour, the period of general
       decline from the apostolic pattern set in. Only one of
       his fellow clergy protested, and was, when all enticements
       and threatenings proved of no avail, driven away along
       with his adherents. The latter increased and spread
       by-and-by over the earth. After a violent persecution,
       which had almost cut off all of them, Peter Waldus made
       his appearance with his companion, John of Lyons, as
       the restorer of the apostolic life and calling, etc. To
       this there was subsequently attached another legend. The
       brethren had previously based their right to discharge
       all priestly functions with the greatest confidence simply
       on their apostolic life, and so they could not conceal
       from themselves at a later period the fact that the want
       of continued apostolic succession, on which the Catholic
       church rested the claims of their priests, would place the
       Waldensian masters very much in the shade as compared with
       the Catholics. They began, therefore, not only to claim that
       their founder Waldus had been previously a Roman presbyter,
       but also to devise the fable of a bishop or even a cardinal
       of the Romish church, through whose favour that defect had
       been overcome.--Continuation, § 119, 9.

  § 108.16.

    6. =Relations between the Waldensians and Older and
       Contemporary Sects.=--Owing to the extraordinarily lively
       and zealous propagandist activity of the sects at the
       time of the origin and early development of the Waldensian
       movement, there can scarcely be a doubt that the latter,
       after it had freed itself from all obligation of obedience
       to the pope and bishops, and had been driven out by them,
       must at various points have come into close relations with
       the other sects which, like it, had risen in rebellion
       against the papacy and the hierarchy, and like it had been
       persecuted by these. The numerous sect of the Cathari holds
       a conspicuous position in this connection. That Waldus and
       his companions must have decidedly repudiated the dualistic
       principles which all these otherwise greatly diverging
       Catharist sects had in common is indeed quite self-evident;
       but this by no means prevented them from recognising
       and appropriating such particular institutions, forms
       of organization or modes of worship, peculiar moral
       requirements, etc., practised by them as might seem fitted
       to further their own ends. And that this actually was done,
       many noticeable points of agreement between the two plainly
       indicate. Thus on both sides we find a similar division of
       members, the _Perfecti_ and _Credentes_ corresponding to
       the _Fratres_ and _Amici_, and the kind of spiritual care
       which the former took of the latter, the grace at table
       said by the itinerant preachers, the importance attached to
       the possession and use of bread that had been blessed by the
       brethren, the frequent use by both of the Lord’s Prayer, the
       rejection of purgatory and everything connected therewith,
       also the prohibition of swearing and of military service,
       the refusal of the magisterial _jus gladii_, etc. On the
       other hand, however, it is more than probable that at last
       the remnants of the Cathari which escaped the Inquisition
       in great part had found refuge among the Waldensians in the
       valleys of the Cottian Alps, and there became assimilated
       and amalgamated with them (§ 119, 9A).--Further, the
       assumption that the Lombard Waldensians had first reached
       the principle by which they are distinguished from their
       French brethren, about the incapacity of unworthy priests
       for dispensing the sacraments, from outside influences,
       perhaps from the Arnoldists, is raised almost to a certainty
       by the statement made by their deputies at Bergamo in
       A.D. 1218, that they had even themselves in earlier times
       held the opposite view.--Even the pantheistic tendency of
       an Amalrich and the Brethren of the New Spirit may have
       found entrance among the German Waldensians, and have there
       given origin to the sect of the Ortlibarians.

               § 109. THE CHURCH AGAINST THE PROTESTERS.

  The church was by no means indifferent to the spread of those
heresies of the 11th and 12th centuries, which called in question
its own very existence. Even in the 11th century she called in the
aid of the stake as a type of the fire of hell that would consume
the heretics, and against this only one voice, that of Bishop Wazo
of Liège († A.D. 1048), was raised. In the 12th century protesting
voices were more numerous: Peter the Venerable (§ 98, 1), Rupert of
Deutz, St. Hildegard, St. Bernard, declared sword and fire no fit
weapons for conversion. St. Bernard showed by his own example how by
loving entreaty and friendly instruction more might be done than by
awakening a fanatical enthusiasm for martyrdom. But hangmen and stakes
were more easily produced than St. Bernards, of whom the 12th and
13th centuries had by no means a superabundance. By-and-by Dominic
sent out his disciples to teach and convert heretics by preaching and
disputation; as long as they confined themselves to these methods they
were not without success. But even they soon found it more congenial
or more effective to fight the heretics with tortures and the stake
rather than with discussion and discourse. The Albigensian crusade
and the tribunal of the Inquisition erected in connection therewith
at last overpowered the protesters and drove the remnants of their
sects into hiding. In the administration of punishment the church
made no distinction between the various sects; all were alike who
were at war with the church.

  § 109.1. =The Albigensian Crusade, A.D. 1209-1229.=--Toward the
  end of the 12th century sects abounded in the south of France.
  Innocent III. regarded them as worse than the Saracens, and in
  A.D. 1203 sent a legate, Peter of Castelnau, with full powers to
  secure their extermination. But Peter was murdered in A.D. 1208,
  and suspicion fell on Raymond IV., Count of Toulouse. A crusade
  under Simon de Montfort was now summoned against the sectaries,
  who as mainly inhabiting the district of Albigeois were now
  called =Albigensians=. A twenty years’ war was carried on with
  mad fanaticism and cruelty on both sides, in which guilty and
  innocent, men, women, and children were ruthlessly slain. At
  the sack of Beziers with 20,000 inhabitants the papal legate
  cried, “Slay all, the Lord will know how to seek out and save
  His own.”[321]

  § 109.2. =The Inquisition.=--Every one screening a heretic
  forfeited lands, goods, and office; a house in which such a
  one was discovered was levelled to the ground; all citizens
  had to communicate thrice a year, and every second year to
  renew their oath of attachment to the church, and to refuse
  all help in sickness to those suspected of heresy, etc. The
  bishops not showing themselves zealous enough in enforcing
  these laws, Gregory IX. in A.D. 1232 founded the Tribunal of
  the Inquisition, and placed it in the hands of the Dominicans.
  These as _Domini canes_ subjected to the most cruel tortures all
  on whom the suspicion of heresy fell, and all the resolute were
  handed over to the civil authorities, who readily undertook their
  execution.[322]--Continuation § 117, 2.

  § 109.3. =Conrad of Marburg and the Stedingers.=--The first
  Inquisitor of Germany, the Dominican =Conrad of Marburg=, also
  known as the severe confessor of St. Elizabeth (§ 105, 3), after
  a three years’ career of cruelty was put to death by certain
  of the nobles in A.D. 1233. _Et sic_, say the Annals of Worms,
  _divino auxilio liberata est Teutonia ab isto judicio enormi
  et inaudito_. He was enrolled by Gregory IX. among the martyrs.
  Perhaps wrongly he has been blamed for Gregory’s crusade of
  A.D. 1234 against the =Stedingers=. These were Frisians of
  Oldenburg who revolted against the oppression of nobles and
  priests, refused socage and tithes, and screened Albigensian
  heretics. The first crusade failed; the second succeeded and
  plundered, murdered, and burned on every hand. Thousands of the
  unhappy peasants were slain, neither women nor children were
  spared, and all prisoners were sent to the stake as heretics.

                            _THIRD SECTION._

              HISTORY OF THE GERMANO-ROMANIC CHURCH IN THE
               14TH AND 15TH CENTURIES (A.D. 1294-1517).

                  I. The Hierarchy, Clergy, and Monks.

                        § 110. THE PAPACY.[323]

  From the time of Gelasius II. (§ 96, 11) it had been the custom of
the popes whenever Italy became too hot for them to fly to France, and
from France they had obtained help to deliver Italy from the tyranny of
the latest representatives of the Hohenstaufens. But when Boniface VIII.
dared boldly to assert the universal sovereignty of the papacy even
over France itself, this presumption wrought its own overthrow. The
consequence was a seventy years’ exile of the papal chair to the
banks of the Rhone, with complete subjugation under French authority.
Under the protection of the French court, however, the popes found
Avignon a safe asylum, and from thence they issued the most extravagant
hierarchical claims, especially upon Germany. The return of the papal
court to Rome was the occasion of a forty years’ schism, during which
two popes, for a time even three, are seen hurling anathemas at one
another. The reforming Councils of Pisa, Constance, and Basel sought
to put an end to this scandal and bring about a reformation in the head
and the members. The fathers in these councils, however, in accordance
with the prevalent views of the age, maintained the need of one visible
head for the government of the church, such as was afforded by the
papacy. But the corruptions of the papal chair led them to adopt the
old theory that the highest ecclesiastical authority is not the pope
but the voice of the universal church expressed in the œcumenical
councils, which had jurisdiction over even the popes. The successful
carrying out of this view was possible only if the several national
churches which had come now more decidedly than ever to regard
themselves as independent branches of the great ecclesiastical
organism, should heartily combine against the corrupt papacy. But
this they did not do. They were contented with making separate attacks,
in accordance with their several selfish interests. Hence papal craft
found little difficulty in rendering the strong remonstrances of these
councils fruitless and without result. The papacy came forth triumphant,
and during the 15th century, the age of the Renaissance, reached a
degree of corruption and moral turpitude which it had not approached
since the 10th century. The vicars of God now used their spiritual
rank only to further their ambitious worldly schemes, and by the most
scandalous nepotism (the so-called nephews being often bastards of the
popes, who were put into the highest and most lucrative offices) as
well as by their own voluptuousness, luxury, revelry, and love of war,
brought ruin upon the church and the States of the Church.

  § 110.1. =Boniface VIII. and Benedict XI.,
  A.D. 1294-1304.=--=Boniface VIII.=, A.D. 1294-1303 (§ 96, 22),
  was not inferior to his great predecessor in political talents
  and strength of will, but was destitute of all spiritual
  qualities and without any appreciation of the spiritual
  functions of the papal chair, while passionately maintaining
  the most extravagant claims of the hierarchy. The opposition
  to the pope was headed by two cardinals of the powerful Colonna
  family, who maintained that the abdication of Cœlestine V.
  was invalid. In A.D. 1297 Boniface stripped them of all their
  dignities, and then they appealed to an œcumenical council as
  a court of higher jurisdiction. The pope now threatened them
  and their supporters with the ban, fitted out a crusade against
  them, and destroyed their castles. At last after a sore struggle
  Palæstrina, the old residence of their family, capitulated. Also
  the Colonnas themselves submitted. Nevertheless in A.D. 1299 he
  had the famous old city and all its churches and palaces levelled
  to the ground, and refused to restore to the outlawed family
  its confiscated estates. Then again the Colonnas took up arms,
  but were defeated and obliged to fly the country, while the
  pope forbade under threat of the ban any city or realm to give
  refuge or shelter to the fugitives. But neither his anathema
  nor his army was able to keep the rebellious Sicilians under
  papal dominion. Even in his first contest with the French king,
  =Philip IV. the Fair=, A.D. 1285-1314, he had the worst of
  it. The pope had vainly sought to mediate between Philip and
  Edward I. of England, when both were using church property in
  carrying on war with one another, and in A.D. 1295 he issued
  the bull _Clericis laicos_, releasing subjects from their
  allegiance and anathematizing all laymen who should appropriate
  ecclesiastical revenues and all priests who should put them to
  uses not sanctioned by the pope. Philip then forbade all payment
  of church dues, and the pope finding his revenues from France
  withheld, made important concessions in A.D. 1297 and canonized
  Philip’s grandfather, Louis IX. His hierarchical assumptions
  in Germany gave promise of greater success. After the first
  Hapsburger’s death in A.D. 1291, his son Albert was set aside,
  and Adolf, Count of Nassau, elected king; but he again was
  overthrown and Albert I. crowned in A.D. 1298. Boniface summoned
  Albert to his tribunal as a traitor and murderer of the king,
  and released the German princes from their oaths of allegiance
  to him. Meanwhile, during A.D. 1301, Boniface and Philip were
  quarrelling over vacant benefices in France. The king haughtily
  repudiated the pretensions of the papal legate and imprisoned
  him as a traitor. Boniface demanded his immediate liberation,
  summoned the French bishops to a council at Rome, and in the
  bull _Ausculta fili_ showed the king how foolish, sinful, and
  heretical it was for him not to be subject to the pope. The
  bull torn from the messenger’s hands was publicly burnt, and
  a version of it probably falsified published throughout the
  kingdom along with the king’s reply. All France rose in revolt
  against the papal pretensions, and a parliament at Notre Dame in
  Paris A.D. 1302, at which the king assembled the three estates of
  the empire, the nobles, the clergy, and (for the first time) the
  citizens, it was unanimously resolved to support Philip and to
  write in that spirit to Rome, the bishops undertaking to pacify
  the pope, the nobles and citizens making their complaint to the
  cardinals. The king expressly forbade his clergy taking any part
  in the council that had been summoned, which, however, met in the
  Lateran, in Nov., 1302. From it Boniface issued the famous bull
  _Unam Sanctam_, in which, after the example of Innocent III.
  and Gregory IX., he set forth the doctrine of the two swords,
  the spiritual wielded _by_ the church and the temporal _for_
  the church, by kings and warriors indeed, but only according
  to the will and by the permission of the spiritual ruler. That
  the temporal power is independent was pronounced a Manichæan
  heresy; and finally it was declared that no human being could
  be saved unless he were subject to the Roman pontiff. King and
  parliament now accused the pope of heresy, simony, blasphemy,
  sorcery, tyranny, immorality, etc., and insisted that he should
  answer these charges before an œcumenical council. Meanwhile, in
  A.D. 1303, Boniface was negotiating with king Albert, and got him
  not only to break his league with Philip, but also to acknowledge
  himself a vassal of the papal see. The pope had all his plans
  laid for launching his anathema against Philip, but their
  execution was anticipated by the king’s assassins. His chancellor
  Nogaret and Sciarra, one of the exiled Colonnas, who, with the
  help of French gold, had hatched a conspiracy among the barons,
  attacked the papal palace and took the pope prisoner while he
  sat in full state upon his throne. The people indeed rescued
  him, but he died some weeks after in a raging fever in his
  80th year. Dante assigns him a place in hell. In the mouth of
  his predecessor Cœlestine V. have been put the prophetic words,
  _Ascendisti ut vulpes, regnatis ut leo, morieris ut canis_.[324]
  His successor =Benedict XI.=, A.D. 1303, 1304, would have
  willingly avenged the wrongs of Boniface, but weak and
  unsupported as he was he soon found himself obliged, not
  only to withdraw all imputations against Philip, who always
  maintained his innocence, but also to absolve those of the
  Colonnas who were less seriously implicated.

  § 110.2. =The Papacy during the Babylonian Exile,
  A.D. 1305-1377.=--After a year’s vacancy the papal chair
  was filled by Bertrand de Got, Archbishop of Bordeaux,
  a determined supporter of Boniface, who took the name of
  =Clement V.=, A.D. 1305-1314. He refused to go to be enthroned
  at Rome, and forced the cardinals to come to Lyons, and finally,
  in A.D. 1309, formally removed the papal court to Avignon, which
  then belonged to the king of Naples as Count of Provence. At
  this time, too, Clement so far yielded to Philip’s wish to have
  Boniface condemned and struck out of the list of popes, as to
  appoint two commissions to consider charges against Boniface,
  one in France and the other in Italy. Most credible witnesses
  accused the deceased pope of heresies, crimes, and immoralities
  committed in word and deed mostly in their presence, while the
  rebutting evidence was singularly weak. A compromise was effected
  by Clement surrendering the Templars to the greedy and revengeful
  king. In the bull _Rex gloriæ_ of A.D. 1311 he expressly declares
  that Philip’s proceeding against Boniface was _bona fide_,
  occasioned by zeal for church and country, cancels all Boniface’s
  decrees and censures upon the French king and his servants, and
  orders them to be erased from the archives. =The 15th œcumenical
  Council of Vienne in A.D. 1311= was mainly occupied with the
  affairs of the Templars, and also with the consideration of the
  controversies in the Franciscan order (§ 112, 2).--=Henry VII.=
  of Luxemburg was raised to the German throne on Albert’s death
  in A.D. 1208 in opposition to Philip’s brother Charles. Clement
  supported him and crowned him emperor, hoping to be protected by
  him from Philip’s tyranny. At Milan in A.D. 1311 Henry received
  the iron crown of Lombardy; but at Rome the imperial coronation
  was effected in A.D. 1312, not in St. Peter’s, the inner city
  being held by Robert of Naples, papal vassal and governor of
  Italy, but only in the Lateran at the hands of the cardinals
  commissioned to do so. The emperor now, in spite of all papal
  threats, pronounced the ban of the empire against Robert,
  and in concert with Frederick of Sicily entered on a campaign
  against Naples, but his sudden death in A.D. 1313 (according
  to an unsupported legend caused by a poisoned host) put an end
  to the expedition. Clement also died in the following year; and
  to him likewise has Dante assigned a place in hell.

  § 110.3. After two years’ murderous strife between the Italian
  and French cardinals, the French were again victorious, and
  elected at Lyons =John XXII.=, A.D. 1316-1334, son of a shoemaker
  of Cahors in Gascony, who was already seventy-two years old.
  He is said to have sworn to the Italians never to use a horse
  or mule but to ride to Rome, and then to have taken ship
  on the Rhone for Avignon, where during his eighteen years’
  pontificate he never went out of his palace except to go into
  the neighbouring cathedral. Working far into the night, this
  seemingly weak old man was wont to devote all his time to his
  studies and his business. The weight of his official duties
  will be seen from the fact that 60,000 minutes, filling 59 vols.
  in the papal archives, belong to his reign.--In Germany, after
  the death of Henry VII. there were two rivals for the throne,
  =Louis IV. the Bavarian=, A.D. 1314-1347, and Frederick III.
  of Austria. The pope, maintaining the closest relations with
  Robert of Anjou, his feudatory as king of Naples and his
  protector as Count of Provence, and esteeming his wish as
  a command, refused to acknowledge either, declared the German
  throne still vacant, and assumed to himself the administration
  of the realm during the vacancy. At Mühldorf in A.D. 1322
  Louis conquered his opponent and took him prisoner. He sent
  a detachment of Ghibellines over the Alps, while he made himself
  master of Milan and put an end to the papal administration
  in Northern Italy. The pope in A.D. 1323 ordered him within
  three months to cease discharging all functions of government
  till his election as German king should be acknowledged and
  confirmed by the papal chair. Louis first endeavoured to come to
  an understanding with the pope, but soon employed the sharp pens
  of the Minorites, who in May, 1324, drew up a solemn protest
  in which the king, basing his claims to royalty solely on the
  election of the princes and treating the pope as one who had
  forfeited his chair in consequence of his heresies (§ 112, 2),
  appealed from this false pope to an œcumenical council and a
  future legitimate pope. John now thundered an anathema against
  him, declared that he was deprived of all his dignities, freed
  his subjects from their allegiance, forbade them, under pain
  of anathema, to obey him, and summoned all European potentates
  to war against the excommunicated monarch. Louis now sought
  Frederick’s favour, and in A.D. 1325 shared with him the royal
  dignity. In Milan in A.D. 1327 he was crowned king of Lombardy,
  and in A.D. 1328 in Rome he received the imperial crown from
  the Roman democracy. Two bishops of the Ghibelline party gave
  him consecration, and the crown was laid on his head by Sciarra
  Colonna in the name of the Roman people. In vain did the pope
  pronounce all these proceedings null and void. The king began a
  process against the pope, deposed him as a heretic and antichrist,
  and finally condemned him to death as guilty of high treason,
  while the mob carried out this sentence by burning the pope
  in effigy upon the streets. The people and clergy of Rome, in
  accordance with an old canon, elected a new pope in the person
  of a pious Minorite of the sect of the Spirituales (§ 112, 2),
  who took the name of Nicholas V. Louis with his own hand placed
  the tiara on his head, and was then himself crowned by him. All
  this glory, however, was but short lived. An unsuccessful and
  inglorious war against Robert of Naples and a consequent revolt
  in Rome caused the emperor in A.D. 1328, with his army and his
  pope, amid the stonethrowing of the mob, to quit the eternal city,
  which immediately became subject to the curia. He did not fare
  much better in Tuscany or Lombardy; and thus the Roman expedition
  ended in failure. Returning to Munich, Louis endeavoured in vain
  amid many humiliations to move the determined old man at Avignon.
  But Nicholas V., the most wretched of all the anti-popes, went
  to Avignon with a rope about his neck in A.D. 1328, cast himself
  at the pope’s feet, was absolved, and died a prisoner in the
  papal palace in A.D. 1333. Next year John died. Notwithstanding
  the expensive Italian wars 25,000,000 gold guldens was found in
  the papal treasury at his death.--Roused by his opposition to
  the stricter party among the Franciscans (§ 112, 2), its leaders
  lent all their influence to the Bavarian and supported the charge
  of heresy against the pope. Against John’s favourite doctrine
  that the souls of departed saints attain to the vision of God
  only after the last judgment, these zealots cited the opinions
  of the learned world (§ 113, 3), with the University of Paris
  at its head. Philip VI. of France was also in the controversy
  one of his bitterest opponents, and even threatened him with
  the stake. Pressed on all sides the pope at last in A.D. 1333
  convened a commission of scholars to decide the question, but
  died before its judgment was given. His successor hasted to
  still the tumult by issuing the story of a deathbed recantation,
  and gave ecclesiastical sanction to the opposing view.

  § 110.4. =Benedict XII.=, A.D. 1334-1342, would probably have
  yielded to the urgent entreaties of the Romans to return to Rome
  had not his cardinals been so keenly opposed. He then built a
  palace at Avignon of imposing magnitude, as though the papacy
  were to have an eternal residence there. Louis the Bavarian
  retracted his heretical sentiments in order to get the ban
  removed and to obtain an orderly coronation. The first diet of
  the electoral union was held at Rhense near Mainz, in A.D. 1338,
  where it was declared that the election of a German king and
  emperor was, by God’s appointment, the sole privilege of the
  elector-princes, and needed not the confirmation or approval
  of the pope. This encouraged Louis to assert anew his imperial
  pretensions. Benedict’s successor =Clement VI.=, A.D. 1342-1352,
  added by purchase in A.D. 1348 the city of Avignon to the county
  of Venaissin, which Philip III. had gifted to the papal chair in
  A.D. 1273. Both continued in the possession of the Roman court
  till A.D. 1791 (§ 165, 13). Louis, now at feud with some of the
  powerful German nobles, sought to make terms of peace with the
  new pope. But Clement was not conciliatory, and made the unheard
  of demand that Louis should not only annul all his previous
  ordinances, but also should in future issue no enactment in
  the empire without permission of the papal see; and on Maunday
  Thursday, A.D. 1346, he pronounced him without title or dignity
  and called upon the electors to make a new choice, which, if
  they failed to do, he would proceed to do himself. As fittest
  candidate he recommended Charles of Bohemia, who was actually
  chosen by the five electors who answered the summons, under the
  title of =Charles IV.=, A.D. 1346-1378, and had his election
  confirmed by the pope. The new emperor solemnly promised never
  to set foot on the domains of the Roman church without express
  papal permission, and to remain in Rome only so long as was
  required for his coronation. Louis died before he was able to
  engage in war with his rival, and when, six months later, the
  next choice of Louis’ party also died, Charles was acknowledged
  without a dissentient voice. He was crowned emperor in Rome
  by a cardinal appointed by Innocent VI., in A.D. 1355. Without
  doing anything to restore the imperial prestige in Italy, Charles
  went back like a fugitive to Germany, despised by Guelphs and
  Ghibellines. But in the following year, at the Diet of Nuremberg,
  he passed a new imperial law in the so called Golden Bull of
  A.D. 1356, according to which the election of emperor was to
  be made at Frankfort, by three clerical electors (Mainz, Cologne,
  and Treves) and four temporal princes (Bohemia, the Palatine of
  the Rhine, Saxony, and Brandenburg), and he appeased the pope’s
  wrath by various concessions to the curia and the clergy.

  § 110.5. The famous Rienzi was made apostolic notary by
  Clement VI. in A.D. 1343, and as tribune of the people headed
  the revolt against the barons in A.D. 1347. Losing his popularity
  through his own extravagances he was obliged to flee, and being
  taken prisoner by Charles at Prague, he was sent to Avignon in
  A.D. 1350. Instead of the stake with which Clement had threatened
  him, =Innocent VI.=, A.D. 1352-1362, bestowed senatorial rank
  upon him, and sent him to Rome, hoping that his demagogical
  talent would succeed in furthering the interests of the papacy.
  He now once more, amid loud acclamations, entered the eternal
  city, but after two months, hated and cursed as a tyrant, he was
  murdered in A.D. 1354, while attempting flight.--By A.D. 1367
  things had so improved in Rome that, notwithstanding the
  opposition of king and court and the objections of luxurious
  cardinals unwilling to quit Avignon, =Urban V.=, A.D. 1362-1370,
  in October of that year made a triumphal entrance into Rome
  amid the jubilations of the Romans. Charles’ Italian expedition
  of the following year was inglorious and without result. The
  disquiet and party strifes prevailing through the country made
  the position of the pope so uncomfortable, that notwithstanding
  the earnest entreaty of St. Bridget (§ 112, 8), who threatened
  him with the Divine judgment of an early death in France, he
  returned in A.D. 1370 to Avignon, where in ten weeks the words
  of the northern prophetess were fulfilled. His successor was
  =Gregory XI.=, A.D. 1370-1378. Rome and the States of the Church
  had now again become the scene of the wildest anarchy, which
  Gregory could only hope to quell by his personal presence. The
  exhortations of the two prophetesses of the age, St. Bridget and
  St. Catherine (§ 112, 4), had a powerful influence upon him, but
  what finally determined him was the threat of the exasperated
  Romans to elect an anti-pope. And so in spite of the renewed
  opposition of the cardinals and the French court, the curia
  again returned to Rome in A.D. 1377; but though the rejoicing
  at the event throughout the city was great, the results were by
  no means what had been expected. Sick and disheartened, the pope
  was already beginning to speak of going back to Avignon, when
  his death in A.D. 1378 put an end to his cares and sufferings.

  § 110.6. =The Papal Schism and the Council of Pisa.=--Under
  pressure from the people the cardinals present in Rome almost
  unanimously chose the Neapolitan archbishop of Bari, who took
  the name of =Urban VI.=, A.D. 1378-1389. His energies were
  mainly directed to the emancipating of the papal chair from
  French interference and checking the abuses introduced into
  the papal court during the Avignon residence; but the impatience
  and bitterness which he showed in dealing with the greed, pomp,
  and luxury of the cardinals roused them to choose another pope.
  After four months, they met at Fundi, declared that the choice
  of Urban had been made under compulsion, and was therefore
  invalid. In his place they elected a Frenchman, Robert, cardinal
  of Geneva, who was enthroned under the name of Clement VII.,
  A.D. 1378-1394. The three Italians present protested against
  this proceeding and demanded, but in vain, the decision of a
  council. Thus began the greatest and most mischievous =papal
  schism=, A.D. 1378-1417. France, Naples, and Savoy at once, and
  Spain and Scotland somewhat later, declared in favour of Clement;
  while the rest of Western Europe acknowledged Urban. The two
  most famous saints of the age, St. Catherine and St. Vincent
  Ferrér (§ 115, 2), though both disciples of Dominic, took
  different sides, the former as an Italian favouring Urban,
  the latter as a Spaniard favouring Clement. Failing to secure
  a footing in Italy, Clement took possession of the papal castle
  at Avignon in A.D. 1379. The schism lasted for forty years,
  during which time =Boniface IX.=, A.D. 1389-1404, =Innocent VII.=,
  A.D. 1404-1406, and =Gregory XII.=, A.D. 1406-1415, elected
  by the cardinals in Rome, held sway there in succession, while
  at Avignon on Clement’s death his place was taken by the Spanish
  cardinal Pedro de Luna as Benedict XIII., A.D. 1394-1424. The
  Council of Paris of A.D. 1395 recommended the withdrawal of both
  popes and a new election, but Benedict insisted upon a decision
  by a two-thirds majority in favour of one or other of the two
  rivals. An =œcumenical council at Pisa=, in A.D. 1409, dominated
  mainly by the influence of Gerson (§ 118, 4), who maintained that
  the authority of the councils is superior to that of the pope,
  made short work with both contesting popes, whom it pronounced
  contumacious and deposed. After the cardinals present had bound
  themselves by an oath that whosoever of them might be chosen
  should not dissolve the council until a reform of the church
  in its head and members should be carried out, they elected
  a Greek of Candia in his seventieth year, Cardinal Philangi,
  who was consecrated as =Alexander V.=, A.D. 1409-1410, and for
  three years the council continued to sit without effecting any
  considerable reforms. The consequence was that the world had the
  edifying spectacle of three contemporary popes anathematizing
  one another.

  § 110.7. =The Council of Constance and Martin V.=--Alexander V.
  died after a reign of ten months by poison administered, as
  was supposed, by Balthasar Cossa, resident cardinal legate
  and absolute military despot, suspected of having been in
  youth engaged in piracy. Cossa succeeded, as =John XXIII.=,
  A.D. 1410-1415. He was acknowledged by the new Roman king,
  =Sigismund=, A.D. 1411-1437, and soon afterwards, in A.D. 1412,
  by Ladislas [Ladislaus] of Naples, so that Gregory XII. was thus
  deprived of his last support. The University of Paris continued
  to demand the holding of a council to effect reforms. Sigismund,
  supported by the princes, insisted on its being held in a
  German city. Meanwhile Ladislas [Ladislaus] had quarrelled
  with the pope, and had overrun the States of the Church and
  plundered Rome in A.D. 1413, and John was obliged to submit
  to Sigismund’s demands, He now summoned the =16th œcumenical
  Council of Constance=, A.D. 1414-1418 (§ 119, 5). It was the
  most brilliant and the most numerously attended council ever
  held. More than 18,000 priests and vast numbers of princes,
  counts, and knights, with an immense following; in all about
  100,000 strangers, including thousands of harlots from all
  countries, and hordes of merchants, artisans, showmen, and
  players of every sort. Gerson and D’Ailly, the one representing
  European learning, the other the claims of the Gallican church
  (§ 118, 4), were the principal advisers of the council. The
  decision to vote not individually but by nations (Italian,
  German, French, and English) destroyed the predominance of
  the Italian prelates, who as John’s creatures were present
  in great numbers. Terrified by an anonymous accusation, which
  charged the pope with the most heinous crimes, he declared
  himself ready to withdraw if the other two popes would also
  resign, but took advantage of the excitement of a tournament
  to make his escape disguised as an ostler. Sigismund could with
  difficulty keep the now popeless council together. John, however,
  was captured, seventy-two serious charges formulated against
  him, and on 26th July, A.D. 1415, he was deposed and condemned
  to imprisonment for life. He was given up to the Count Palatine
  Louis of Baden, who kept him prisoner in Mannheim, and afterwards
  in Heidelberg. Meanwhile the leader of an Italian band making use
  of the name of Martin V. purchased his release with 3,000 ducats.
  He now submitted himself to that pope, and was appointed by him
  cardinal-bishop of Tuscoli, and dean of the sacred college, but
  soon afterwards died in Florence, in A.D. 1419. Gregory XII. also
  submitted in A.D. 1415, and was made cardinal-bishop of Porto.
  Benedict, however, retired to Spain and refused to come to
  terms, but even the Spanish princes withdrew their allegiance
  from him as pope. The cardinals in conclave elected the crafty
  Oddo Colonna, who was consecrated as =Martin V.=, A.D. 1417-1431.
  There was no more word of reformation. With great pomp the
  council was closed, and indulgence granted to its members. As
  the whole West now recognised Martin as the true pope the schism
  may be said to end with his accession, though Benedict continued
  to thunder anathemas from his strong Spanish castle till his
  death in A.D. 1424, and three of his four cardinals elected as
  his successor Clement VIII. and the fourth another Benedict XIV.
  Of the latter no notice was taken, but Clement submitted in
  A.D. 1429, and received the bishopric of Majorca.--Martin V.
  on entering Rome in A.D. 1420 found everything in confusion
  and desolate. By his able administration a change was soon
  effected, and the Rome of the Renaissance rose on the ruins
  of the mediæval city.[325]

  § 110.8. =Eugenius IV. and the Council of Basel.=--Martin V.
  commissioned Cardinal Julian Cesarini to look after the
  Hussite controversy in the =Basel Council=, A.D. 1431-1449.
  His successor =Eugenius IV.=, A.D. 1431-1447, confirmed this
  appointment. After thirteen months he ordered the council to
  meet at Bologna, finding the heretical element too strong in
  Germany. The members, however, unanimously refused to obey.
  Sigismund, too, protested, and the council claimed to be
  superior to the pope. The withdrawal of the bull within sixty
  days was insisted upon. As a compromise, the pope offered to
  call a new council, not at Bologna, but at Basel. This was
  declined and the pope threatened with deposition. A rebellion,
  too, broke out in the States of the Church; and in A.D. 1433
  Eugenius was completely humbled and obliged to acquiesce in the
  demands of the council. One danger was thus averted, but he was
  still threatened by another. In A.D. 1434 Rome proclaimed itself
  a republic and the pope fled to Florence. The success of the
  democracy, however, was now again of but short duration. In
  five months Rome was once more under the dominion of the pope.
  Negotiations for union with the Greeks were begun by the pope
  at =Ferrara= A.D. 1438. A small number of Italians under the
  presidency of the pope here assumed the offices of an œcumenical
  council, those at Basel being ordered to join them, the Basel
  Council being suspended, and the continuance of that council
  being pronounced schismatical. Julian, now styled “_Julianus
  Apostata II._,” with almost all the cardinals, betook himself
  to Ferrara. Under the able cardinal Louis d’Aleman (§ 118, 4),
  archbishop of Arles, some still continued the proceedings of
  the council at Basel, but in consequence of a pestilence they
  moved, in A.D. 1439, to =Florence=. A union with the Greeks was
  here effected, at least upon paper. The Basel Council banned by
  the pope, deposed him, and in A.D. 1439 elected a new pope in
  the person of Duke Amadeus of Savoy, who on his wife’s death
  had resigned his crown to his son and entered a monkish order.
  He called himself Felix V. Princes and people, however, were
  tired of rival papacies. Felix got little support, and the
  council itself soon lost all its power. Its ablest members one
  after another passed over to the party of Eugenius. In A.D. 1449
  Felix resigned, and died in the odour of sanctity two years
  afterwards.[326]

  § 110.9. Only =Charles VII.= of France took advantage of the
  reforming decree of Basel for the benefit of his country. He
  assembled the most distinguished churchmen and scholars of his
  kingdom at Bourges, and with their concurrence published, in
  A.D. 1438, twenty-three of the conclusions of Basel that bore on
  the Gallican liberties under the name of the =Pragmatic Sanction=,
  and made it a law of his realm. For the rest he maintained an
  attitude of neutrality towards both popes, as also shortly before
  the electors convened at Frankfort had done. Those assembled at
  the Diet of Mainz in A.D. 1439 recognised the reforming edicts
  of Basel as applying to Germany. =Frederick IV.=, A.D. 1439-1493,
  who as emperor is known as Frederick III., under the influence of
  the cunning Italian Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini (§ 118, 6), though
  at first in the opposition, went over to the side of Eugenius IV.
  in A.D. 1446 upon receiving 100,000 guldens for the expenses of
  an expedition to Rome and certain ecclesiastical privileges for
  his Austrian subjects. Some weeks later the electors of Frankfort
  took the same steps, stipulating that Eugenius should recognise
  the decrees of the Council of Constance and the reforming decrees
  of Basel, and should promise to convene a new free council in
  a German city to bring the schism to an end, which if he failed
  to do they would quit him in favour of Basel. But at the diet,
  held in September of that year at Frankfort, the legates of the
  pope and of the king succeeded by diplomatic arts in coming to
  an understanding with the electors met at Mainz. Thus it happened
  that in the so-called =Frankfort Concordat of the Princes= a
  compromise was effected, which Eugenius confirmed in A.D. 1447,
  with a careful explanation to the effect that none of these
  concessions in any way infringed upon the rights and privileges
  of the Holy See. In the following year Frederick in name of the
  German nation concluded with Eugenius’ successor, Nicholas V.,
  the =Concordat of Vienna=, A.D. 1448. The advantages gained by
  the German church were quite insignificant. Frederick received
  imperial rank as reward for the betrayal of his country, and was
  crowned in Rome, in A.D. 1452, as the last German emperor.

  § 110.10. =Nicholas V., Calixtus III., and Pius II.,
  A.D. 1447-1464.=--With =Nicholas V.=, A.D. 1447-1455, a
  miracle of classical scholarship and founder of the Vatican
  Library, the Roman see for the first time became the patron of
  humanistic studies, and under this mild and liberal pope the
  secular government of Rome was greatly improved. The conquest of
  Constantinople by the Turks, in A.D. 1453, produced excitement
  throughout the whole of Europe. The eloquence of the pope
  roused the crusading spirit of Christendom, and oratorical
  appeals were thundered from the pulpits of all churches and
  cathedrals. But the princes remained cold and indifferent.
  After Nicholas, a Spaniard, the cardinal Alphonso Borgia, then
  in his seventy-seventh year, was raised to the papal chair as
  =Calixtus III.=, A.D. 1455-1458. Hatred of Turks and love of
  nephews were the two characteristics of the man. Yet he could
  not rouse the princes against the Turks, and the fleet fitted out
  at his own cost only plundered a few islands in the Archipelago.
  Calixtus’ successor was Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the able and
  accomplished apostate from the Basel reform party, who styled
  himself, with intended allusion to Virgil’s “_pius Æneas_,”
  =Pius II.=, A.D. 1458-1464. The pope’s Ciceronian eloquence
  failed to secure the attendance of princes at the Mantuan
  Congress, summoned in A.D. 1459 to take steps for the equipment
  of a crusade. A war against the Turks was indeed to have been
  undertaken by emperor Frederick III., and a tax was to have been
  levied on Christians and Jews for its cost; but neither tax nor
  crusade was forthcoming. Pius demanded of the French ambassadors
  a formal repudiation of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, and
  when they threatened the calling of an œcumenical council, he
  issued the bull _Execrabilis_, which pronounced “the execrable
  and previously unheard of” enormity of an appeal to a council to
  be heresy and treason. In A.D. 1461 the pope, by a long epistle,
  attempted the conversion of Mohammed II., the powerful conqueror
  of Constantinople. As the discovery of the great alum deposit
  at Rome in A.D. 1462 was attributed to miraculous direction, the
  pope was led to devote its rich resources to the fitting out of
  a crusade against the Turks. He wished himself to lead the army
  in person, in order to secure victory by uplifted hands, like
  Moses in the war with Amalek. But here again the princes left him
  in the lurch. Coming to Ancona in A.D. 1464 to take ship there
  upon his great undertaking, only his own two galleys were waiting
  him. After long weary waiting, twelve Venetian ships arrived,
  just in time to see the pope prostrated with fever and excitement.

  § 110.11. =Paul II., Sixtus IV. and Innocent VII.,
  A.D. 1464-1492.=--Among the popes of the last forty years of
  the 15th century =Paul II.=, A.D. 1464-1471, was the best,
  though vain, sensual, greedy, fond of show, and extravagant.
  He was impartial in the administration of justice, free from
  nepotism, and always ready to succour the needy. His successor,
  =Sixtus IV.=, A.D. 1471-1484, formerly Franciscan general,
  was one of the most wicked of the occupants of the chair of
  Peter. His appeal for an expedition against the Turks finding no
  response outside of Italy, his love of strife found gratification
  in fomenting internal animosities among the Italian states.
  In favour of a nephew he sought the overthrow in A.D. 1478 of
  the famous Medici family in Florence. Julian was murdered, but
  Lorenzo escaped, and the archbishop, as abettor of the crime,
  was hanged in his official robes. The pope placed the city
  under ban and interdict. It was only the conquest of Otranto in
  A.D. 1480, and the terror caused by the landing of the Turks in
  Italy, that moved him to make terms with Florence. His nepotism