endured were the effects of the Divine displeasure provoked by
   the debauchery of the Church. And then he proceeds to draw up
   an indictment and to lend proof which I prefer not to give in
   detail. After making every allowance for rhetorical
   exaggeration, enough remains to show that the morality of the
   Church had grievously declined, and that the declension was
   due to the inroads of Pagan vice. ... Under this head, had
   space permitted, some account would have been given of the
   growth of the Christian literature of this period, of the
   great writers and preachers, and of the opposing schools of
   interpretation which divided Christendom. In the Eastern
   Church we should have had to notice [at greater length the
   work of] Eusebius of Cæsarea, the father of Church History and
   the friend of Constantine; Ephrem the Syrian, the
   poet-preacher; the three Cappadocians, Basil of Cæsarea,
   Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory of Nazianzus, each great in his
   own way, the first as a preacher and administrator, the second
   as a thinker, the third as a poet and panegyrist; Chrysostom,
   the orator and exegete; Theodore of Mopsuestia and Theodoret
   of Kyros, along with Chrysostom the most influential
   representatives of the School of Antioch. In the Western
   Church we should have had to speak of Ambrose, the eloquent
   preacher and voluminous writer; of Jerome, the biblical
   critic; and of Augustine, the philosopher and
   controversialist, whose thoughts live among us even at the
   present day."

      _W. Stewart, The Church of the 4th and 5th Centuries (St.
      Giles' Lectures, 4th series)._

      See ROME: A. D. 323, to 391-395.

   "Hitherto Christian asceticism had been individualistic in its
   character. ... In the third century hermits began to form a
   class by themselves in the East and in Africa; in the fourth
   they began to be organized into communities. After the
   institution of monastic societies, this development of
   Christian asceticism spread far and wide from the deserts of
   the Thebaid and Lower Egypt; Basil, Jerome, Athanasius,
   Augustine, Ambrose, were foremost among its earliest advocates
   and propagators; Cassian, Columbanus, Benedict, and others,
   crowned the labours of their predecessors by a more elaborate
   organization."

      _I. Gregory Smith, Christian Monasticism, pages 23-25._

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 318-325.
   The Arian Controversy and the Council of Nicæa.

      See ARIANISM:
      and NICÆA, THE FIRST COUNCIL OF.

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 330-1054.
   The Eastern (Greek, or Orthodox) Church.

   "'The Eastern Church,' says a well-known writer, 'was like the
   East, stationary and immutable; the Western, like the West,
   progressive and flexible. This distinction is the more
   remarkable, because at certain periods of their course, there
   can be no doubt that the civilization of the Eastern Church
   was far higher than that of the Western.'"

      _G. F. Maclear, The Slavs, page 25._

   It is the more remarkable because this long-continuing
   uniformity, while peculiarly adapted to a people and a church
   which should retain and transmit an inheritance of faith and
   culture, stands in singular contrast to the reputed character
   of the Greek-speaking peoples of the East. The word Greek,
   however, has, as an adjective, many meanings, and there is
   danger of wrong inference through inattention to these; some
   of its distinctive characters are therefore indicated in
   brackets in various places in the following matter. "The New
   Rome at the time of its foundation was Roman. ... But from the
   first it was destined to become Greek; for the Greeks, who now
   began to call themselves Romans--an appellation which they
   have ever since retained--held fast to their language,
   manners, and prejudices, while they availed themselves to the
   full of their rights as Roman citizens. The turning-point in
   this respect was the separation of the empires of the East and
   the West in the time of Arcadius and Honorius; and in
   Justinian's time we find all the highest offices in the hands
   of the Greeks, and Greek was the prevailing language. But the
   people whom we call by this name were not the Hellenes of
   Greece proper, but the Macedonian Greeks. This distinction
   arose with the establishment of Greek colonies with municipal
   government throughout Asia by Alexander the Great and his
   successors. The type of character which was developed in them
   and among those who were Hellenised by their influence,
   differed in many respects from that of the old Greeks. The
   resemblance between them was indeed maintained by similarity
   of education and social feelings, by the possession of a
   common language and literature, and by their exclusiveness,
   which caused them to look down on less favoured races; but
   while the inhabitants of Greece retained more of the
   independent spirit and of the moral character and patriotism
   of their forefathers, the Macedonian Greeks were more
   cosmopolitan, more subservient, and more ready to take the
   impress of those among whom they were thrown: and the
   astuteness and versatility which at all times had formed one
   element in the Hellenic character, in them became the leading
   characteristic. The influence of this type is traceable in the
   policy of the Eastern Empire, varying in intensity in
   different ages in proportion to the power exercised by the
   Greeks: until, during the later period of the history--in the
   time of the Comneni, and still more in that of the
   Palæologi--it is the predominant feature."

      _H. F. Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire,
      pages 9-10._

{455}

   "What have been the effects of Christianity on what we call
   national character in Eastern Christendom? ... The Greeks of
   the Lower Empire are taken as the typical example of these
   races, and the Greeks of the Lower Empire have become a byword
   for everything that is false and base. The Byzantine was
   profoundly theological, we are told, and profoundly vile. ...
   Those who wish to be just to [it] ... will pass ... to the ...
   equitable and conscientious, but by no means, indulgent,
   judgments of Mr. Finlay, Mr. Freeman, and Dean Stanley. One
   fact alone is sufficient to engage our deep interest in this
   race. It was Greeks [Hellenist Jews] and people imbued with
   Greek ideas who first welcomed Christianity. It was in their
   language that it first spoke to the world, and its first home
   was in Greek households and in Greek cities. It was in Greek
   [Hellenistic] atmosphere that the Divine Stranger from the
   East, in many respects so widely different from all that
   Greeks were accustomed to, first grew up to strength and
   shape; first showed its power of assimilating and reconciling;
   first showed what it was to be in human society. Its earliest
   nurslings were Greeks; Greeks [Hellenist Jews] first took in
   the meaning and measure of its amazing and eventful
   announcements; Greek sympathies first awoke and vibrated to
   its appeals; Greek obedience, Greek courage, Greek suffering
   first illustrated its new lessons. Had it not first gained
   over Greek mind and Greek belief, it is hard to see how it
   would have made its further way. ... The Roman conquest of the
   world found the Greek race, and the Eastern nations which it
   had influenced, in a low and declining state--morally,
   socially, politically. The Roman Empire, when it fell, left
   them in the same discouraging condition, and suffering besides
   from the degradation and mischief wrought on all its subjects
   by its chronic and relentless fiscal oppression. ... These
   were the men in whose childish conceit, childish frivolity,
   childish self-assertion, St. Paul saw such dangers to the
   growth of Christian manliness and to the unity of the
   Christian body--the idly curious and gossiping men of Athens;
   the vain and shamelessly ostentatious Corinthians, men in
   intellect, but in moral seriousness babes; the Ephesians,
   'like children carried away with every blast of vain
   teaching,' the victims of every impostor, and sport of every
   deceit; the Cretans, proverbially, 'ever liars, evil beasts,
   slow bellies;' the passionate, volatile, Greek-speaking, Celts
   of Asia, the 'foolish' Galatians. ... The Greek of the Roman
   times is portrayed in the special warnings of the Apostolic
   Epistles. After Apostolic times he is portrayed in the same
   way by the heathen satirist Lucian, and by the Christian
   preacher Chrysostom; and such, with all his bad tendencies,
   aggravated by almost uninterrupted misrule and oppression, the
   Empire, when it broke up, left him. The prospects of such a
   people, amid the coming storms, were dark. Everything, their
   gifts and versatility, as well as their faults, threatened
   national decay and disintegration. ... These races whom the
   Empire of the Cæsars left like scattered sheep to the mercy of
   the barbarians, lived through a succession of the most
   appalling storms, and kept themselves together, holding fast,
   resolute and unwavering, amid all their miseries and all their
   debasement, to the faith of their national brotherhood. ...
   This, it seems to me, Christianity did for a race which had
   apparently lived its time, and had no future before it--the
   Greek race in the days of the Cæsars. It created in them, in a
   new and characteristic degree, national endurance, national
   fellowship and sympathy, national hope. ... It gave them an
   Empire of their own, which, undervalued as it is by those
   familiar with the ultimate results of Western history, yet
   withstood the assaults before which, for the moment, Western
   civilisation sank, and which had the strength to last a
   life--a stirring and eventful life--of ten centuries. The
   Greek Empire, with all its evils and weaknesses, was yet in
   its time the only existing image in the world of a civilised
   state. ... The lives of great men profoundly and permanently
   influence national character; and the great men of later Greek
   memory are saints. They belong to the people more than
   emperors and warriors; for the Church is of the people. ...
   The mark which such men left on Greek society and Greek
   character has not been effaced to this day, even by the
   melancholy examples of many degenerate successors. ... Why, if
   Christianity affected Greek character so profoundly, did it
   not do more? Why, if it cured it of much of its instability
   and trifling, did it not also cure it of its falsehood and
   dissimulation? Why, if it impressed the Greek mind so deeply
   with the reality of the objects of faith, did it not also
   check the vain inquisitiveness and spirit of disputatiousness
   and sophistry, which filled Greek Church history with furious
   wranglings about the most hopeless problems? Why, if it could
   raise such admiration for unselfishness and heroic nobleness,
   has not this admiration borne more congenial fruit? Why, if
   heaven was felt to be so great and so near, was there in real
   life such coarse and mean worldliness? Why, indeed? ...
   Profoundly, permanently, as Christianity affected Greek
   character, there was much in that character which Christianity
   failed to reach, much that it failed to correct, much that was
   obstinately refractory to influences which, elsewhere, were so
   fruitful of goodness and greatness. The East, as well as the
   West, has still much to learn from that religion, which each
   too exclusively claims to understand, to appreciate, and to
   defend."

      _R. W. Church, The Gifts of Civilisation,
      pages 188-216._

   "The types of character that were developed in the Eastern
   Church, as might be expected, were not of the very highest.
   There was among them no St. Francis, no St. Louis. The
   uniformity which pervades everything Byzantine prevented the
   development of such salient characters as are found in the
   West. It is difficult, no doubt, to form a true estimate of
   the influence of religion on men's lives in Eastern countries,
   just as it is of their domestic relations, and even of the
   condition of the lower classes, because such matters are
   steadily ignored by the contemporary historians. But all the
   evidence tends to show that individual rather than heroic
   piety was fostered by the system which prevailed there. That
   at certain periods a high tone of spirituality prevailed among
   certain classes is sufficiently proved by the beautiful hymns
   of the Eastern Church, many of which, thanks to Dr. Neale's
   singular felicity in translation, are in use among ourselves.
   But the loftier development of their spirit took the form of
   asceticism, and the scene of this was rather the secluded
   monastery, or the pillar of the Stylite, than human society at
   large. But if the Eastern Church did not rise as high as her
   sister of the West, she never sank as low."

      _H. F. Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire,
      pages 45-46._

{456}

   "The Greek Church, or, as it calls itself, the Holy Orthodox,
   Catholic, Apostolic, Oriental Church, has a venerable if not
   an eventful history. Unlike the Church of the West, it has not
   been moulded by great political movements, the rise and fall
   of kingdoms, and the convulsions which have passed over the
   face of modern society. Its course has been out of the sight
   of European civilisation, it has grown up among peoples who
   have been but slightly affected, if they have been affected at
   all, by the progressive movements of mankind. It has no middle
   ages. It has no renaissance. It has no Reformation. It has
   given birth to no great universities and schools of learning.
   It has no Protestantism. It remains very much as the fourth
   and fifth centuries left it. ... When the royal throne in the
   days of the first Christian Emperor was removed from Rome to
   Constantinople, there arose at once a cause of strife between
   the bishops of old and new Rome, as Byzantium or
   Constantinople was named. Each claimed pre-eminence, and each
   alternately received it from the governing powers, in Church
   and State. One Council decreed (A. D. 381) that the Bishop of
   the new Rome should be inferior only to that of the old;
   another declared (A. D. 451) the equality of both prelates.
   The Patriarch of Constantinople at the close of the sixth
   century claimed superiority over all Christian Churches,--a
   claim which might have developed, had circumstances favoured
   it, into an Eastern Papacy. The assumption was, however, but
   short-lived, and the Bishop of Rome, Boniface, obtained from
   the Emperor Phocas in 606 the much-coveted position. The
   Eastern Church submitted, but from this time looked with a
   jealous eye on her Western sister. She noted and magnified
   every point of divergence between them. Differences or
   apparent differences in doctrine and ritual were denounced as
   heresies. Excommunications fulminated between the Eastern and
   Western city, and ecclesiastical bitterness was intensified by
   political intrigue. ... In the ninth century the contest grew
   very fierce. The holder of the Eastern see, Photius,
   formulated and denounced the terrible doctrinal and other
   defections of the Western prelate and his followers. The list
   is very formidable. They, the followers of Rome, deemed it
   proper to fast on the seventh day of the week--that is on the
   Jewish Sabbath; in the first week of Lent they permitted the
   use of milk and cheese; they disapproved wholly of the
   marriage of priests; they thought none but bishops could
   anoint with the holy oil or confirm the baptized, and that
   they therefore anointed a second time those who had been
   anointed by presbyters; and fifthly, they had adulterated the
   Constantinopolitan Creed by adding to it the words Filioque,
   thus teaching that the Holy Spirit did not proceed only from
   the Father, but also from the Son. This last was deemed, and
   has always been deemed by the Greek Church the great heresy of
   the Roman Church. ... The Greek Church to-day in all its
   branches--in Turkey, Greece, and Russia--professes to hold
   firmly by the formulas and decisions of the seven Œcumenical
   or General Councils, regarding with special honour that of
   Nice. The Nicene and Athanasian Creeds are the symbols of its
   faith, the Filioque clause being omitted from the former, and
   the eighth article reading thus: 'And in the Holy Ghost, the
   Lord and Giver of life, who proceedeth from the Father, and
   with the Father and Son together is worshipped and glorified.'
   ... The Greek Church, unlike the Latin, denounces the use of
   images as objects of devotion, and holds in abhorrence every
   form of what it terms 'image worship.' Its position in this
   manner is very curious. It is true, no figures of our Lord, of
   the Virgin, or saints, such as one sees in churches, wayside
   chapels, and in the open fields in countries where the Roman
   Church is powerful, are to be seen in Russia, Greece, or any
   of those lands where the Eastern Church is supreme. On the
   other hand, pictures of the plainest kind everywhere take
   their place, and are regarded with the deepest veneration."

      _J. C. Lees, The Greek Church, (in the Churches of
      Christendom). lecture 4._

      See, also,
      FILIOQUE CONTROVERSY.

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 337-476.
   The fall of Imperial Rome.
   The rise of Ecclesiastical Rome.

   The political and religious history of the Empire from the
   death of Constantine is so fully narrated under Rome that mere
   mention here of a few events will suffice, viz.: the revival
   of Paganism under the Emperor Julian; the reascendency of
   Christianity; the formal establishment of Christianity as the
   religion of the Romans, by the suffrages of the senate; the
   final division of the Empire into East and West between the
   sons of Theodosius; the three sieges and the sacking of Rome
   by Alaric; the legal separation of the Eastern and Western
   Empires; the pillage of Rome by the Vandals and its final
   submission to the barbarians.

      See ROME: A. D. 337-361, to 445-476.

      For an account of the early bishops of Rome, see PAPACY.

   "A heathen historian traces the origin of the calamities which
   he records to the abolition of sacrifice by Theodosius, and
   the sack of Rome to the laws against the ancient faith passed
   by his son. This objection of the heathens that the overthrow
   of idolatry and the ascendency of Christianity were the cause
   of the misfortunes of the empire was so wide spread, and had
   such force with those, both Pagans and Christians, who
   conceived history to be the outcome of magical or demonic
   powers, that Augustine devoted twelve years of his life to its
   refutation. His treatise, 'De Civitate Dei,' was begun in 413,
   and was not finished till 426, within four years of his death.
   Rome had once been taken; society, consumed by inward
   corruption, was shaken to its foundations by the violent onset
   of the Teutonic tribes; men's hearts were failing them for
   fear; the voice of calumny cried aloud, and laid these woes to
   the charge of the Christian faith. Augustine undertook to
   refute the calumny, and to restore the courage of his
   fellow-Christians. Taking a rapid survey of history, he asks
   what the gods had ever done for the well-being of the state or
   for public morality. He maintains that the greatness of Rome
   in the past was due to the virtues of her sons, and not to the
   protection of the gods. He shows that, long before the rise of
   Christianity, her ruin had begun with the introduction of
   foreign vices after the destruction of Carthage, and declares
   that much in the ancient worship, instead of preventing, had
   hastened that ruin. He rises above the troubles of the
   present, and amid the vanishing glories of the city of men he
   proclaims the stability of the city of God. At a time when the
   downfall of Rome was thought to presage approaching doom,
   Augustine regarded the disasters around him as the
   birth-throes of a new world, as a necessary moment in the
   onward movement of Christianity."

      _W. Stewart, The Church of the 4th and 5th Centuries (St.
      Giles' Lectures, 4th series)._

{457}

   "There is as little ground for discovering a miraculous, as
   there is for disowning a providential element in the course of
   events. The institutions of Roman authority and law had been
   planted regularly over all the territory which the conquering
   hordes coveted and seized; alongside of every magistrate was
   now placed a minister of Christ, and by every Hall of Justice
   stood a House of Prayer. The Representative of Cæsar lost all
   his power and dignity when the armies of Cæsar were scattered
   in flight; the minister of Christ felt that behind him was an
   invisible force with which the hosts of the alien could not
   cope, and his behaviour impressed the barbarian with the
   conviction that there was reality here. That beneficent
   mission of Leo, A. D. 452, of which Gibbon says: 'The pressing
   eloquence of Leo, his majestic aspect and sacerdotal robes,
   excited the veneration of Attila for the spiritual father of
   the Christians'--would be but an instance of what many
   nameless priests from provincial towns did, 'not counting
   their lives dear to them.' The organisation of the Latin state
   vitalised by a new spiritual force vanquished the victors. It
   was the method and the discipline of this organisation, not
   the subtlety of its doctrine, nor the fervour of its
   officials, that beat in detail one chief with his motley
   following after another. Hence too it came about that the
   Christianity which was adopted as the religion of Europe was
   not modified to suit the tastes of the various tribes that
   embraced it, but was delivered to each as from a common
   fountain-head. ... It was a social triumph, proceeding from
   religious motives which we may regard with unstinted
   admiration and gratitude."

      _J. Watt, The Latin Church
      (St. Giles' Lectures, 4th series.)_

   "The temporal fall of the Imperial metropolis tended to throw
   a brighter light upon her ecclesiastical claims. The
   separation of the East and the West had already enhanced the
   religious dignity of the ancient capital. The great Eastern
   patriarchates of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem had up to
   that time all held themselves equal, if not superior to Rome.
   Constantinople had even assumed certain airs of supremacy over
   all. The General Councils which had defined the Faith at Nicæa
   and Constantinople had been composed almost wholly of
   Orientals. The great Doctors of the Church, the men who had
   defended or diffused the common Faith, had been mostly Greeks
   by origin and language. None had been Romans, and it was
   rarely, till the fourth century, that any of them had written
   in the Latin tongue. When Athanasius, exiled from Alexandria,
   came to Italy and Gaul, it was three years before he could
   learn enough of the language of the West to address its
   congregations in public. But this curious fact shows that the
   Western Christians were now no longer the little Greek colony
   of the first and second centuries. Christianity had become the
   national religion of the native races. The Romans might now
   feel that they were becoming again a people; that their
   glorious career was assuming, as it were, a new point of
   departure. ... For at this moment the popular instinct could
   not fail to perceive how strongly the conscience of the
   barbarians had been affected by the spiritual majesty of
   Christian Rome. The Northern hordes had beaten down all armed
   resistance. They had made a deep impression upon the strength
   of the Eastern Empire; they had, for a moment at least,
   actually overcome the Western; they had overrun many of the
   fairest provinces, and had effected a permanent lodgement in
   Gaul and Spain, and still more recently in Africa. Yet in all
   these countries, rude as they still were, they had submitted
   to accept the creed of the Gospel. There was no such thing as
   a barbarian Paganism established within the limits of the
   Empire anywhere, except perhaps in furthest Britain."

      _C. Merivale, Four lectures on some Epochs of Early
      Church History, pages 130-136._

   "When the surging tides of barbarian invasion swept over
   Europe, the Christian organization was almost the only
   institution of the past which survived the flood. It remained
   as a visible monument of what had been, and, by so remaining,
   was of itself an antithesis to the present. The chief town of
   the Roman province, whatever its status under barbarian rule,
   was still the bishop's see. The limits of the old 'province,'
   though the boundary of a new kingdom might bisect them, were
   still the limits of his diocese. The bishop's tribunal was the
   only tribunal in which the laws of the Empire could be pleaded
   in their integrity. The bishop's dress was the ancient robe of
   a Roman magistrate. The ancient Roman language which was used
   in the Church services was a standing protest against the
   growing degeneracy of the 'vulgar tongue.' ... As the forces
   of the Empire became less and less, the forces of the Church
   became more and more. The Churches preserved that which had
   been from the first the secret of Imperial strength. For
   underneath the Empire which changed and passed, beneath the
   shifting pageantry of Emperors who moved across the stage and
   were seen no more, was the abiding empire of law and
   administration,--which changed only as the deep sea changes
   beneath the windswept waves. That inner empire was continued
   in the Christian Churches. In the years of transition from the
   ancient to the modern world, when all civilized society seemed
   to be disintegrated, the confederation of the Christian
   Churches, by the very fact of its existence upon the old
   imperial lines, was not only the most powerful, but the only
   powerful organization in the civilized world. It was so vast,
   and so powerful, that it seemed to be, and there were few to
   question its being, the visible realization of that Kingdom of
   God which our Lord Himself had preached."

      _E. Hatch; The Organization of the Christian Churches,
      pages 160-178._

{458}

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 347-412.
   The Syrian Churches.

   "St. Chrysostom was born there A. D. 347; and it was in his
   time that Antioch, with its hundred thousand Christians,
   became the leading Church in Asia, especially in the Arian
   controversy [see ARIANISM], for Arianism was very prevalent
   there. But all this lies outside our period. The so-called
   'School of Antioch' has its origin just before ... our period
   [311, Wiltsch]. Dorotheus, ... and the martyr Lucian may be
   regarded as its founders. In contrast to the allegorising
   mysticism of the School of Alexandria, it was distinguished by
   a more sober and critical interpretation of Scripture. It
   looked to grammar and history for its principles of exegesis.
   But we must not suppose that there was at Antioch an
   educational establishment like the Catechetical School at
   Alexandria, which, by a succession of great teachers, kept up
   a traditional mode of exegesis and instruction. It was rather
   an intellectual tendency which, beginning with Lucian and
   Dorotheus, developed in a definite direction in Antioch and
   other Syrian Churches. ... These notices of the Churches of
   Jerusalem, Cæsarea in Palestine, and Antioch must suffice as
   representative of the Syrian Churches. The number of these
   Churches was considerable even in the second century, and by
   the beginning of the fourth was very large indeed, as is seen
   by the number of bishops who attend local Councils."

      _A. Plummer, The Church of the Early Fathers, chapter 3._

   "It has often astonished me that no one has ever translated
   the letters of St. Jerome. The letters of St. Augustine have
   been translated, and are in many parts very entertaining
   reading, but they are nothing in point of living interest when
   compared with St. Jerome's. These letters illustrate life
   about the year 400 as nothing else can. They show us, for
   instance, what education then was, what clerical life
   consisted in; they tell us of modes and fashions, and they
   teach us how vigorous and constant was the communication at
   that same period between the most distant parts of the Roman
   empire. We are apt to think of the fifth century as a time
   when there was very little travel, and when most certainly the
   East and West--Ireland, England, Gaul and Palestine--were much
   more widely and completely separated than now, when steam has
   practically annihilated time and space. And yet such an idea
   is very mistaken. There was a most lively intercourse existing
   between these regions, a constant Church correspondence kept up
   between them, and the most intense and vivid interest
   maintained by the Gallic and Syrian churches in the minutest
   details of their respective histories. Mark now how this
   happened. St. Jerome at Bethlehem was the centre of this
   intercourse. His position in the Christian world in the
   beginning of the fifth century can only be compared to, but
   was not at all equalled by, that of John Calvin at the time of
   the Reformation. Men from the most distant parts consulted
   him. Bishops of highest renown for sanctity and learning, like
   St. Augustine, and Exuperius of Toulouse in southern France,
   deferred to his authority. The keen interest he took in the
   churches of Gaul, and the intimate knowledge he possessed of
   the most petty local details and religious gossip therein, can
   only be understood by one who has studied his very abusive
   treatise against Vigilantius or his correspondence with
   Exuperius. ... But how, it may be asked, was this
   correspondence carried on when there was no postal system?
   Here it was that the organization of monasticism supplied a
   want. Jerome's letters tell us the very name of his postman.
   He was a monk named Sysinnius. He was perpetually on the road
   between Marseilles and Bethlehem. Again and again does Jerome
   mention his coming and his going. His appearance must indeed
   have been the great excitement of life at Bethlehem.
   Travelling probably via Sardinia, Rome, Greece, and the
   islands of the Adriatic, he gathered up all kinds of clerical
   news on the way--a piece of conduct on his part which seems to
   have had its usual results. As a tale-bearer, he not only
   revealed secrets, but also separated chief friends, and this
   monk Sysinnius with his gossips seems to have been the
   original cause of the celebrated quarrel between Augustine and
   Jerome."

      _G. T. Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church,
      pages 170-172._

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 496-800.
   The Frankish Church to the Empire of Charlemagne.

   "The baptism of Chlodovech [Clovis--see FRANKS: A. D. 481-
   511] was followed by the wholesale conversion of the Franks.
   No compulsion was used to bring the heathen into the Church.
   As a heathen, Chlodovech had treated the Church with
   forbearance; he was equally tolerant to heathenism when he was
   a Christian. But his example worked, and thousands of noble
   Franks crowded to the water of regeneration. Gregory of Tours
   reckons the Franks as Christians after the baptism of their
   king, which took place at Christmas, A. D. 496. His conversion
   made no alteration in the policy and conduct of Chlodovech; he
   remained the same mixture of cunning and audacity, of cruelty
   and sensuality, that he was before. ... But, though his
   baptism was to him of no moral import, its consequences were
   wide spreading. When Gregory of Tours compares the conversion
   of Chlodovech with that of Constantine the Great, he was fully
   in the right. ... And the baptism of Chlodovech declared to
   the world that the new blood being poured into the veins of
   the old and expiring civilization, had been quickened by the
   same elements, and would unite with the old in the new
   development. ... That many of those who were baptized carried
   with them into their new Christianity their old heathen
   superstitions as well as their barbarism is certain; and the
   times were not those in which the growth of the great
   Christian graces was encouraged; the germs, however, of a new
   life were laid."

      _S. Baring-Gould, The Church in Germany, chapter 3._

   "The details of the history of the Merovingian period of
   Frankish history are extraordinarily complicated; happily, it
   is not at all necessary for our purpose to follow them. ... In
   the earlier years after the conquest, all ranks of the clergy
   were filled by Gallo-Romans. The Franks were the dominant
   race, and were Christian, but they were new converts from a
   rude heathenism, and it would take some generations to raise
   up a 'native ministry' among them. Not only the literature of
   the (Western) Church, but all its services, and, still more,
   the conversational intercourse of all civilized and Christian
   people, was in Latin. Besides, the Franks were warriors, a
   conquering caste, a separate nation; and to lay down the
   battle-axe and spear, and enter into the peaceful ranks of the
   Romano-Gallic Church, would have seemed to them like changing
   their nationality for that of the more highly cultured,
   perhaps, but, in their eyes, subject race. The Frank kings did
   not ignore the value of education. Clovis is said to have
   established a Palatine school, and encouraged his young men to
   qualify themselves for the positions which his conquests had
   opened out to them.
{459}
   His grandsons, we have seen, prided themselves on
   their Latin culture. After a while, Franks aspired to the
   magnificent positions which the great sees of the Church
   offered to their ambition; and we find men with Teutonic
   names, and no doubt of Teutonic race, among the bishops. ...
   For a still longer period, few Franks entered into the lower
   ranks of the Church. Not only did the priesthood offer little
   temptation to them, but also the policy of the kings and
   nobles opposed the diminution of their military strength, by
   refusing leave to their Franks to enter into holy orders or
   into the monasteries. The cultured families of the cities
   would afford an ample supply of men for the clergy, and
   promising youths of a lower class seem already not
   infrequently to have been educated for the service of the
   Church. It was only in the later period, when some approach
   had been made to a fusion of the races, that we find Franks
   entering into the lower ranks of the Church, and
   simultaneously we find Gallo-Romans in the ranks of the
   armies. ... Monks wielded a powerful spiritual influence. But
   the name of not a single priest appears in the history of the
   times as exercising any influence or authority. ... Under the
   gradual secularization of the Church in the Merovingian
   period, the monasteries had the greatest share in keeping
   alive a remnant of vital religion among the people; and in the
   gradual decay of learning and art, the monastic institution
   was the ark in which the ancient civilization survived the
   deluge of barbarism, and emerged at length to spread itself
   over the modern world."

      _E. L. Cutts, Charlemagne, chapters 5 and 7._

   "Two Anglo-Saxon monks, St. Wilfrid, bishop of York, and St.
   Willibrord undertook the conversion of the savage fishermen of
   Friesland and Holland at the end of the seventh and beginning
   of the eighth century; they were followed by another
   Englishman, the most renowned of all these missionaries,
   Winfrith, whose name was changed to Boniface, perhaps by the
   Pope, in recognition of his active and beneficent apostleship.
   When Gregory II. appointed him bishop of Germany (723), he
   went through Bavaria and established there the dioceses of
   Frisingen, Passau, and Ratisbon. When Pope Zacharias bestowed
   the rank of metropolitan upon the Church of Mainz in 748, he
   entrusted its direction to St. Boniface, who from that time
   was primate, as it were, of all Germany, under the authority
   of the Holy See. St. Boniface was assassinated by the Pagans
   of Friesland in 755."

      _V. Duruy, History of the Middle Ages, book 3, chapter 8._

   "Boniface, whose original name was Winfrid, was of a noble
   Devonshire family (A. D. 680), educated at the monastery of
   Nutcelle, in Hampshire, and at the age of thirty-five years
   had obtained a high reputation for learning and ability, when
   (in A. D. 716), seized with the prevalent missionary
   enthusiasm, he abandoned his prospects at home, and set out
   with two companions to labour among the Frisians. ... Winfrid
   was refused permission by the Duke to preach in his dominions,
   and he returned home to England. In the following spring he
   went to Rome, where he remained for some months, and then,
   with a general authorization from the pope to preach the
   gospel in Central Europe, he crossed the Alps, passed through
   Bavaria into Thuringia, where he began his work. While here
   the death of Radbod, A. D. 719, and the conquest of Frisia by
   Charles Martel, opened up new prospects for the evangelization
   of that country, and Boniface went thither and laboured for three
   years among the missionaries, under Willibrord of Utrecht.
   Then, following in the track of the victorious forces of
   Charles Martel, he plunged into the wilds of Hessia, converted
   two of its chiefs whose example was followed by multitudes of
   the Hessians and Saxons, and a monastery arose at Amöneburg as
   the head-quarters of the mission. The Bishop of Rome being
   informed of this success, summoned Boniface to Rome, A. D.
   723, and consecrated him a regionary bishop, with a general
   jurisdiction over all whom he should win from paganism into
   the Christian fold, requiring from him at the same time the
   oath which was usually required of bishops within the
   patriarchate of Rome, of obedience to the see. ... Boniface
   was not only a zealous missionary, an earnest preacher, a
   learned scholar, but he was a statesman and an able
   administrator. He not only spread the Gospel among the
   heathen, but he organized the Church among the newly converted
   nations of Germany; he regulated the disorder which existed in
   the Frankish Church, and established the relations between
   Church and State on a settled basis. The mediæval analysts
   tell us that Boniface crowned Pepin king, and modern writers
   have usually reproduced the statement. 'Rettberg, and the able
   writer of the biography of Boniface in Herzog (Real Ecyk, s.
   v.), argue satisfactorily from Boniface's letters that he took
   no part in Pepin's coronation.' When Boniface withdrew from
   the active supervision of the Frankish Churches, it is
   probable that his place was to some extent supplied in the
   councils of the mayor and in the synods of the Church by
   Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz, a man whose character and
   influence in the history of the Frank Church have hardly
   hitherto been appreciated."

      _E. L. Cutts, Charlemagne, chapter 12._

   "Both Karlmann and Pippin tried to reform certain abuses that
   had crept into the Church. Two councils, convoked by Karlmann,
   the one in Germany (742), the other in the following year at
   Lestines (near Charleroi, in Belgium), drew up decrees which
   abolished superstitious rites and certain Pagan ceremonies,
   still remaining in force; they also authorized grants of
   Church lands by the 'Prince' for military purposes on
   condition of a payment of an annual rent to the Church; they
   reformed the ecclesiastical life, forbade the priests to hunt
   or to ride through the woods with dogs, falcons, or
   sparrow-hawks; and, finally, made all priests subordinate to
   their diocesan bishops, to whom they were obliged to give
   account each year of their faith and their ministry--all of
   which were necessary provisions for the organization of the
   ecclesiastical hierarchy and for the regulation of church
   government. Similar measures were taken by the Council of
   Soissons, convoked by Pippin in 744. In 747, Karlmann
   renounced the world and retired to the celebrated Italian
   monastery of Monte Cassino. As he left he entrusted his
   children to the care of their uncle, Pippin, who robbed them
   of their inheritance and ruled alone over the whole Frankish
   Empire. ... Charlemagne enlarged and completed the work which
   had only been begun by Charles Martel and Pippin. ... The
   Middle Ages acknowledged two Masters, the Pope and the
   Emperor, and these two powers came, the one from Rome, and the
   other from Austrasian France. ... The mayors of Austrasia,
   Pippin of Heristal, and Charles Martel, rebuilt the Frankish
   monarchy and prepared the way for the empire of Charlemagne;
   ... the Roman pontiffs ... gathered around them all the
   churches of the West, and placed themselves at the head of the
   great Catholic society, over which one day Gregory VII. and
   Innocent III. should claim to have sole dominion."

      _V. Duruy, History of the Middle Ages, pages 119-122, 108._

      See MAYORS OF THE PALACE;
      FRANKS: A. D. 768-814;
      and PAPACY: A. D. 755-774, and 774.

{460}

   The coronation of Charlemagne at Rome by Pope Leo III. (see
   ROMAN EMPIRE, A. D. 800) gave the Western Church the place in
   the state it had held under the earlier Roman emperors. The
   character of so great a man, the very books he read and all
   that fed the vigorous ideal element in so powerful a spirit
   are worthy of interest; for this at least he sought to
   accomplish--to give order to a tumultuous and barbarian
   world, and to establish learning, and purify the church:
   "While at table, he liked to hear a recital or a reading, and
   it was histories and the great deeds of past times which were
   usually read to him. He took great pleasure, also, in the
   works of St. Augustine, and especially in that whose title is
   'De Civitate Dei.' ... He practiced the Christian religion in
   all its purity and with great fervour, whose principles had
   been taught him from his infancy. ... He diligently attended
   ... church in the evening and morning, and even at night, to
   assist at the offices and at the holy sacrifice, as much as
   his health permitted him.' He watched with care that nothing
   should be done but with the greatest propriety, constantly
   ordering the guardians of the church not to allow anything to
   be brought there or left there inconsistent with or unworthy
   of the sanctity of the place. ... He was always ready to help
   the poor, and it was not only in his own country, or within
   his own dominions that he dispensed those gratuitous
   liberalities which the Greeks call 'alms,' but beyond the
   seas--in Syria, in Egypt, in Africa, at Jerusalem, at
   Alexandria, at Carthage, everywhere where he learned that
   Christians were living in poverty--he pitied their misery and
   loved to send them money. If he sought with so much care the
   friendship of foreign sovereigns, it was, above all, to
   procure for the Christians living under their rule help and
   relief. Of all the holy places, he had, above all, a great
   veneration for the Church of the Apostle St. Peter at Rome."

      _Eginhard, Life of Charlemagne._

   "The religious side of Charles' character is of the greatest
   interest in the study of his remarkable character as a whole
   and his religious policy led to the most important and durable
   results of his reign. He inherited an ecclesiastical policy
   from his father; the policy of regulating and strengthening
   the influence of the Church in his dominions as the chief
   agent of civilization, and a great means of binding the
   various elements of the empire into one; the policy of
   accepting the Bishop of Rome as the head of Western
   Christianity, with patriarchal authority over all its
   Churches."

      _E. L. Cutts, Charlemagne, chapter 23._

   The following is a noteworthy passage from Charlemagne's
   Capitulary of 787: "It is our wish that you may be what it
   behoves the soldiers of the church to be;--religious in
   heart, learned in discourse, pure in act, eloquent in speech;
   so that all who approach your house in order to invoke the
   Divine Master, or to behold the excellence of the religious
   life, may be edified in beholding you, and instructed in
   hearing you discourse or chant, and may return home rendering
   thanks to God most High. Fail not, as thou regardest our
   favour, to send a copy of this letter to all thy suffragans
   and to all the monasteries; and let no monk go beyond his
   monastery to administer justice or to enter the assemblies and
   the voting-places. Adieu."

      _J. B. Mullinger, The Schools of Charles the Great._

CHRISTIANITY: 5th-7th Centuries.
   The Nestorian, Monophysite and Monothelite Controversies.

      See NESTORIAN AND MONOPHYSITE, and MONOTHELITE.

CHRISTIANITY: 5th-9th Centuries.
   The Irish Church and its missions.

   The story of the conversion of Ireland by St. Patrick, and of
   the missionary labors of the Church which he founded, is
   briefly told elsewhere.

      See IRELAND: 5TH-8TH CENTURIES.

   "The early Church worked her way, in the literal sense of the
   word, 'underground,' under camp and palace, under senate and
   forum. But turn where we will in these Celtic missions, we
   notice how different were the features that marked them now.
   In Dalaradia St. Patrick obtains the site of his earliest
   church from the chieftain of the country, Dichu. At Tara, he
   obtains from King Laoghaire a reluctant toleration of his
   ministry. In Connaught he addresses himself first to the
   chieftains of Tirawley, and in Munster baptizes Angus, the
   king, at Cashel, the seat of the kings. What he did in Ireland
   reproduces itself in the Celtic missions of Wales and
   Scotland, and we cannot but take note of the important
   influence of Welsh and Pictish chiefs. ... The people may not
   have adopted the actual profession of Christianity, which was
   all perhaps that in the first instance they adopted from any
   clear or intelligent appreciation of its superiority to their
   former religion. But to obtain from the people even an actual
   profession of Christianity was an important step to ultimate
   success. It secured toleration at least for Christian
   institutions. It enabled the missionaries to plant in every
   tribe their churches, schools, and monasteries, and to
   establish among the half pagan inhabitants of the country
   societies of holy men, whose devotion, usefulness, and piety
   soon produced an effect on the most barbarous and savage
   hearts.'"

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West: The Celts,
      chapter 11._

   "The Medieval Church of the West found in the seventh century
   an immense task before it to fulfil. ... The missionaries who
   addressed themselves to the enormous task of the conversion of
   Germany may be conveniently divided into three groups--the
   British, the Frankish, and, entering somewhat later into an
   honourable rivalry with these, the Anglo-Saxon. A word or two
   upon each of these groups. The British--they include Irish and
   Scotch--could no longer find a field for the exercise of their
   ministry in England, now that there the Roman rule and
   discipline, to which they were so little disposed to submit,
   had everywhere won the day. Their own religious houses were
   full to overflowing. At home there was little for them to do,
   while yet that divine hunger and thirst for the winning of
   souls, which had so possessed the heart of St. Patrick, lived
   on in theirs. To these so minded, pagan Germany offered a welcome
   field of labour, and one in which there was ample room for all.
{461}
   Then there were the Frankish missionaries, who enjoyed the support
   of the Frankish kings, which sometimes served them in good
   stead; while at other times this protection was very far from
   a recommendation in their eyes who were easily persuaded to
   see in these missionaries the emissaries of a foe. Add to
   these the Anglo-Saxons; these last, mindful of the source from
   which they had received their own Christianity, making it a
   point to attach their converts to Rome, even as they were
   themselves bound to her by the closest ties. The language
   which these spoke--a language which as yet can have diverged
   very little from the Low German of Frisia, must have given to
   them many facilities which the Frankish missionaries possessed
   in a far slighter degree, the British not at all; and this may
   help to account for a success on their parts far greater than
   attended the labours of the others. To them too it was mainly
   due that the battle of the Creeds, which had been fought and
   lost by the Celtic missionaries in England, and was presently
   renewed in Germany, had finally the same issues there as in
   England. ... At the same time, there were differences in the
   intensity and obstinacy of resistance to the message of truth,
   which would be offered by different tribes. There was ground,
   which at an early day had been won for the Gospel, but which
   in the storms and confusion of the two preceding centuries had
   been lost again; the whole line, that is, of the Danube and
   the Rhine, regions fair and prosperous once, but in every
   sense wildernesses now. In these we may note a readier
   acceptance of the message than found place in lands which in
   earlier times that message had never reached; as though
   obscure reminiscences and traditions of the past, not wholly
   extinct, had helped to set forward the present work."

      _R C. Trench, Lectures on Medieval Church History,
      lecture 5._

   "From Ireland came Gallus, Fridolin, Kilian, Trutbert and
   Levin. ... The order in which these men succeeded one another
   cannot always be established, from the uncertainty of the
   accounts. ... We know thus much, that of all those
   above-mentioned, Gallus was the first, for his labours in
   Helvetia (Switzerland) were continued from the preceding into
   the period of which we are now treating. On the other hand, it
   is uncertain as to Fridolin whether he had not completed his
   work before Gallus, in the sixth century, for in the opinion
   of some he closed his career in the time of Clodoveus I., but,
   according to others, he is said to have lived under Clodoveus
   II., or at another period. His labours extended over the lands
   on the Moselle, in the Vosges Mountains, over Helvetia, Rhætia
   and Nigra Silva (the Black Forest). He built the monastery of
   Sekkinga on the Rhine. Trutbert was a contemporary and at the
   same time a countryman of Gallus. His sphere of action is said
   to have been Brisgovia (Breisgau) and the Black Forest. Almost
   half a century later Kilian proclaimed the gospel in Franconia
   and Wirtzburg, with two assistants, Colonatus and Totnanus. In
   the latter place they converted duke Gozbert, and were put to
   death there in 688. After the above mentioned missionaries
   from Ireland, in the seventh century, had built churches and
   monasteries in the southern Germany, the missionaries from
   Britain repaired with a similar purpose, to the northern
   countries. ... Men from other nations, as Willericus, bishop
   of Brema, preached in Transalbingia at the beginning of the
   ninth century. Almost all the missionaries from the kingdom of
   the Franks selected southern Germany as their sphere of
   action: Emmeran, about 649, Ratisbona, Rudbert, about 696,
   Bajoaria (Bavaria), Corbinian the country around Frisinga,
   Otbert the Breisgau and Black Forest, and Pirminius the
   Breisgau, Bajoaria, Franconia, Helvetia, and Alsatis."

      _J. E. T. Wiltsch, Handbook of the Geography and
      Statistics of the Church, 11. 1, pages 365-367._

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 553-800.
   The Western Church.
   Rise of the Papacy.

   "Though kindly treated, the Church of Rome did not make any
   progress under the Ostrogoths. But when their power had been
   broken (553), and Rome had been placed again under the
   authority of the Emperor of Constantinople [see ROME: A. D.
   535-553], the very remoteness of her new master insured to the
   Church a more prosperous future. The invasion of the Lombards
   drove a great many refugees into her territory, and the Roman
   population showed a slight return of its old energy in its
   double hatred toward them, as barbarians and as Arians. ... It
   was at this favorable point in the state of affairs, though
   critical in some respects, that Gregory the Great made his
   appearance (590-604). He was a descendant of the noble Anicia
   family, and added to his advantages of birth and position the
   advantages of a well-endowed body and mind. He was prefect of
   Rome when less than thirty years old, but after holding this
   office a few months he abandoned the honors and cares of
   worldly things for the retirement of the cloister. His
   reputation did not allow him to remain in the obscurity of
   that life. Toward 579 he was sent to Constantinople by Pope
   Pelagius II. as secretary or papal nuncio, and he rendered
   distinguished services to the Holy See in its relations with
   the Empire and in its struggles against the Lombards. In 590
   the clergy, the senate, and the people raised him with one
   accord to the sovereign pontificate, to succeed Pelagius. As
   it was still necessary for every election to be confirmed by
   the Emperor at Constantinople, Gregory wrote to him to beg him
   not to sanction this one; but the letter was intercepted and
   soon orders arrived from Maurice ratifying the election.
   Gregory hid himself, but he was discovered and led back to
   Rome. When once Pope, though against his will, he used his
   power to strengthen the papacy, to propagate Christianity, and
   to improve the discipline and organization of the Church. ...
   Strengthened thus by his own efforts, he undertook the
   propagation of Christianity and orthodoxy both within and
   without the limits of the old Roman Empire. Within those
   limits there were still some who clung to paganism, in Sicily,
   Sardinia, and even at the very gates of Rome, at Terracina,
   and doubtless also in Gaul, as there is a constitution of
   Childebert still extant dated 554, and entitled: 'For the
   abolition of the remains of idolatry.' There were Arians very
   near to Rome--namely, the Lombards; but through the
   intervention of Theudalinda, their queen, Gregory succeeded in
   having Adelwald, the heir to the throne, brought up in the
   Catholic faith; as early as 587 the Visigoths in Spain, under
   Reccared, were converted. ... The Roman Empire had perished,
   and the barbarians had built upon its ruins many slight
   structures that were soon overthrown.
{462}
   Not even had the Franks, who were destined to be perpetuated
   as a nation, as yet succeeded in founding a social state of
   any strength; their lack of experience led them from one
   attempt to another, all equally vain; even the attempt of
   Charlemagne met with no more permanent success. In the midst
   of these successive failures one institution alone, developing
   slowly and steadily through the centuries, following out the
   spirit of its principles, continued to grow and gain in power,
   in extent and in unity. ... The Pope had now become, in truth,
   the ruler of Christendom. He was, however, still a subject of
   the Greek Emperor; but a rupture was inevitable, as his
   authority, on the one hand, was growing day by day, and the
   emperor's on the contrary, was declining."

      _V. Duruy, History of the Middle Ages,
      pages 114-115, 108-109, 117._

   "The real power which advanced the credit of the Roman see
   during these ages was the reaction against the Byzantine
   despotism over the Eastern Church; and this is the explanation
   of the fact that although the new map of Europe had been
   marked out, in outline at least, by the year 500, the Roman
   see clung to the eastern connection until the first half of
   the eighth century. ... In the political or diplomatic
   struggle between the Church and the Emperors, in which the
   Emperors endeavored to make the Church subservient to the
   imperial policy, or to adjust the situation to the necessities
   of the empire, and the Church strove to retain its autonomy as
   a witness to the faith and a legislator in the affairs of
   religion, the Bishop of Rome became, so to speak, the
   constitutional head of the opposition; and the East was
   willing to exalt his authority, as a counterpoise to that of
   the Emperor, to any extent short of acknowledging that the
   primacy implied a supremacy."

      _J. H. Egar, Christendom: Ecclesiastical and Political,
      from Constantine to the Reformation, page 99._

   "The election system was only used for one degree of the
   ecclesiastical dignitaries, for the bishopric. The lower
   dignitaries were chosen by the bishop. They were divided into
   two categories of orders--the higher and the lower orders.
   There were three higher orders, namely, the priests, the
   deacons, and the sub-deacons, and four lower orders, the
   acolytes, the door-keepers, the exorcists, and the readers.
   The latter orders were not regarded as an integral part of the
   clergy, as their members were the servants of the others. As
   regards the territorial divisions, the bishop governed the
   diocese, which at a much later date was divided into parishes,
   whose spiritual welfare was in the hands of the parish priest
   or curate (curio). The parishes, taken together, constituted
   the diocese; the united dioceses, or suffragan bishoprics,
   constituted the ecclesiastical province, at whose head stood
   the metropolitan or archbishop. When a provincial council was
   held, it met in the metropolis and was presided over by the
   metropolitan. Above the metropolitans were the Patriarchs, in
   the East, and the Primates in the West, bishops who held the
   great capitals or the apostolic sees, Constantinople,
   Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, Jerusalem, Cesarea in Cappadocia,
   Carthage in Africa, and Heraclius in Thrace; among them Rome
   ranked higher by one degree, and from this supreme position
   exercised a supreme authority acknowledged by all the Church."

      _V. Duruy, History of the Middle Ages, pages 109-110._

   "The divergence of the two Churches, Eastern and Western, was
   greater in reality than it appears to be from a superficial
   view. It was based on essential variations in the character
   and disposition of the people in the East and in the West, on
   the nature of their civilization, and on the different, almost
   antagonistic, development of the Christian idea in one Church
   and in the other. ... The Eastern Church rejoiced in its
   direct affiliation with apostolic times, in its careful
   preservation of traditions, and was convinced of its especial
   right to be considered the true heir and successor of Christ.
   ... The letter of the law superseded the spirit; religion
   stiffened into formalism; piety consisted in strict observance
   of ceremonial rites; external holiness replaced sincere and
   heartfelt devotion. ... Throughout the West the tendency was
   in a contrary direction--towards the practical application of
   the religious idea. The effete, worn-out civilization of the
   past was there renovated by contact and admixture with young
   and vigorous races, and gained new strength and vitality in
   the struggle for existence. The Church, freed from control,
   became independent and self-asserting; the responsibility of
   government, the preservation of social order, devolved upon
   it, and it rose proudly to the task."

      _A. F. Heard, The Russian Church and Russian
      Dissent, pages 6-10._

   "On the overthrow of the Western Empire, and the
   demonstration, rendered manifest to all, that with the
   complete triumph of the new world of secular polities a new
   spiritual development, a new phase of Divine guidance, was
   opening, the conscience of the believers was aroused to a
   sense of the sinfulness of their cowardly inactivity. 'Go ye
   into all nations, and baptize them,' had been the last words
   of their blessed Master. ... It is to this new or revived
   missionary spirit which distinguished the sixth century, of
   which I would place Pope Gregory the First, or the Great, as
   the central figure, that I desire now to introduce you.
   Remember that the Empire, which had represented the unity of
   mankind, had become disintegrated and broken into fragments.
   Men were no longer Romans, but Goths and Sueves, Burgundians
   and Vandals, and beyond them Huns, Avars, Franks, and
   Lombards, some with a slight tincture of Christian teaching,
   but most with none. ... Let but the Gospel be proclaimed to
   all, and leave the issue in God's hands! Such was the contrast
   between the age of Leo and the age of Gregory! ... The
   conversion of Clovis and the Franks is, I suppose, the
   earliest instance of a Christian mission carried out on a
   national scale by the common action of the Church represented
   by the Pope and See of Rome. It becomes accordingly a great
   historical event, deserving the earnest consideration not of
   Churchmen only, but of all political enquirers."

      _C. Merivale, Four Lectures on some Epochs of Early
      Church History, pages 172-177._

{463}

   "Christianity thus renewed its ardor for proselytism, and
   Gregory contributed to its success most wisely by enjoining
   precepts of moderation upon his missionaries, and by the
   skillful manner in which he made the transition to Catholicism
   easy to the pagans; he wrote to Augustine: 'Be careful not to
   destroy the pagan temples; it is only necessary to destroy the
   idols, then to sprinkle the edifice with holy water, and to
   build altars and place relics there. If the temples are well
   built, it is a wise and useful thing for them to pass from the
   worship of demons to the worship of the true God; for while
   the nation sees its old places of worship still standing, it
   will be the more ready to go there, by force of habit, to
   worship the true God.' In the interior Gregory succeeded in
   arranging the different degrees of power in the Church, and in
   forcing the recognition of the supreme power of the Holy See.
   We find him granting the title of Vicar of Gaul to the bishop
   of Arles, and corresponding with Augustine, archbishop of
   Canterbury, in regard to Great Britain, with the archbishop of
   Seville in regard to Spain, with the archbishop of
   Thessalonica in regard to Greece, and, finally, sending
   legates 'a latere' to Constantinople. In his Pastoral, which
   he wrote on the occasion of his election, and which became an
   established precedent in the West, he prescribed to the
   bishops their several duties, following the decisions of many
   councils. He strengthened the hierarchy by preventing the
   encroachments of the bishops upon one another: 'I have given
   to you the spiritual direction of Britain,' he wrote to the
   ambitious Augustine, 'and not that of the Gauls.' He
   rearranged the monasteries, made discipline the object of his
   vigilant care, reformed Church music, and substituted the
   chant that bears his name for the Ambrosian chant, 'which
   resembled,' according to a contemporary, 'the far-off noise of
   a chariot rumbling over pebbles.' Rome, victorious again with
   the help of Gregory the Great, continued to push her conquests
   to distant countries after his death."

      _V. Duruy, History of the Middle Ages, page 116._

      See,
      CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 496-800,
      and ROME: A. D. 590-640.

CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 597-800.
   The English Church.

   "It seems right to add a word of caution against the common
   confusion between the British Church and the English Church.
   They were quite distinct, and had very little to do with one
   another. To cite the British bishops at the Councils of Arles
   and Rimini as evidence of the antiquity of the English Church
   is preposterous. There was then no England; and the ancestors
   of English Churchmen were heathen tribes on the continent. The
   history of the Church of England begins with the episcopate of
   Archbishop Theodore (A. D. 668), or at the very earliest with
   the landing of Augustine (A. D. 597). By that time the British
   Church had been almost destroyed by the heathen English. ...
   Bede tells us that down to his day the Britons still treated
   English Christians as pagans."

      _A. Plummer, The Church of the Early Fathers, chapter 8._

   "About the year 580, in the pontificate of Pelagius, Gregory
   occupied the rank of a deacon among the Roman clergy. He was
   early noted for his zeal and piety; coming into large
   possessions, as an off-shoot of an ancient and noble family,
   he had expended his wealth in the foundation of no less than
   seven monasteries, and had become himself the abbot of one of
   them, St. Andrew's, at Rome. Devoted as he was from the first
   to all the good works to which the religious profession might
   best apply itself, his attention was more particularly turned
   to the cause of Christian missions by casually remarking a
   troop of young slaves exhibited for sale in the Roman market.
   Struck with the beauty or fresh complexion of these strangers,
   he asked whether they were Christians or Pagans. They were
   Pagans, it was replied. How sad, he exclaimed, that such fair
   countenances should lie under the power of demons. 'Whence came
   they?'--'From Anglia.'--'Truly they are Angels. What is the
   name of their country?'--'Deira.'--'Truly they are subject to
   the wrath of God: ira Dei. And their king?'--'Is named
   Ælla.'--'Let them learn to sing Allelujah.' Britain had lately
   fallen under the sway of the heathen Angles. Throughout the
   eastern section of the island, the faith of Christ, which had
   been established there from early times, had been, it seems,
   utterly extirpated. The British church of Lucius and Albanus
   still lingered, but was chiefly confined within the ruder
   districts of Cornwall, Wales, and Cumbria. The reported
   destruction of the people with all their churches, and all
   their culture, begun by the Picts and Scots, and carried on by
   the Angles and their kindred Saxons, had made a profound
   impression upon Christendom. The 'Groans of the Britons' had
   terrified all mankind, and discouraged even the brave
   missionaries of Italy and Gaul. ... Gregory determined to make
   the sacrifice himself. He prevailed on the Pope to sanction
   his enterprise; but the people of Rome, with whom he was a
   favourite, interposed, and he was constrained reluctantly to
   forego the peril and the blessing. But the sight he had
   witnessed in the market-place still retained its impression
   upon him. He kept the fair-haired Angles ever in view; and
   when, in the year 592, he was himself elevated to the popedom,
   he resolved to send a mission, and fling upon the obscure
   shores of Britain the full beams of the sun of Christendom, as
   they then seemed to shine so conspicuously at Rome. Augustine
   was the preacher chosen from among the inmates of one of
   Gregory's monasteries, for the arduous task thus imposed upon
   him. He was to be accompanied by a select band of twelve
   monks, together with a certain number of attendants. ... There
   is something very remarkable in the facility with which the
   fierce idolaters, whose name had struck such terror into the
   Christian nations far and near, yielded to the persuasions of
   this band of peaceful evangelists."

      _C. Merivale, Four lectures on some Epochs of Early
      Church History, pages 192-198._

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 597-685.

   The Roman missionaries in England landed in Kent and appear to
   have had more influence with the petty courts of the little
   kingdoms than with the people. The conversion of the North of
   England must be credited to the Irish monastery on the island
   of Iona. "At the beginning of the sixth century these Irish
   Christians were seized with an unconquerable impulse to wander
   afar and preach Christianity to the heathen. In 563 Columba,
   with twelve confederates, left Ireland and founded a monastery
   on a small island off the coast of Scotland (Iona or Hy),
   through the influence of which the Scots and Picts of Britain
   became converted to Christianity, twenty-three missions among
   the Scots and eighteen in the country of the Picts having been
   established at the death of Columba (597). Under his third
   successor the heathen Saxons were converted; Aedan, summoned
   by Osward of Northumbria, having labored among them from 635
   to 651 as missionary, abbot, and bishop. His successors,
   Finnan and Colman, worthily carried on his work, and
   introduced Christianity into other Anglo-Saxon kingdoms near
   East Anglia, Mercia, and Essex."

      _H. Zimmer, The Irish Element in Mediæval Culture,
      pages 19-21._

{464}

   "Two bands of devoted men had hitherto been employed in the
   conversion of England, the Roman, assisted by their converts
   and some teachers from France, and the Irish, who were plainly
   the larger body. Between the two there were the old
   differences as to the time of keeping Easter and the form of
   the clerical tonsure. ... Thus, while Oswy [King of Mercia]
   was celebrating Easter according to the custom he had learnt
   at Iona, his queen Earfleda observed it according to the rule
   which she had learnt in Kent, and was still practising the
   austerities of Lent. These differences were tolerated during
   the Episcopate of Aidan and Finan, but when Finan died and was
   succeeded by Colman, the controversy" was terminated by Oswy,
   after much debate, with the words--"'I will hold to St. Peter,
   lest, when I present myself at the gates of Heaven, he should
   close them against me.' ... Colman, with all his Irish
   brethren, and thirty Northumbrians who had joined the
   monastery, quitted Lindisfarne and sailed to Iona."

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West: The English,
      pages 81-85._

   The impartial historian to whom we owe all the early history
   of the English Church, thus records the memory of these
   devoted men as it remained in the minds of Englishmen long
   after their departure. It is a brief passage, one like those
   in the greater Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, which must
   stand for much we do not know. Referring to their devoted
   lives--"For this reason the religious habit was at that time
   in great veneration; so that wheresoever any clergyman or monk
   happened to come, he was joyfully received by all persons, as
   God's servant; and if they chanced to meet him upon the way,
   they ran to him, and bowing, were glad to be signed with his
   hand, or blessed with his mouth. Great attention was also paid
   to their exhortations; and on Sundays they flocked eagerly to
   the church, or the monasteries, not to feed their bodies, but
   to hear the word of God; and if any priest happened to come
   into a village, the inhabitants flocked together to hear from
   him the word of life; for the priests and clergymen went into
   the village on no other account than to preach, baptize, visit
   the sick, and, in few words, to take care of souls; and they
   were so free from worldly avarice, that none of them received
   lands and possessions for building monasteries, unless they
   were compelled to do so by the temporal authorities; which
   custom was for some time after observed in all the churches of
   the Northumbrians. But enough has now been said on this
   subject."

      _The Venerable Bede's Ecclesiastical History of England;
      ed. by J. A. Giles, book 3, chapter 26._

   The English Church passed through several stages during this
   period. A notable one was the rise and fall of a loose
   monastic system which attracted men and women of the better
   classes, but for lack of a strict rule brought itself into
   disrepute. Another was the development of classical learning
   and the foundation of the school at Jarrow in Northumberland
   resulting in making England the intellectual centre of the
   world. Venerable Bede, who wrote the Ecclesiastical History of
   the English Church, was the greatest teacher of this epoch;
   and Alcuin, a Northumbrian by birth, and of the school at
   York, of the next. Invited by Charlemagne to the Frankish
   Court, he carried English learning to the Continent, and
   although he died at the time of the foundation of the Empire,
   left his influence in many ways on the development of European
   culture. A single fact of interest will suffice, to show the
   close connection of this early history with that of Rome and
   the continent--viz., to Alcuin we are largely indebted for the
   parent script which formed our Roman letters. (_I. Taylor,
   The Alphabet, volume 2, page 180._) Northumbrian learning and the
   rich libraries of ancient and Anglo-Saxon literature were
   destroyed by the Danes, who, in their incursions, showed for a
   long time peculiar animosity to monks and monasteries.
   Although the service of this early Anglo-Saxon Church was
   partly in the vernacular, and large portions, if not all, of
   the Gospels had been translated, little remains to us of its
   early religious literature. The translations of the Gospel
   into Anglo-Saxon that have come down to us are to be
   attributed to a late period.

CHRISTIANITY: 9th Century.
   The Bulgarian Church.

   "In the beginning of this 9th century, a sister of the
   reigning Bulgarian king, Bogoris, had fallen as a captive into
   the keeping of the Greek emperor. For thirty-eight years she
   lived at Constantinople, and was there instructed in the
   doctrines of the Christian Faith. Meanwhile, the
   administration passed into the hands of the empress Regent,
   Theodora. She was interested in a certain monk named Cupharas,
   who had been taken prisoner by the Bulgarians, and with a view
   to his redemption, she opened negotiations with Bogoris. An
   exchange of prisoners was finally effected. The sister of
   Bogoris was restored to him, while Cupharas was permitted to
   return to Constantinople. Before the release of the pious
   monk, however, he had striven, though quite unavailingly, to
   win the Bulgarian prince to the service of the Cross. These
   fruitless endeavors were supplemented by the entreaties of the
   king's sister, on her return from Constantinople. ... At last,
   fear snapped the fetters which love had failed to disengage.
   ... His baptism was celebrated at midnight with profoundest
   secrecy. The rite was administered by no less a personage than
   the patriarch Photius. He emphasized the solemnity of the
   occasion by presenting the neophyte with a lengthy treatise on
   Christianity, theoretical and practical, considered mainly in
   its bearings on the duties of a monarch. The emperor Michael
   stood sponsor by proxy, and the Bulgarian king received, as
   his Christian name, that of his imperial god-father. ... The
   battle-cries of theology rang over Christendom, and the world
   was regaled with the spectacle of a struggle between the rival
   Churches for the possession of Bulgaria, a country till
   recently so conspicuously destitute of dogma of any kind. The
   Bulgarians themselves, doubtless much astonished at the uproar
   for their sake, and, surely, more perplexed than ever by the
   manners and customs of Christianity, began to waver in their
   adherence to the Western Church, and to exhibit symptoms of an
   inclination to transfer their allegiance to Constantinople.
   The strife went on for years. At last, A. D. 877, the Latin
   clergy having been dismissed from the country, Pope John VIII.
   solemnly expostulated, protesting against the Greek
   proclivities of the Bulgarians, and predicting dire results
   from their identity with a Church which was rarely free from
   heresy in one form or another. Nevertheless, the Byzantine
   leanings of Bulgaria did culminate in union with the Eastern Church.
{465}
   A Greek archbishop and bishops of the same communion, settled
   in the country. ... 'The Eastern branch' of the Slavonic
   languages, properly so called, 'comprehends the Russian, with
   various local dialects, the Bulgarian, and the Illyrian. The
   most ancient document of this Eastern branch is the so-called
   ecclesiastical Slavonic, i. e., the ancient Bulgarian, into
   which Cyrillus and Methodius translated the Bible in the
   middle of the 9th century. This is still the authorized
   version of the Bible for the whole Slavonic race, and to the
   student of the Slavonic languages it is what Gothic is to the
   student of German.'"

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West: The Slavs,
      pages 54-69._

CHRISTIANITY: 9th Century.
   Conversion of Moravia.

   "In the opening years of the 9th century, Moravia stretched
   from the Bavarian borders to the Hungarian river Drina, and
   from the banks of the Danube, beyond the Carpathian mountains,
   to the river Stryi in Southern Poland. Into this territory
   Christianity had been ushered as early as A. D. 801, by
   Charlemagne, who, as his custom was, enforced baptism at the
   point of the sword, at least as far as the king was concerned.
   Efforts were subsequently made by the archbishops of Salzburg
   and Passau to fan this first feeble flicker into something
   like a flame. But no success attended their exertions.
   Paganism was overpoweringly strong, and Christianity not only
   weak, but rude and uncouth in type. ... The story of this
   country, during the process of emancipation from paganism, is
   but a repetition of the incidents with which, in neighbouring
   states, we have already become familiar. Ramifications of the
   work of Cyril and Methodius extended into Servia. The Slavonic
   alphabet made way there, as in Bohemia and Moravia, for
   Christianity. The Servians 'enjoyed the advantage of a liturgy
   which was intelligible to them; and we find that, early in the
   10th century, a considerable number of Slavonian priests from
   all the dioceses were ordained by the bishop of Nona, who was
   himself a Slavonian by descent.'"

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West: The Slavs,
      chapter 4._

CHRISTIANITY: 9th-10th Centuries.
   The Eastern Church as a missionary Church.

   "If the missionary spirit is the best evidence of vitality in
   a church, it certainly was not wanting in the Eastern Church
   during the ninth and tenth centuries of our era. This period
   witnessed the conversion to Christianity of the principal
   Slavonic peoples, whereby they are both linked with
   Constantinople, and bound together by those associations of
   creed, as well as race, which form so important a factor in
   the European politics of the present day. The Moravians, the
   Bulgarians, and the Russians were now brought within the fold
   of the Church; and the way was prepared for that vast
   extension of the Greek communion by which it has spread, not
   only throughout the Balkan peninsula and the lands to the
   north of it, but wherever Russian influence is found--as far
   as the White Sea on the one side, and Kamtchatka on the other,
   and into the heart of Central Asia. The leaders in this great
   work were the two brothers, Cyril and Methodius, who in
   consequence of this, have since been known as the Apostles of
   the Slavonians. What Mezrop did for the Armenians, what
   Ulfilas did for the Goths, was accomplished for that race by
   Cyril in the invention of a Slavonic alphabet, which from this
   cause is still known by the name of the Cyrillic. The same
   teacher, by his translation of the Scriptures into their
   tongue, provided them with a literary language, thereby
   producing the same result which Luther's Bible subsequently
   effected for Germany, and Dante's Divina Commedia for Italy.
   It is no matter for surprise that, throughout the whole of
   this great branch of the human race--even amongst the
   Russians, who owed their Christianity to another source--the
   names of these two brothers should occupy the foremost place
   in the calendar of Saints. It is not less significant that
   their names are not even mentioned by the Byzantine
   historians."

      _H. F. Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire, chapter 7._

CHRISTIANITY: 9th-11th Centuries.
   The Western Church as a missionary Church.

   The earlier missions of the Western Church have been
   described, but it is noteworthy that again and again missions
   to the same regions are necessary. It requires such a map as
   the one accompanying this article to make plain the slowness
   of its diffusions and the long period needed to produce even a
   nominally Christian Europe. "The views of Charlemagne for the
   conquest and conversion of the Northern heathens [see SAXONS:
   A. D. 772-804], were not confined to the limits, wide as they
   were, of Saxony. The final pacification effected at Salz,
   seemed to open his eyes to more extensive enterprises in
   prospect. Political may have combined with religious motives
   in inducing him to secure the peace of his new frontiers, by
   enlisting the tribes of Denmark under the banner of the Cross,
   and he conceived the idea of planting a church in the
   neighbourhood of Hamburg, which should become a missionary
   centre. This plan, though interrupted by his death, was not
   neglected by his son Louis le Debonnaire, or 'the Pious.' ...
   But it is easier to propose such a plan than find one willing
   to carry it out. The well-known ferocity of the Northmen long
   deterred anyone from offering himself for such a duty. At
   length he received intelligence from Wala, the abbot of
   Corbey, near Amiens, that one of his monks was not unwilling
   to undertake the perilous enterprise, The intrepid volunteer
   was Anskar."

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West: The Northmen,
      chapter 2._

   "In 822, Harold, the king of Jutland, and claimant of the
   crown of Denmark, came to seek the help of Louis the Pious,
   the son, and one of the successors, of Charlemagne. ... On
   Harold's return to Denmark he was accompanied by Anskar, who
   well deserves to be called the apostle of Scandinavia. ...
   Thus Anskar and Autbert set out in the train of Harold, and
   during the journey and voyage a kindly feeling sprang up
   between the royal and the missionary families. Harold got no
   cordial greeting from his proud heathen subjects when he
   announced to them that he had done homage to the emperor, and
   that he had embraced the gospel. He seems to have been very
   sincere and very earnest in his endeavours to induce his
   nobles and subjects to abandon idolatry and embrace
   Christianity. To expect that he was altogether judicious in
   these efforts would be to suppose that he had those views
   regarding the relation that ought to subsist between rulers
   and subjects, ... views regarding liberty of conscience and
   the right of private judgment. ...
{466}
   The result was that after two years, in 828, he was compelled
   to abdicate the throne. ... The position of Anskar, difficult
   as it was while Harold was on the throne, became still more
   difficult after his abdication. ... But just at the time when
   the door was shut against him in Denmark, another was opened
   in Sweden, which promised to be wider and more effectual. ...
   He was kindly received by the Swedish king, who gave him
   permission to preach, and his subjects freedom to accept and
   profess the gospel of Christ. As Anskar had been led to
   expect, so he found, many Christian captives, who had been
   brought from other countries,--France, Germany, Britain,
   Ireland,--and who, having been as sheep without a shepherd,
   gladly received from Anskar those consolations and
   exhortations which were fitted to alleviate the sorrows of
   their captivity. ... After a year and a half's stay in Sweden,
   Anskar returned home, and gladdened the heart of the good
   emperor, and doubtless of many others, by the cheering
   prospect he was able to present of the acceptance of the
   gospel by the Swedes. He was now made nominally bishop of
   Hamburg, but with the special design of superintending and
   conducting missionary operations both in Denmark and
   Sweden.... Horik, king of Denmark, who had driven Harold from
   his throne, ... had been hitherto an uncompromising enemy of
   the gospel. Anskar undertook the management of some political
   negotiations with him, and in the conduct of them made so
   favourable an impression on him that he refused to have any
   other negotiator or ambassador of the German king at his
   court. He treated him as a personal friend, and gave him full
   liberty to conduct missionary operations. These operations he
   conducted with his usual zeal, and by God's blessing, with
   much success. Many were baptized. The Christians of Germany
   and Holland traded more freely with the Danes than before, and
   the Danes resorted in larger numbers as traders to Holland and
   Germany; and in these and other ways a knowledge of the
   gospel, and some apprehension of the blessings which it brings
   with it, were diffused among the people. ... Although the
   Norwegians were continually coming into contact, in the
   varying relations of war and peace, with the Swedes and the
   Danes, the French and the Germans, the English and the Irish,
   and although in this way some knowledge of the Christian
   system must have been diffused among them, yet the formal
   introduction of it into their country was a full century later
   than its introduction into Denmark and Sweden."

      _Thomas Smith, Mediæval Missions, pages 122-138._

   "The conversions in Denmark were confined to the mainland. The
   islands still remained pagan, while human victims continued to
   be offered till the Emperor Henry I. extorted from Gorm, the
   first king of all Denmark, in A. D. 934, protection for the
   Christians throughout his realm, and the abolition of human
   sacrifices. In Sweden, for seventy years after Anskar's death,
   the nucleus of a Christian Church continued to be restricted
   to the neighbourhood of Birka, and the country was hardly
   visited by Christian missionaries."

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West:
	  The Northmen, chapter 2._

   "It is very remarkable that, in the whole history of the
   introduction of Christianity into Norway and Iceland,
   extending over a period of a century and a half, we meet not
   with the name of any noted bishop, or ecclesiastic, or
   missionary. There were, no doubt, ecclesiastics employed in
   the work, and these would appear to have been generally
   Englishmen; but they occupied a secondary place, almost their
   only province being to baptize those whom the kings compelled
   to submit to that ordinance. The kings were the real
   missionaries; and one cannot help feeling a kind of admiration
   for the ferocious zeal which one and another of them
   manifested in the undertaking,--even as the Lord commended the
   unjust steward because he had done wisely, although his wisdom
   was wholly misdirected. The most persistent and the most
   successful of these missionary kings was Olaf the Thick, who
   came from England in 1017, and set himself with heart and soul
   to the work of the demolition of heathenism, and the
   substitution of Christianity as the national religion."

      _Thomas Smith, Mediæval Missions, pages 140-141._

CHRISTIANITY: 10th Century.
   The Russian Church.

   "In the middle of the 10th century, the widowed Princess Olga,
   lately released from the cares of regency, travelled from Kief
   to Constantinople. Whether her visit had political objects, or
   whether she was prompted to pay it solely, as some say, by a
   desire to know more of the holy faith of which only glimpses
   had been vouchsafed her at home, cannot be positively decided.
   But her sojourn in the imperial city was a turning-point in
   her career. Baptism was administered to her by the patriarch
   Polyeuctes, the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus
   officiating as sponsor. Polyeuctes then solemnly addressed the
   princess, predicting that through her instrumentality Russia
   should be richly blessed. 'Olga,' writes M. Mouravieff, 'now
   become Helena by baptism, that she might resemble both in name
   and deed the mother of Constantine the Great, stood meekly
   bowing down her head, and drinking in, as a sponge that is
   thirsty of moisture, the instructions of the prelate.' ...
   Some latent impressions favourable to Christianity her
   youngest grandson, Vladimir, doubtless owed to her.
   Nevertheless when, at the death of his brother Yarapolk, for
   which indeed he was held responsible, he mounted the throne,
   no signs of a gracious character revealed themselves. He was,
   on the contrary, a bitter and bigoted pagan. ... It seems to
   have occurred to many missionaries of varying types, that a
   chief of such mark should not be left at the mercy of his own
   violent passions. The spiritual well-being of Vladimir
   accordingly became the object of laborious journeys, of much
   exertion, and of redundant eloquence. ... Last of all came a
   Greek emissary. He was neither 'a priest nor a missionary, but
   a philosopher.' ... Like Bogoris, the wild Russian chief was
   greatly moved. ... The following year the king laid before the
   elders of his council the rival pleas of these variously
   recommended forms of faith, and solicited their advice. The
   nobles mused awhile, and then counselled their master to
   ascertain how each religion worked at home. This, they
   thought, would be more practical evidence than the plausible
   representations of professors. On this suggestion Vladimir
   acted. Envoys were chosen,--presumably, for their powers of
   observation,--and the embassy of inquiry started. 'This public
   agreement,' says the historian of the Russian Church,
   'explains in some degree the sudden and general acceptance of
   Christianity which shortly after followed in Russia.
{467}
   It is probable that not only the chiefs, but the common people
   also, were expecting and ready for the change.' A report, far
   from encouraging, was in due time received from the
   ambassadors. Of the German and Roman, as well as the Jewish,
   religions in daily life, they spoke in very disparaging terms,
   while they declared the Mussulman creed, when reduced to
   practice, to be utterly out of the question. Disappointed in
   all these quarters, they now proceeded, by command, to
   Constantinople, or, as the Russians called it, Tzaragorod. ...
   Singularly enough, the Russian envoys, accustomed, as we must
   suppose them to have been, only to the barest simplicity of
   life, had complained not only of the paucity of decoration in
   the Latin churches, but of a lack of beauty in their
   appointments. Thus the preparations of the patriarch were
   accurately fitted to their expectant frame of mind. They were
   led into the church of S. Sophia, gleaming with variegated
   marbles, and porphyries, and jasper, at that time 'the
   masterpiece of Christian architecture.' The building glittered
   with gold, and rich mosaics. The service was that of a high
   festival, either of St. John Chrysostom, or of the Death of
   the Virgin, and was conducted by the patriarch in person, clad
   in his most gorgeous vestments. ... On their return to
   Vladimir, they dilated with eager delight on the wonders they
   had seen. The king listened gravely to their glowing account
   of 'the temple, like which there was none upon earth.' After
   sweetness, they protested, bitterness would be unbearable, so
   that--whatever others might do--they at all events should at
   once abandon heathenism. While the king hesitated, his boyers
   turned the scale by reminding him that if the creed of the
   Greeks had not indeed had much to recommend it, his pious and
   sagacious grandmother, Princess Olga, would not have loved and
   obeyed it. Her name acted like a talisman. Vladimir resolved
   to conform to Christianity. But still, fondly clinging to the
   habits of his forefathers, he cherished the idea of wooing and
   winning his new religion by the sword. ... Under the auspices
   of the sovereign, the stately church of St. Basil soon arose,
   on the very spot recently occupied by the temple of Perun.
   Kief became the centre of Christian influence, whence
   evangelizing energies radiated in all directions. Schools and
   churches were built, while Michael, the first metropolitan,
   attended by his bishops, 'made progresses into the interior of
   Russia, everywhere baptizing and instructing the people.' The
   Greek canon law came into force, and the use of the
   service-book and choral music of the Greek communion became
   general, while, in the Slavonic Scriptures and Liturgy of
   Cyril and Methodius, a road was discovered which led straight
   to the hearts of the native population. 'Cyril and Methodius,
   if anyone, must be considered by anticipation as the first
   Christian teachers of Russia; their rude alphabet first
   instructed the Russian nation in letters, and, by its quaint
   Greek characters, still testifies in every Russian book, and
   on every Russian house or shop, the Greek source of the
   religion and literature of the empire.'"

      _G. F. Maclear, Conversion of the West: The Slavs,
      chapter 5._

   "As in the first centuries it was necessary that the leaven of
   Christianity should gradually penetrate the entire
   intellectual life of the cultivated nations, before a new
   spiritual creation, striking its root in the forms of the
   Grecian and Roman culture, which Christianity appropriated,
   could in these forms completely unfold itself; so after the
   same manner it was necessary that the leaven of Christianity
   which ... had been introduced into the masses of the untutored
   nations, should gradually penetrate their whole inward life,
   before a new and peculiar spiritual creation could spring out
   of it, which should go on to unfold itself through the entire
   period of the middle ages. And the period in which we now are
   must be regarded as still belonging to the epoch of transition
   from that old spiritual creation which flourished on the basis
   of Grecian and Roman culture to the new one."

      _A. Neander, General History of the Christian Religion
      and Church, volume 3, page 456._

   We leave the author's sentence incomplete, that it may
   express the more fully all the subsequent history of
   Christianity.

----------CHRISTIANITY: End----------

CHRISTINA, Queen-regent of Spain, A. D. 1833-1841.

  Christina, Queen of Sweden, A. D. 1633-1654.

CHRISTINOS, The.

      See SPAIN: A. D. 1833-1846.

CHRISTOPHER I., King of Denmark. A. D. 1252-1259.

   Christopher II., A. D. 1319-1334.

   Christopher III., King of Denmark,
   Sweden and Norway, A. D. 1439-1448.

CHRYSE.

   Vague reports of a region called Chryse (the Golden),
   somewhere beyond the Ganges, and of an island bearing the same
   name, off the mouths of the Ganges, as well as of another
   island called Argyre (the Silver Island), were prevalent among
   the early Roman geographical writers. They probably all had
   reference to the Malay peninsula, which Ptolemy called the
   Golden Chersonese.

      _E. H. Bunbury, History of Ancient Grog., chapter 25._

CHRYSLER'S FARM, Battle of.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
      A. D. 1813 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

CHRYSOBULUM.

      See GOLDEN BULL, BYZANTINE.

CHRYSOPOLlS.

   Modern Scutari, opposite Constantinople; originally the port
   of the city of Chalcedon.

CHRYSOPOLIS, Battle of (A. D. 323).

      See Rome: A. D. 305-323.

CHUMARS.

      See CASTE SYSTEM OF INDIA.

CHUMASHAN FAMILY, The.

      See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: CHUMASHAN FAMILY.

CHUR, The Bishopric of.

      See TYROL,
      and SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1396-1499.

CHURCH, The Armenian.

      See ARMENIAN CHURCH.

CHURCH OF BOHEMIA, The Utraquist National.

      See BOHEMIA: A. D. 1434-1457.

CHURCH IN BRAZIL, Disestablishment of the.

      See BRAZIL: A. D. 1889-1891.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: Origin and Establishment.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1527-1534; 1531-1563; and 1535-1539.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: The Six Articles.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1539.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: The completed Church-reform under Edward VI.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1547-1553.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: The doubtful conflict of religions.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1553.

{468}

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   Romanism restored by Mary.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1555-1558.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   Recovery of Protestantism under Elizabeth.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1558-1588.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1559.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   Rise of Puritanism.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1559-1566; 1564-1565 (?).

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Despotism of Laud.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1633-1640.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   Rise of the Independents.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1638-1640.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Root and Branch Bill.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1641 (MARCH-MAY).

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Westminster Assembly.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (JULY), and 1646 (MARCH).

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Solemn League and Covenant.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Restoration.
   The Savoy Conference.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1661 (APRIL-JULY).

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Act of Uniformity and persecution of Nonconformists.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1662-1665.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   Charles' Declaration of Indulgence, and the Test Act.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1672-1673, and 1687.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   James' Declaration of Indulgence.
   Trial of the seven Bishops.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1687-1688.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND:
   The Church and the Revolution.
   The Non-Jurors.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1689 (APRIL-AUGUST).

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1704.
   Queen Anne's Bounty.

      See QUEEN ANNE'S BOUNTY.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1711-1714.
   The Occasional Conformity Bill and the Schism Act.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1711-1714.

CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1833-1845.
   The Oxford or Tractarian Movement.

      See OXFORD OR TRACTARIAN MOVEMENT.

----------CHURCH OF ENGLAND: End----------

CHURCH OF FRANCE.

      See GALLICAN CHURCH.

CHURCH, The Greek or Eastern.

      See CHRISTIANITY: A. D. 330-1054.

CHURCH OF IRELAND, Disestablishment of the.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1868-1870.

CHURCH OF LATTER DAY SAINTS.

      See MORMONISM: A. D. 1805-1830.

CHURCH OF ROME.

      See PAPACY.

CHURCH, The Russian.
   The great schism known as Raskol.

      See RUSSIA: A. D. 1655-1659.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Its birth.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1547-1557.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The First Covenant.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1557.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Rebellion and triumph of the Lords of the Congregation.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1558-1560.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Restoration of Episcopacy.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1572.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The First National Covenant.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1581.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Black Acts.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1584.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Appropriation of Church lands.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1587.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Five Articles of Perth.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1618.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Laud's liturgy and Jenny Geddes' stool.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1637.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The signing of the National Covenant.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1638.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The First Bishops' War.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1638-1640.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Second Bishops' War.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1640.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Westminster Assembly.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (JULY).

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Solemn League and Covenant.

      See ENGLAND: A. D. 1643 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Montrose and the Covenanters.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1644-1645.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The restored king and restored prelacy.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1660-1666.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   Persecutions of the Covenanters.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1669-1679: 1679; 1681-1689.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Revolution and re-establishment of the Presbyterian
   Church.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1688-1690.

CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
   The Disruption.
   Formation of the Free Church.

      See SCOTLAND: A. D. 1843.

----------CHURCH OF SCOTLAND: End----------

CHURUBUSCO, Battle of.

      See MEXICO: A. D. 1847 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

CIBALIS, Battle of (A. D. 313).

      See ROME: A. D. 305-323.

CIBOLA, The Seven Cities of.

      See AMERICAN ABORIGINES: PUEBLOS.

CICERO, and the last years of the Roman Republic.

      See ROME: B. C. 69-63, to 44-42.

CILICIA.-KILIKIA.

   An ancient district in the southeastern corner of Asia Minor,
   bordering on Syria. It was a satrapy of the Persian Empire,
   then a part of the kingdom of the Selucidæ, and afterwards a
   Roman province. The chief city of Cilicia was Tarsus, a very
   ancient commercial emporium, whose people were noted for
   mental acuteness. The Apostle Paul is to be counted among the
   distinguished natives of Tarsus, and a quite remarkable number
   of eminent teachers of philosophy were from the same
   birthplace.

CILICIA, Pirates of.

   During the Mithridatic wars piracy was developed to alarming
   proportions in the eastern parts of the Mediterranean Sea.
   Distracted by civil conflicts and occupied by foreign ones,
   simultaneously, the Romans, for a considerable period, gave no
   proper heed to the growth of this lawlessness, until they
   found their commerce half destroyed and Rome and Italy
   actually threatened with starvation by the intercepting of
   their supplies from abroad. The pirates flourished under the
   protection and encouragement of the king of Pontus, at whose
   instance they established their chief headquarters, their
   docks, arsenals and magazines, at various points on the coast
   of Cilicia. Hence the name Cilician came to be applied to all
   the pirates of the time. This era of piracy was brought to an
   end, at last, by Pompey, who was sent against them, B. C. 67,
   with extraordinary powers conferred by the law known as the
   Lex Gabinia. He proceeded to his undertaking with remarkable
   energy and ability, and his hunting down of the freebooters
   which he accomplished effectually within three months from the
   day his operations began, was really the most brilliant
   exploit of his life.

      _H. G. Liddell, History of Rome, book 7, chapter 63._

      ALSO IN:
      _C. Merivale, History of the Romans, chapter 1._

      _G. Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, volume 3, chapter 6-7._

{469}

CILICIAN GATES.

   A pass through the Taurus range of mountains, opening from
   Cappadocia into Cilicia, was anciently called the Pylæ Ciliciæ
   or Cilician Gates. The city of Tyana was situated at the
   entrance to the pass. Both Xenophon and Alexander, who
   traversed it, seem to have regarded the pass as one which no
   army could force if properly defended.

      _E. H. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography,
      chapter 10, section 2. and chapter 12, section 1._

CILURNUM.

   A Roman city in Britain, "the extensive ruins of which, well
   described as a British Pompeii, are visible near the modern
   hamlets of Chesters."

      _T. Wright, Celt, Roman and Saxon, chapter 5._

CIMARRONES, The.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1572-1580,
      and JAMAICA: A. D. 1655-1796.

CIMBRI AND TEUTONES, The.

   "For a considerable period [second century, B. C.] an
   'unsettled people' had been wandering along the northern verge
   of the country occupied by the Celts on both sides of the
   Danube. They called themselves the Cimbri, that is, the
   Chempho, the champions, or, as their enemies translated it,
   the robbers; a designation, however, which to all appearance
   had become the name of the people even before their migration.
   They came from the north, and the first Celtic people with
   whom they came in contact were, so far as is known, the Boii,
   probably in Bohemia. More exact details as to the cause and
   the direction of their migration have not been recorded by
   contemporaries and cannot be supplied by conjecture. ... But
   the hypothesis that the Cimbri, as well as the similar horde
   of the Teutones which afterwards joined them, belonged in the
   main not to the Celtic nation, to which the Romans at first
   assigned them, but to the Germanic, is supported by the most
   definite facts: viz., by the existence of two small tribes of
   the same name--remnants left behind to all appearance in their
   primitive seats--the Cimbri in the modern Denmark, the
   Teutones in the north-east of Germany in the neighbourhood of
   the Baltic, where Pytheas, a contemporary of Alexander the
   Great, makes mention of them thus early in connection with the
   amber trade; by the insertion of the Cimbri and Teutones in
   the list of the Germanic peoples among the Ingævones alongside
   of the Chauci; by the judgment of Cæsar, who first made the
   Romans acquainted with the distinction between the Germans and
   the Celts, and who includes the Cimbri, many of whom he must
   himself have seen, among the Germans; and lastly, by the very
   names of the people and the statements as to their physical
   appearance and habits. ... On the other hand it is conceivable
   enough that such a horde, after having wandered perhaps for
   many years, and having doubtless welcomed every
   brother-in-arms who joined it in its movements near to or
   within the land of the Celts, would include a certain amount
   of Celtic elements. ... When men afterwards began to trace the
   chain, of which this emigration, the first Germanic movement
   which touched the orbit of ancient civilization, was a link,
   the direct and living knowledge of it had long passed away."

      _T. Mommsen, History of Rome, book 4, chapter 5._

   "The name Kymri, or Cymri, still exists. It is the name that
   the Welsh give themselves, but I am not aware that any other
   people have called them by that name. These Kymri are a branch
   of the great Celtic people, and this resemblance of the words
   Kymri and Cimbri has led many modern writers to assume that
   the Cimbri were also a Celtic people, as many of the ancient
   writers name them. But these ancient writers are principally
   the later Greeks, who are no authority at all on such a
   matter. ... The name Cimbri has perished in Germany, while
   that of the Teutones, by some strange accident, is now the
   name of the whole Germanic population."

      _G. Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, volume 2, chapter 4._

      ALSO IN:
      _W. Ihne, History of Rome, book 7, chapter 9._

CIMBRI: B. C. 113-102.
   Battles with the Romans.

   The Cimbri and the Teutones made their first appearance on the
   Roman horizon in the year 113 B. C. when they entered Noricum.
   The Noricans were an independent people, as yet, but accepted
   a certain protection from Rome, and the latter sent her
   consul, Carbo, with an army, to defend them. Carbo made an
   unfortunate attempt to deal treacherously with the invaders
   and suffered an appalling defeat. Then the migrating
   barbarians, instead of pressing into Italy, on the heels of
   the flying Romans, turned westward through Helvetia to Gaul,
   and occupied themselves for four years in ravaging that
   unhappy country. In 109 B. C., having gathered their plunder
   into the fortified town of Aduatuca and left it well
   protected, they advanced into the Roman province of Narbo,
   Southern Gaul, and demanded land to settle upon. The Romans
   resisted and were again overwhelmingly beaten. But even now
   the victorious host did not venture to enter Italy, and
   nothing is known of its movements until 105 B. C., when a
   third Roman army was defeated in Roman Gaul and its commander
   taken prisoner and slain. The affrighted Romans sent strong
   re-enforcements to the Rhone; but jealousy between the consul
   who commanded the new army and the proconsul who retained
   command of the old delivered both of them to destruction. They
   were virtually annihilated, Oct. 6, B. C. 105, at Arausio
   (Orange), on the left bank of the Rhone. It is said that
   80,000 Roman soldiers perished on that dreadful field, besides
   half as many more of camp followers. "This much is certain,"
   says Mommsen, "that only a few out of the two armies succeeded
   in escaping, for the Romans had fought with the river in their
   rear. It was a calamity which materially and morally far
   surpassed the day of Cannæ." In the panic which this disaster
   caused at Rome the constitution of the Republic was broken
   down. Marius, conqueror of Jugurtha, was recalled from Africa
   and not only re-elected to the Consulship, but invested with
   the office for five successive years. He took command in Gaul
   and found that the formidable invaders had moved off into
   Spain. This gave him time, fortunately, for the organizing and
   disciplining of his demoralized troops. When the barbarians
   reappeared on the Rhone, in the summer of 102 B. C., he faced
   them with an army worthy of earlier Roman times. They had now
   resolved, apparently, to force their way, at all hazards, into
   Italy, and had divided their increasing host, to move on Rome
   by two routes. The Cimbri, reinforced by the Tigorini, who had
   joined them, made a circuit to the Eastern Alps, while the
   Teutones, with Ambrones and Tougeni for confederates crossed
   the Rhone and attacked the defenders of the western passes.
   Failing to make any impression on the fortified camp of Marius
   the Teutones rashly passed it, marching straight for the coast
   road to Italy.
{470}
   Marius cautiously followed and after some days gave battle to
   the barbarians, in the district of Aquæ Sextiæ, a few miles
   north of Massilia. The Romans that day took revenge for
   Arausio with awful interest. The whole barbaric horde was
   annihilated. "So great was the number of dead bodies that the
   land in the neighborhood was made fertile by them, and the
   people of Massilia used the bones for fencing their
   vineyards." Meantime the Cimbri and their fellows had reached
   and penetrated the Brenner pass and were in the valley of the
   Adige. The Roman army stationed there had given way before
   them, and Marius was needed to roll the invasion back. He did
   so, on the 30th of July B. C. 101, when the Cimbri were
   destroyed, at a battle fought on the Raudine Plain near
   Vercellæ, as completely as the Teutones had been destroyed at
   Aquæ Sextiæ.

      _T. Mommsen, History of Rome, book 4, chapter 5._

      ALSO IN:
      _W. Ihne, History of Rome, book 7, chapter 9._

CIMBRIAN CHERSONESUS.

   The modern Danish promontory of Jutland; believed to have been
   the home of the Cimbri before they migrated southwards and
   invaded Gaul.

CIMINIAN FOREST, The.

   The mountains of Viterbo, which formed anciently the frontier
   of Rome towards Etruria, were then covered with a thick
   forest--"the 'silva Ciminia' of which Livy gives so romantic a
   description. It was, however, nothing but a natural division
   between two nations which were not connected by friendship,
   and wished to have little to do with each other. ... This
   forest was by no means like the 'silva Hercynia' with which
   Livy compares it, but was of just such an extent that,
   according to his own account, the Romans only wanted a couple
   of hours to march through it."

      _B. G. Niebuhr, Lectures on the History of Rome, lecture 44._

CIMMERIANS, The.

   "The name Cimmerians appears in the Odyssey,--the fable
   describes them as dwelling beyond the ocean-stream, immersed
   in darkness and unblessed by the rays of Helios. Of this
   people as existent we can render no account, for they had
   passed away, or lost their identity and become subject,
   previous to the commencement of trustworthy authorities: but
   they seem to have been the chief occupants of the Tauric
   Chersonese (Crimea) and of the territory between that
   peninsula and the river Tyras (Dneister) at the time when the
   Greeks first commenced their permanent settlements on those
   coasts in the seventh century B. C. The numerous localities
   which bore their name, even in the time of Herodotus, after
   they had ceased to exist as a nation,--as well as the tombs of
   the Cimmerian kings then shown near the Tyras,--sufficiently
   attest the fact; and there is reason to believe that they
   were--like their conquerors and successors the Scythians--a
   nomadic people, mare-milkers, moving about with their tents
   and herds, suitably to the nature of those unbroken steppes
   which their territory presented, and which offered little
   except herbage in profusion. Strabo tells us--on what
   authority we do not know--that they, as well as the Trêres and
   other Thracians, had desolated Asia Minor more than once
   before the time of Ardys [King of Lydia, seventh century B.
   C.] and even earlier than Homer."

      _G. Grote, History of Greece, part 2, chapter 17._

      See, also, CUMÆ.

CIMON, Career of.

      See ATHENS: B. C. 477-462, to 460-449.

CIMON, Peace of.

      See ATHENS: B. C. 460-449.

CINCINNATI: A. D. 1788.
   The founding and naming of the city.

   In 1787 "an offer was made to Congress by John Cleve Symmes
   [afterwards famous for his theory that the earth is hollow,
   with openings at the poles], to buy two millions of acres
   between the Little and the Great Miamis. Symmes was a
   Jerseyman of wealth, had visited the Shawanese country, had
   been greatly pleased with its fertility, and had come away
   declaring that every acre in the wildest part was worth a
   silver dollar. It was too, he thought, only a question of
   time, and a very short time, when this value would be doubled
   and tripled. Thousands of immigrants were pouring into this
   valley each year, hundreds of thousands of acres were being
   taken up, and the day would soon come when the rich land along
   the Miamis and the Ohio would be in great demand. There was
   therefore a mighty fortune in store for the lucky speculator
   who should buy land from Congress for five shillings an acre
   and sell it to immigrants for twenty. But ... his business
   lagged, and though his offer to purchase was made in August,
   1787, it was the 15th of May, 1788, before the contract was
   closed. In the meantime he put out a pamphlet and made known
   his terms of sale. A copy soon fell into the hands of Matthias
   Denman. He became interested in the scheme and purchased that
   section on which now stands the city of Cincinnati. One third
   he kept, one third he sold to Robert Patterson, and the
   remainder to John Filson. The conditions of the purchase from
   Symmes gave them two years in which to begin making clearings
   and building huts. But the three determined to lose no time,
   and at once made ready to layout a city directly opposite that
   spot where the waters of the Licking mingled themselves with
   the Ohio. Denman and Patterson were no scholars. But Filson
   had once been a schoolmaster, knew a little of Latin and
   something of history, and to him was assigned the duty of
   choosing a name for the town. ... He determined to make one,
   and produced a word that was a most absurd mixture of Latin,
   Greek and French. He called the place Losantiville, which,
   being interpreted, means the city opposite the mouth of the
   Licking. A few weeks later the Indians scalped him."

      _J. B. McMaster, History of the People of the U. S.,
      volume 1, page 516._

   The name given a little later to Filson's settlement was
   conferred on it by General St. Clair, Governor of the
   Territory, in honor of the Society of the Cincinnati.

      See NORTHWEST TERRITORY OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1788-1802.

      ALSO IN:
      _F. W. Miller, Cincinnati's Beginnings._

CINCINNATI: A. D. 1863.
   Threatened by John Morgan's Rebel Raid.

      See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1863 (JULY: KENTUCKY).

----------CINCINNATI: End----------

{471}

CINCINNATI, The Society of the.

   "Men of the present generation who in childhood rummaged in
   their grandmothers' cosy garrets cannot fail to have come
   across scores of musty and worm-eaten pamphlets, their yellow
   pages crowded with italics and exclamation points, inveighing
   in passionate language against the wicked and dangerous
   Society of the Cincinnati. Just before the army [of the
   American Revolution] was disbanded, the officers, at the
   suggestion of General Knox, formed themselves [April, 1783]
   into a secret society, for the purpose of keeping up their
   friendly intercourse and cherishing the heroic memories of the
   struggle in which they had taken part. With the fondness for
   classical analogies which characterized that time, they
   likened themselves to Cincinnatus, who was taken from the plow
   to lead an army, and returned to his quiet farm so soon as his
   warlike duties were over. They were modern Cincinnati. A
   constitution and by-laws were established for the order, and
   Washington was unanimously chosen to be its president. Its
   branches in the several states were to hold meetings each
   Fourth of July, and there was to be a general meeting of the
   whole society every year in the month of May. French officers
   who had taken part in the war were admitted to membership, and
   the order was to be perpetuated by descent through the eldest
   male representatives of the families of the members. It was
   further provided that a limited membership should from time to
   time be granted, as a distinguished honour, to able and worthy
   citizens, without regard to the memories of the war. A golden
   American eagle attached to a blue ribbon edged with white was
   the sacred badge of the order; and to this emblem especial
   favour was shown at the French court, where the insignia of
   foreign states were generally, it is said, regarded with
   jealousy. No political purpose was to be subserved by this
   order of the Cincinnati, save in so far as the members pledged
   to one another their determination to promote and cherish the
   union between the states. In its main intent the society was
   to be a kind of masonic brotherhood, charged with the duty of
   aiding the widows and the orphan children of its members in
   time of need. Innocent as all this was, however, the news of
   the establishment of such a society was greeted with a howl of
   indignation all over the country. It was thought that its
   founders were inspired by a deep-laid political scheme for
   centralizing the government and setting up a hereditary
   aristocracy. ... The absurdity of the situation was quickly
   realized by Washington, and he prevailed upon the society, in
   its first annual meeting of May, 1784, to abandon the
   principle of hereditary membership. The agitation was thus
   allayed, and in the presence of graver questions the
   much-dreaded brotherhood gradually ceased to occupy popular
   attention."

      _J. Fiske, The Critical Period of American History, chapter 3._

      _J. B. McMaster, History of the People of the U. S.,
      volume 1, chapter 2._

   "The hereditary succession was never abandoned. A
   recommendation to that effect was indeed made to the several
   State Societies, at the first General Meeting in Philadelphia.
   ... But the proposition, unwillingly urged, was accepted in
   deprecatory terms by some, and by others it was totally
   rejected. ... At the second General Meeting, it was resolved
   'that the alterations could not take effect until they had
   been agreed to by all the State Societies.' They never were so
   agreed to, and consequently the original Institution remains
   in full force. Those Societies that accepted the proposed
   alterations unconditionally, of course perished with their own
   generation."

      _A. Johnston, Some Accounts of the Society of the Cincinnati
      (Pennsylvania Historical Society Memoirs,
      volume 6, pages 51-53)._

   "The claim to membership has latterly been determined not by
   strict primogeniture, but by a 'just elective preference,
   especially in the line of the first-born,' who has a moral but
   not an absolutely indisputable right; and membership has
   always been renewed by election. ... Six only of the original
   thirteen states--Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey,
   Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina--are still [in
   1873] represented at the General Meetings. The largest
   society, that of Massachusetts, consisting originally of 343
   members, now [1873] numbers less than 80; that of New York,
   from 230 had in 1858 decreased to 73; the 268 of Pennsylvania
   to about 60; the 110 of New Jersey, in 1866, to 60; and the
   131 of South Carolina was, in 1849, reduced to 71."

      _F. S. Drake, Memorials of the Society of the
      Cincinnati of Mass., page 37._

CINCO DE MAYO, Battle of (1862).

      See MEXICO: A. D. 1861-1867.

CINE, The.

   Kinsfolk of the head of the tribe, among the ancient Irish.

CINQ MARS, Conspiracy of.

      See FRANCE: A. D. 1641-1642.

CINQUE PORTS, The.

   "Hastings, Sandwich, Dover, Romney, Hythe--this is the order
   in which the Cinque Ports were ranked in the times when they
   formed a flourishing and important confederation. Winchelsea
   and Rye were added to these five ... soon after the Norman
   Conquest. ... The new comers were officially known as 'the two
   Ancient Towns.' When therefore we wish to speak of this famous
   corporation with strict accuracy we say, 'The five Cinque
   Ports and two Ancient Towns.' The repetition of the number
   'five' in this title probably never struck people so much as
   we might expect, since it very soon came to be merely a
   technical term, the French form of the word being pronounced,
   and very often spelt 'Synke' or 'Sinke,' just as if it was the
   English 'Sink.' ... The difference between the Cinque Ports
   and the rest of the English coast towns is plainly indicated
   by mediæval custom, since they were generally spoken of
   collectively as 'The Ports.' ... Most writers upon this
   subject ... have been at pains to connect the Cinque Ports by
   some sort of direct descent with the five Roman stations and
   fortresses which, under the Comes Littoris Saxonici [see SAXON
   SHORE, COUNT OF], guarded the south-eastern shores of
   Britain."

      _M. Burrows, The Cinque Ports, chapter 1-3._

   "Our kings have thought them [the Cinque Ports] worthy a
   peculiar regard; and, in order to secure them against
   invasions, have granted them a particular form of government.
   They are under a keeper, who has the title of Lord Warden of
   the Cinque Ports (an officer first appointed by William the
   Conqueror), who has the authority of an admiral among them,
   and issues out writs in his own name. The privileges anciently
   annexed to these ports and their dependents were [among
   others]: An exemption from all taxes and tolls. ... A power to
   punish foreigners, as well as natives, for theft. ... A power
   to raise mounds or banks in any man's land against breaches of
   the sea. ... To convert to their own use such goods as they
   found floating on the sea; those thrown out of ships in a
   storm; and those driven ashore when no wreck or ship was to be
   seen. To be a guild or fraternity, and to be allowed the
   franchises of court-leet and court-baron. A power to assemble
   and keep a portmote or parliament for the Cinque Ports.
{472}
   ... Their barons to have the privilege of supporting the
   canopy over the king's head at his coronation. In return for
   these privileges the Cinque Ports were required to fit out 57
   ships, each manned with 21 men and a boy, with which they were
   to attend the king's service for 15 days at their own expense;
   but if the state of affairs required their assistance any
   longer they were to be paid by the crown. ... As the term
   baron occurs continually throughout all the charters of the
   Ports, it may not be improper to inform our readers that it is
   of the same import as burgess or freeman. ... The
   representatives of the Ports in parliament are to this day
   styled barons." The post of Warden of the Cinque Ports,
   "formerly considered of so much honour and consequence, is now
   converted into a patent sinecure place, for life, with a
   salary of £4,000 a year."

      _History of the Boroughs of Great Britain; together with the
      Cinque Ports, volume 3._

   The office of Warden of the Cinque Ports has been held during
   the present century by Mr. Pitt, the Earl of Liverpool, the
   Duke of Wellington, the Earl of Dalhousie, Viscount
   Palmerston, and Earl Granville.

CINTRA, Convention of.

      See SPAIN: A. D. 1808-1809 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

CIOMPI, Tumult of the.

      See FLORENCE: A. D. 1378-1427.

CIRCARS, OR SIRKARS, The northern.

      See INDIA: A. D. 1758-1761.

CIRCASSIANS.

      See CAUCASUS.

CIRCLES OF GERMANY, The.

      See GERMANY: A. D. 1493-1519.

CIRCUMCELLIONES, The.

      See DONATISTS.

CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE WORLD: A. D. 1519-1522.
   Magellan's voyage: the first in history.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1519-1524.

CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF THE WORLD: A. D. 1577-1580.
   Drake's voyage.

      See AMERICA: A. D. 1572-1580.

----------CIRCUMNAVIGATION: End----------

CIRCUS, Factions of the Roman.

   "The race, in its first institution [among the Romans], was a
   simple contest, of two chariots, whose drivers were
   distinguished by white and red liveries: two additional
   colours, a light green and a cerulian blue, were afterwards
   introduced; and as the races were repeated twenty-five times,
   one hundred chariots contributed in the same day to the pomp