Produced by Richard Tonsing, The Online Distributed
Internet Archive)

                            A SOURCE BOOK OF
                             LONDON HISTORY

                        FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
                                TO 1800

                               EDITED BY

                            P. MEADOWS, M.A.

                                 LONDON
                         G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
                                  1914

                                PREFACE

If the study of History is to be made really valuable from either the
recreative or the educational point of view, it is necessary to have
frequent recourse to original sources and contemporary writings; they
introduce a certain quality of reality and vividness, a kind of
historical atmosphere, which is most essential to a true appreciation of
the subject. This fact is now generally recognised, and many collections
of sources are available for the student of English History. In this
volume will be found a selection of passages, generally from
contemporary sources, relating to the history of London. It is quite
impossible, of course, in a small book to do justice to every aspect of
the subject; and it has seemed best to give special prominence to those
events which concern the City as a whole, its growth, its corporate
life, and its connection with national affairs.

Besides a vast mass of general contemporary literature, a large number
of the most important and interesting documents dealing with London
history have already been printed; but all this material is very
scattered, and frequently rather inaccessible to the general reader. The
Histories by Maitland and Noorthouck, published in the eighteenth
century, contain translations of charters and other documents; Riley's
"Memorials" is invaluable for the fourteenth century; and many useful
suggestions have been derived from Besant's "Survey of London."

The spelling of the extracts has generally been modernised, but in a few
cases the original text has been exactly followed.

It is hoped that the chronological arrangement of the passages, the care
which has been taken in selecting them so as to illustrate events or
circumstances of definite importance in the history of the City, and the
introductory remarks attached to each extract, will save this volume
from being merely a collection of historical scraps, and will enable it
to be of real use to all who are interested in the story of London.

                                                                   P. M.

                                CONTENTS

            DATE                                              PAGE

        TO 1066. LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST                      1

           1066. THE CONQUEROR'S CHARTER                         4

           1085. LONDON ENVIRONS IN DOMESDAY                     4

      _c._ 1130. HENRY I.'S CHARTER                              8

           1141. MATILDA IN LONDON                              10

      _c._ 1173. A NORMAN PICTURE OF LONDON                     12

           1177. DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY                       17

           1189. ORDINANCES CONCERNING BUILDING                 19

           1191. THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY CONFIRMED            22

           1199. JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER                           23

           1202. LONDON BRIDGE                                  25

           1249. OPPRESSION BY HENRY III.                       27

           1258. INTERFERENCE BY BARONS                         29

           1282. THE STEELYARD                                  31

           1282. THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER            33

           1311. THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II.                    36

           1319. CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY   37

           1326. A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II.                    40

           1329. A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III.                  42

           1347. ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF THE HATTERS    44

           1350. REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND PRICES        46

           1364. THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS                     49

           1365. A LETTER FROM EDWARD III.                      51

           1374. A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER                    52

           1375. THE CITY ARMS                                  54

           1381. WAT TYLER IN LONDON                            56

      _c._ 1400. LONDON LICKPENNY                               62

           1406. WHITTINGTON'S SECOND MAYORALTY                 66

           1413. THE PERSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS                68

           1415. IMPRISONMENT FOR REFUSING OFFICE               70

           1419. OATHS OF THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN                72

           1450. JACK CADE IN LONDON                            74

           1464. THE MAYOR'S DIGNITY                            78

           1485. REGULATIONS CONCERNING STRANGERS               79

           1510. THE MARCHING WATCH                             82

           1514. DESTRUCTION OF FENCES                          84

           1517. MORE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON                   85

           1517. EVIL MAY DAY                                   88

           1519. THE PAPAL LEGATE IN THE CITY                   91

           1525. WOLSEY AND THE CITIZENS                        93

           1527. THE APPRENTICES                                95

           1533. A WATER PAGEANT                                98

           1549. LATIMER'S EXHORTATION TO LONDON               100

           1553. MARY'S SPEECH TO THE CITIZENS                 102

           1554. SORANZO'S REPORT ON LONDON                    105

           1566. THE ROYAL EXCHANGE                            106

           1575. A LORD MAYOR'S SHOW                           107

           1587. LONDON AND THE ARMADA                         110

           1592. THE CITY'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE STAGE         111

           1593. A PLAGUE ORDER                                115

           1598. LONDON SCHOOLS                                121

           1600. A GERMAN VIEW OF LONDON                       123

           1609. LONDON AND ULSTER                             125

           1626. THE DEMANDS OF CHARLES I.                     129

           1629. THE KEEPING OF THE SABBATH                    131

           1640. THE CITY'S PETITION TO CHARLES I.             132

           1642. LONDON UNDER THE EARLY STUARTS                134

           1643. A PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE CITY               136

           1653. CROMWELL IN LONDON                            138

           1660. LONDON AND THE RESTORATION                    140

           1661. STATE OF LONDON BEFORE THE PLAGUE             144

           1665. THE PLAGUE                                    146

           1666. THE FIRE                                      148

           1666. A PROCLAMATION OF CHARLES II.                 156

           1667. EVELYN'S PLANS FOR REBUILDING                 159

           1671. AN ACT CONCERNING THE STREETS                 162

           1679. A LORD MAYOR'S PROCLAMATION                   164

           1681. THE POPISH PANIC                              169

           1681. POSTAL ARRANGEMENTS                           169

           1688. LONDON AFTER JAMES II.'S ABDICATION           172

           1689. A LORD MAYOR'S DAY                            174

           1716. GAY'S "TRIVIA"                                177

           1720. THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE                          179

           1725. DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON                 181

           1733. A PETITION AGAINST THE EXCISE BILL            183

           1741. THE LONDON STREETS                            185

           1743. THE LOYALTY OF THE LONDON MERCHANTS           187

           1780. THE GORDON RIOTS                              188

           1791. LONDON'S TRADE                                191

                           HISTORY OF LONDON

                      LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST.

References to London in the early chronicles are comparatively few;
under Roman rule it took the place for which it was fitted by its
geographical situation—a commercial port, and it flourished or decayed
as trade prospered or declined. The Saxon invaders did not care for
walled towns, and London was neglected; moreover, they did not care for
commerce, and there was no need for a commercial centre or port. The
unsettled condition of the country made it impossible for the city to
prosper, and the invasions of the Danes further interfered with its
growth. But in spite of all these drawbacks, London was definitely
marked out from the first as the best and most convenient centre for
trading and commercial activity; and Alfred fully realised the
importance of the city not only for purposes of trade, but as a bulwark
of national defence.

The following are the most important passages in the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle relating to London. Its importance as a military station
appears to have been very great in the time of Cnut, to judge by the
efforts he made to capture the town; and the proportion of tribute paid
in 1018 seems to show that the population and wealth of the city must
have been very considerable.

                 =Source.=—_The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._

AN. 457. Hengist and Æsc his son fought against the Britons at the place
called Cregan Ford, and there slew four thousand men; and the Britons
then forsook Kent and in great terror fled to London.

AN. 886. In this year the army again went west, which had before landed
in the east, and then up the Seine, and there took winter-quarters at
the city of Paris. In the same year king Ælfred restored London; and all
the Angle-race turned to him that were not in the bondage of the Danish
men; and he then committed the burgh to the keeping of the aldorman
Æthered.

AN. 894.... Then those who dwell with the Northumbrians and with the
East Angles gathered some hundred ships, and went south about, and
besieged a work in Devonshire by the north sea; and those who went south
about besieged Exeter. When the King heard that, he turned west towards
Exeter with all the force, save a very powerful body of the people
eastwards. These went on until they came to London, and then, with the
townsmen and with the aid which came to them from the west, marched east
to Benfleet. Hæsten was then come there with his army, which had
previously sat at Middleton (Milton); and the great army also was come
thereto, which had before sat at the mouth of the Limen, at Appledore.
Hæsten had before wrought the work at Benfleet, and was then gone out
harrying, and the great army was at home. They then marched up and put
the army to flight, and stormed the work, and took all that there was
within, as well money, as women and children, and brought all to London;
and all the ships they either broke in pieces, or burned, or brought to
London, or to Rochester.

AN. 994. In this year came Olaf (Anlaf) and Svein to London, on the
Nativity of St. Mary (Sept. 8th), with ninetyfour ships, and they were
obstinately fighting against the town, and would also have set it on
fire. But they there sustained more harm and evil than they ever weened
that any townsmen could do to them. For the holy mother of God, on that
day, manifested her mercy to the townsmen, and delivered them from their
foes.

AN. 1016.... And the ætheling Eadmund went to London to his father. And
then, after Easter, King Cnut went with all his ships towards London.
Then it befell that King Æthelred died before the ships came. He ended
his days on St. George's mass day (April 23rd): and he held his kingdom
with great toil and difficulty, while his life lasted. And then, after
his end, all the "witan" that were in London, and the townsmen, chose
Eadmund for King; and he boldly defended his kingdom while his time was.
Then came the ships to Greenwich in the Rogation days (May 7th); and
within a little space they went to London, and they then dug a great
ditch on the south side, and dragged their ships to the west side of the
bridge, and afterwards ditched the town without, so that no one could
pass either in or out; and they repeatedly fought against the town, but
they boldly withstood them. Then before that, King Eadmund had gone out;
and he rode over Wessex, and all the folk submitted to him. And shortly
after that, he fought against the army at Pen by Gillingham. And a
second battle he fought after Midsummer at Sherston (Sceorstân), and
there was great slaughter made on each side, and the armies of
themselves separated. In that battle the aldorman Eadric and Ælmær
Dyrling gave aid to the army against king Eadmund. And then a third time
he gathered a force and went to London, all north of the Thames, and so
out through Clayhanger, and saved the townsmen, and drove the army in
flight to their ships. And then, two nights after, the king went over at
Brentford, and then fought against the army, and put it to flight; and
there were drowned a great many of the English folk, by their own
carelessness, those who went before the force, and would take booty. And
after that, the king went into Wessex, and collected his force. Then the
army went forthwith to London, and beset the city around, and
obstinately fought against it, both by water and by land. And Almighty
God saved it.

AN. 1018. In this year the tribute was paid over all the Angle-race:
that was in all two and seventy thousand pounds, exclusive of what the
townsmen of London paid, which was ten and a half thousand pounds.

                    THE CONQUEROR'S CHARTER (1066).

William of Normandy might be able, by force of arms, to make himself
master of England, but not until London opened her gates to him could he
be really King. He preferred negotiation to attack, and in return for
the support of the citizens he promised to abide by the laws of Edward
the Confessor, and maintain the rights of the City. Shortly after his
coronation he gave the citizens his famous Charter, the first of a long
series of charters; in it are conveyed in the fewest possible words the
largest possible rights and privileges. The Charter, which is really a
compact between the King and the citizens rather than a grant from the
former to the latter, indicates three all-important points with the
greatest clearness and precision. They are, first, the rights of a
freeman, as understood at the time, and according to the English
customs, were to be secured to every man; second, every man was to have
the right of inheritance; and third, no one was to stand between the
City and the King.

  William the King friendly salutes William the Bishop, and Godfrey
  the portreve, and all the burgesses within London, both French and
  English. And I declare, that I grant you to be all law-worthy, as
  you were in the days of King Edward; and I grant that every child
  shall be his father's heir, after his father's days; and I will not
  suffer any person to do you wrong. God keep you.

                  LONDON ENVIRONS IN DOMESDAY (1085).

In 1085 William the Conqueror, according to the Chronicle, "sent over
all England into every shire his men, and let them inquire how many
hundred hides were in each shire, and what land and cattle the King
himself had in the shire, and what rent he ought to receive yearly in
each. He let them also inquire how much land his archbishops had, and
his other bishops and his abbots, and how much every man had who held
land within the kingdom, as well on land as on cattle, and how much each
was worth."

This Domesday Survey did not include the City of London, but the suburbs
are described as in Middlesex. The most striking fact with regard to
these suburbs is that nearly the whole of the land immediately bordering
the City was in the hands of the Church; all round London was a broad
belt of ecclesiastical manors, and this fact interfered considerably
with the extension of the City. The privileges of London citizens were
confined rigidly to the town within the walls; we notice that at the
time of Domesday Book the adjacent country was very sparsely inhabited,
and the expansion of the residential area outside the City boundaries
was a slow process, often hindered by the ecclesiastical authorities.

  _Stepney._—In Osuluestan (Ossulston) hundred, the Bishop of London
  holds Stibenhede (Stepney) for thirty-two hides. There is land to
  twenty-five ploughs. Fourteen hides belong to the demesne, and there
  are three ploughs there; and twenty-two ploughs of the villanes.
  There are forty-four villanes of one virgate each; and seven
  villanes of half a hide each; and nine villanes of half a virgate
  each; and forty-six cottagers of one hide; they pay thirty shillings
  a year. There are four mills of four pounds and sixteen shillings
  save fourpence. Meadow sufficient for twenty-five ploughs. Pasture
  for the cattle of the village, and fifteen shillings. Pannage for
  five hundred hogs and forty shillings. Its whole value is
  forty-eight pounds; and it was worth the same when received; in King
  Edward's time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.

  _Fulham._—In Fvleham (Fulham) the Bishop of London holds forty
  hides. There is land to forty ploughs. Thirteen hides belong to the
  demesne, and there are four ploughs there. Among the freemen (franc)
  and the villanes are twenty-six ploughs; and ten more might be made.
  There are five villanes of one hide each; and thirteen villanes of
  one virgate each; and thirty-four villanes of half a virgate each;
  and twenty-two cottagers of half a hide; and eight cottagers with
  their own gardens. Foreigners and certain burgesses of London hold
  amongst them twenty-three hides of the land of the villanes.
  Thirty-one villanes and bordars dwell under them. Meadows for forty
  ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of the village. For half the stream
  ten shillings. Pannage for one thousand hogs, and seventeen pence.
  Its whole value is forty pounds; the like when received; in King
  Edward's time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.

  _St. Pancras._—The canons of St. Paul hold four hides to Sem
  Pancratium (St. Pancras). There is land to two ploughs. The villanes
  have one plough, and another plough may be made. Wood for the
  hedges. Pasture for the cattle, and twenty pence. There are four
  villanes who hold this land under the canons, and seven cottagers.
  Its whole value is forty shillings; the same when received; in King
  Edward's time sixty shillings. This manor was and is in the demesne
  of St. Paul.

  _Islington._—In Isendone (Islington) the canons of St. Paul have two
  hides. Land to one plough and a half. There is one plough there, and
  a half may be made. There are three villanes of one virgate. Pasture
  for the cattle of the village. This land is and was worth forty
  shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St.
  Paul.

  In the same village the canons themselves have two hides of land.
  There is land there to two ploughs and a half, and they are there
  now. There are four villanes who hold this land under the canons;
  and four bordars and thirteen cottagers. This land is worth thirty
  shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time forty
  shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St.
  Paul.

  _Hoxton._—In Hochestone (Hoxton) the canons of St. Paul have one
  hide. Land to one plough, and it is now there; and three villanes
  hold this land under the canons. Pasture for the cattle. This land
  was and is worth twenty shillings. This laid and lies in the demesne
  of the church of St. Paul.

  _Manor._—The canons hold Hochestone (Hoxton) for three hides. There
  is land to three ploughs, and they are there; and seven villanes who
  hold this land; and sixteen cottagers. It is worth in the whole
  fifty-five shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time
  sixty shillings. This manor belonged and belongs to the church of
  St. Paul.

  _Westminster._—In the village where the church of St. Peter is
  situate, the abbot of the same place holds thirteen hides and a
  half. There is land to eleven ploughs. Nine hides and one virgate
  belong to the demesne, and there are four ploughs therein. The
  villanes have six ploughs, and one plough more may be made. There
  are nine villanes of one virgate each; one villane of one hide; and
  nine villanes of half a virgate each; and one cottager of five
  acres; and forty-one cottagers who pay forty shillings a year for
  their gardens. Meadow for eleven ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of
  the village. Pannage for one hundred hogs. And twenty-five houses of
  the knights of the abbot and of other vassals, who pay eight
  shillings a year. Its whole value is ten pounds; the same when
  received; in King Edward's time twelve pounds. This manor was and is
  in the demesne of the church of St. Peter, of Westminster.

  _Hampstead._—The Abbot of St. Peter holds Hamestede (Hampstead) for
  four hides. Land to three ploughs. Three hides and a half belong to
  the demesne, and there is one plough therein. The villanes have one
  plough, and another may be made. There is one villane of one
  virgate; and five bordars of one virgate; and one bondman. Pannage
  for one hundred hogs. In the whole it is worth fifty shillings; the
  same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred shillings.

  In the same village Rannulf Pevrel holds under the abbot one hide of
  the land of the villanes. Land to half a plough, and it is there.
  This land was and is worth five shillings. This manor altogether
  laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Peter.

  _Tyburn._—The abbess of Berking holds Tiburne (Tyburn) of the King;
  it answered for five hides. Land to three ploughs. There are two
  hides in the demesne, and there is one plough therein. The villanes
  have two ploughs. There are two villanes of half a hide; and one
  villane of half a virgate; and two bordars of ten acres; and three
  cottagers. Pasture for the cattle of the village. Pannage for fifty
  hogs. For herbage forty pence. It is worth in the whole fifty-two
  shillings; the same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred
  shillings. This manor always belonged and belongs to the church of
  Berking.

                THE CHARTER OF HENRY I. (_circa_ 1130).

In William I.'s Charter the laws and customs of Edward the Confessor
were confirmed. This was perhaps all that the citizens wanted at the
time, but after a lapse of sixty years they desired a more explicit
definition of their laws and liberties, and obtained it from Henry I. In
his Charter the rights conferred by the Conqueror are not
recited—probably they were taken as a matter of course—but for the rest,
the citizens obtained all that they could reasonably ask or obtain by
purchase. In one respect only was their freedom limited: the King
reserved to himself the right of taxation, and in a medieval kingdom
this was only to be expected. The City was encouraged to grow strong and
wealthy, and the King might take its money freely for himself.

Among the more important points of this Charter may be noted the freedom
of toll to assist the development of trade; the permission to refuse
lodging to the King's household; the right of the citizens to appoint
their own Justiciar; and the grant that they should not plead without
the City walls, obviating the necessity of following the King's Court in
its travels. Altogether, this is a most important Charter, both on
account of the privileges it grants, and the light it throws on the
government of the City.

  Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, to the archbishop of
  Canterbury, and to the bishops and abbots, earls and barons,
  justices and sheriffs, and to all his faithful subjects of England,
  French and English, greeting.

  Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of London, to hold
  Middlesex to farm for three hundred pounds, upon accompt to them and
  their heirs; so that the said citizens shall place as sheriff whom
  they will of themselves; and shall place whomsoever, or such a one
  as they will of themselves, for keeping of the pleas of the crown,
  and of the pleadings of the same, and none other shall be justice
  over the same men of London; and the citizens of London shall not
  plead without the walls of London for any plea. And be they free
  from scot and lot and danegeld, and of all murder; and none of them
  shall wage battle. And if any one of the citizens shall be impleaded
  concerning the pleas of the crown, the man of London shall discharge
  himself by his oath, which shall be adjudged within the city; and
  none shall lodge within the walls, neither of my household, nor any
  other, nor lodging delivered by force.

  And all the men of London shall be quit and free, and all their
  goods, throughout England, and the ports of the sea, of and from all
  toll and passage and lestage, and all other customs; and the
  churches and barons and citizens shall and may peaceably and quietly
  have and hold their sokes with all their customs, so that the
  strangers that shall be lodged in the sokes shall give custom to
  none but to him to whom the soke appertains, or to his officer, whom
  he shall there put: And a man of London shall not be adjudged in
  amerciaments of money but of one hundred shillings (I speak of the
  pleas which appertain to money); and further there shall be no more
  miskenning in the hustings, nor in the folkmote, nor in any other
  pleas within the city, and the hustings may sit once in a week, that
  is to say on Monday: And I will cause my citizens to have their
  lands, promises, bonds and debts, within the city and without; and I
  will do them right by the law of the city, of the lands of which
  they shall complain to me:

  And if any shall take toll or custom of any citizen of London, the
  citizens of London in the city shall take of the borough or town,
  where toll or custom was so taken, so much as the man of London gave
  for toll, and as he received damage thereby: And all debtors, which
  do owe debts to the citizens of London, shall pay them in London, or
  else discharge themselves in London, that they owe none; but, if
  they will not pay the same, neither come to clear themselves that
  they owe none, the citizens of London, to whom the debts shall be
  due, may take their goods in the city of London, of the borough or
  town, or of the country wherein he remains who shall owe the debt:
  And the citizens of London may have their chaces to hunt, as well
  and fully as their ancestors have had, that is to say, in Chiltre,
  and in Middlesex and Surrey.

                  Witness the bishop of Winchester, and Robert son of
                      Richier, and Hugh Bygot, and Alured of Toteneys,
                      and William of Alba-spina, and Hubert the king's
                      Chamberlain, and William de Montfichet, and
                      Hangulf de Taney, and John Bellet, and Robert
                      son of Siward. At Westminster.

                       MATILDA IN LONDON (1141).

The power and influence of the City are well illustrated by the part
which it took in the struggles between Stephen and Matilda for the
throne of England. The Londoners at first supported Stephen; but the
party of the Empress Matilda proved to be the stronger, and for some
time everything appeared to be in her favour. But she ruined her cause
by her foolish behaviour towards the Londoners. She gave grants to a
feudal nobleman, Geoffrey de Mandeville, which practically placed the
City at his mercy, and she made unreasonable demands for subsidies from
the citizens, besides treating them in a very contemptuous fashion.
Finally, when they asked for a renewal of the laws of Edward the
Confessor, she refused, and the citizens rose in revolt and compelled
Matilda to withdraw from the City. The opposition of the Londoners at
that particular time completely altered the aspect of affairs, and
Stephen was shortly afterwards restored to the throne.

                      =Source.=—_Gesta Stephani._

  Having now obtained the submission of the greatest part of the
  kingdom, taken hostages and received homage, and being, as I have
  just said, elated to the highest pitch of arrogance, she came with
  vast military display to London, at the humble request of the
  citizens. They fancied that they had now arrived at happy days, when
  peace and tranquillity would prevail.... She, however, sent for some
  of the more wealthy, and demanded of them, not with gentle courtesy,
  but in an imperious tone, an immense sum of money. Upon this they
  made complaints that their former wealth had been diminished by the
  troubled state of the kingdom, that they had liberally contributed
  to the relief of the indigent against the severe famine which was
  impending, and that they had subsidised the King to their last
  farthing: they therefore humbly implored her clemency that in pity
  for their losses and distresses she would show some moderation in
  levying money from them.... When the citizens had addressed her in
  this manner, she, without any of the gentleness of her sex, broke
  out into insufferable rage, while she replied to them with a stern
  eye and frowning brow "that the Londoners had often paid large sums
  to the King; that they had opened their purse-strings wide to
  strengthen him and weaken her; that they had been long in
  confederacy with her enemies for her injury; and that they had no
  claim to be spared, and to have the smallest part of the fine
  remitted." On hearing this, the citizens departed to their homes,
  sorrowful and unsatisfied.

               A NORMAN PICTURE OF LONDON (_circa_ 1173).

William Fitz-Stephen was a native of London, and lived there much of his
life. This description of his birthplace is prefixed to his "Life of
Thomas Becket," perhaps because he did not wish Canterbury to eclipse
London in his narrative. This account of the capital city is clearly a
fanciful picture, containing much exaggeration; but apart from its
quaintness, it is interesting as showing how a medieval writer treated a
subject which would now be discussed precisely and minutely, with
accurate details and statistics.

   =Source.=—William Fitz-Stephen's _Descriptio Nobilissimæ Civitatis
                               Londonæ_.

                         _Of the Site Thereof._

  Among the noble cities of the world that Fame celebrates the City of
  London, of the Kingdom of the English, is the one seat that pours
  out its fame more widely, sends to farther lands its wealth and
  trade, lifts its head higher than the rest. It is happy in the
  healthiness of its air, in the Christian religion, in the strength
  of its defences, the nature of its site, the honour of its citizens,
  the modesty of its matrons; pleasant in sports; fruitful of noble
  men. Let us look into these things separately....

                             _Of Religion._

  There is in the church there the Episcopal Seat of St. Paul; once it
  was Metropolitan, and it is thought will again become so if the
  citizens return into the island, unless perhaps the archiepiscopal
  title of St. Thomas the Martyr, and his bodily presence, preserve to
  Canterbury, where it is now, a perpetual dignity. But as Saint
  Thomas has made both cities illustrious, London by his rising,
  Canterbury by his setting, in regard of that saint, with admitted
  justice, each can claim advantage of the other. There are also, as
  regards the cultivation of the Christian faith, in London and the
  suburbs, thirteen larger conventual churches, besides lesser parish
  churches one hundred and twenty-six.

                     _Of the Strength of the City._

  It has on the east the Palatine Castle, very great and strong, of
  which the ground plan and the walls rise from a very deep
  foundation, fixed with a mortar tempered by the blood of animals. On
  the west are two towers very strongly fortified, with the high and
  great wall of the city having seven double gates, and towered to the
  north at intervals. London was walled and towered in like manner on
  the south, but the great fish-bearing Thames river which there
  glides, with ebb and flow from the sea, by course of time has washed
  against, loosened, and thrown down those walls. Also upwards to the
  west the royal palace is conspicuous above the same river, an
  incomparable building with ramparts and bulwarks, two miles from the
  city, joined to it by a populous suburb.

                             _Of Gardens._

  Everywhere outside the houses of those living in the suburbs are
  joined to them, planted with trees, the spacious and beautiful
  gardens of the citizens.

                        _Of Pasture and Tilth._

  Also there are, on the north side, pastures and a pleasant
  meadowland, through which flow river streams, where the turning
  wheels of mills are put in motion with a cheerful sound. Very near
  lies a great forest, with woodland pastures, coverts of wild
  animals, stags, fallow deer, boars, and wild bulls. The tilled lands
  of the city are not of barren gravel but fat plains of Asia, that
  make crops luxuriant, and fill their tillers' barns with Ceres'
  sheaves.

                             _Of Springs._

  There are also about London, on the north side, excellent suburban
  springs, with sweet, wholesome, and clear water that flows rippling
  over the bright stones; among which Holy Well, Clerken Well, and
  Saint Clements are frequented by greater numbers, and visited more
  by scholars and youth of the city when they go out for fresh air on
  summer evenings. It is a good city indeed when it has a good master.

                      _Of Honour of the Citizens._

  That City is honoured by her men, adorned by her arms, populous with
  many inhabitants, so that in the time of slaughter of war under King
  Stephen, of those going out to muster twenty thousand horsemen and
  sixty thousand men on foot were estimated to be fit for war. Above
  all other citizens, everywhere, the citizens of London are regarded
  as conspicuous and noteworthy for handsomeness of manners and of
  dress, at table, and in way of speaking....

                             _Of Schools._

  In London three principal churches have by privilege and ancient
  dignity famous schools; yet very often by support of some personage,
  or of some teachers who are considered notable and famous in
  philosophy, there are also other schools by favour or permission. On
  feast days the masters have festival meetings in the churches. Their
  scholars dispute, some by demonstration, others by dialectics; some
  recite enthymemes, others do better in using perfect syllogisms.
  Some are exercised in disputation for display, as wrestling with
  opponents; others for truth, which is the grace of perfectness.
  Sophists who feign are judged happy in their heap and flood of
  words. Others paralogise. Some orators, now and then, say in their
  rhetorical speeches something apt for persuasion, careful to observe
  rules of their art, and to omit none of the contingents. Boys of
  different schools strive against one another in verses, and contend
  about the principles of grammar and rules of the past and future
  tenses....

                     _Of the Ordering of the City._

  Those engaged in the several kinds of business, sellers of several
  things, contractors for several kinds of work, are distributed every
  morning into their several localities and shops. Besides, there is
  in London on the river bank, among the wines in ships and cellars
  sold by the vintners, a public cook shop; there eatables are to be
  found every day, according to the season, dishes of meat, roast,
  fried and boiled, great and small fish, coarser meats for the poor,
  more delicate for the rich, of game, fowls, and small birds. If
  there should come suddenly to any of the citizens friends, weary
  from a journey and too hungry to like waiting till fresh food is
  brought and cooked, with water to their hands comes bread, while one
  runs to the river bank, and there is all that can be wanted. However
  great the multitude of soldiers or travellers entering the city, or
  preparing to go out of it, at any hour of the day or night,—that
  these may not fast too long and those may not go supperless,—they
  turn hither, if they please, where every man can refresh himself in
  his own way.... Outside one of the gates there, immediately in the
  suburb, is a certain field, smooth (Smith) field in fact and name.
  Every Friday, unless it be a higher day of appointed solemnity,
  there is in it a famous show of noble horses for sale. Earls,
  barons, knights, and many citizens who are in town, come to see or
  buy.... In another part of the field stand by themselves the goods
  proper to rustics, implements of husbandry, swine with long flanks,
  cows with full udders, oxen of bulk immense, and woolly flocks....
  To this city from every nation under heaven merchants delight to
  bring their trade by sea.... This city ... is divided into wards,
  has annual sheriffs for its consuls, has senatorial and lower
  magistrates, sewers and aqueducts in its streets, its proper places
  and separate courts for cases of each kind, deliberative,
  demonstrative, judicial; has assemblies on appointed days. I do not
  think there is a city with more commendable customs of church
  attendance, honour to God's ordinances, keeping sacred festivals,
  almsgiving, hospitality, confirming, betrothals, contracting
  marriages, celebration of nuptials, preparing feasts, cheering the
  guests, and also in care for funerals and the interment of the dead.
  The only pests of London are the immoderate drinking of fools and
  the frequency of fires. To this may be added that nearly all the
  bishops, abbots, and magnates of England are, as it were, citizens
  and freemen of London; having there their own splendid houses, to
  which they resort, where they spend largely when summoned to great
  councils by the king or by their metropolitan, or drawn thither by
  their own private affairs.

                              _Of Sports._

  Let us now come to the sports and pastimes, seeing it is fit that a
  city should not only be commodious and serious, but also merry and
  sportful; ... but London ... hath holy plays, representations of
  miracles which holy confessors have wrought, or representations of
  torments wherein the constancy of martyrs appeared. Every year also
  at Shrove Tuesday, that we may begin with children's sports, seeing
  we all have been children, the schoolboys do bring cocks of the game
  to their master, and all the forenoon they delight themselves in
  cock-fighting: after dinner, all the youths go into the field to
  play at the ball.

  The scholars of every school have their ball, or baton, in their
  hands; the ancient and wealthy men of the city come forth on
  horseback to see the sport of the young men, and to take part of the
  pleasure in beholding their agility. Every Friday in Lent a fresh
  company of young men comes into the field on horseback, and the best
  horseman conducteth the rest. Then march forth the citizen's sons,
  and other young men, with disarmed lances and shields, and there
  they practise feats of war. Many courtiers likewise, when the king
  lieth near, and attendants of noblemen, do repair to these
  exercises; and while the hope of victory doth inflame their minds,
  do show good proof how serviceable they would be in martial affairs.

  In Easter holidays they fight battles on the water; a shield is hung
  upon a pole, fixed in the midst of a stream, a boat is prepared
  without oars, to be carried by violence of the water, and in the
  fore part thereof standeth a young man, ready to give charge upon
  the shield with his lance; if so be he breaketh his lance against
  the shield, and doth not fall, he is thought to have performed a
  worthy deed; if so be, without breaking his lance, he runneth
  strongly against the shield, down he falleth into the water, for the
  boat is violently forced with the tide; but on each side of the
  shield ride two boats, furnished with young men, which recover him
  that falleth as soon as they may. Upon the bridge, wharfs, and
  houses, by the river's side, stand great numbers to see and laugh
  thereat.

  In the holidays all the summer the youths are exercised in leaping,
  dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting the stone, and practising
  their shields; the maidens trip in their timbrels, and dance as long
  as they can well see. In winter, every holiday before dinner, the
  boars prepared for brawn are set to fight, or else bulls and bears
  are baited.

  When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls of the city on
  the north side, is frozen, many young men play upon the ice; some,
  striding as wide as they may, do slide swiftly; others make
  themselves seats of ice, as great as millstones; one sits down, many
  hand in hand to draw him, and one slipping on a sudden, all fall
  together; some tie bones to their feet and under their heels; and
  shoving themselves by a little picked staff, do slide as swiftly as
  a bird flieth in the air, or an arrow out of a crossbow. Sometime
  two run together with poles, and hitting on the other, either one or
  both do fall, not without hurt; some break their arms, some their
  legs, but youth desirous of glory in this sort exerciseth itself
  against the time of war. Many of the citizens do delight themselves
  in hawks and hounds; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex,
  Hertfordshire, all Chiltern, and in Kent to the water of Cray.

                    DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY (1177).

The following story is not altogether free from suspicion, but it was
probably inspired by accounts of the depredations of the young bloods of
the City. Nocturnal disturbances were by no means unknown as late as the
eighteenth century, and the Mohocks were following a tradition which was
as old as the City itself.

 =Source.=—Translated from _Benedict of Peterborough_, vol. i., p. 155.

  During this council the brother of earl Ferrers was slain by night
  in London. When the King heard this he was greatly distressed, and
  swore that he would take vengeance on the citizens of London. For it
  was the custom then in London for a hundred or more of the sons and
  relations of the citizens to make nocturnal assaults on the houses
  of the rich, and rob them; and if they found anybody wandering about
  the streets they would kill him without pity; so that very few dared
  to walk through the city at night for fear of them. Three years
  before this the sons of the "nobility" of London assembled by night
  for purposes of robbery, and attacked the house of a certain rich
  citizen; having broken down the wall with iron bars they entered
  through the aperture thus made. But the occupier of the house had
  been forewarned of their arrival; he donned a coat of mail and
  collected several trusty armed servants, with whom he waited in a
  corner of the house. Soon he saw one of the robbers, named Andrew
  Bucquinte, who was eagerly leading the rest; he hurled at him a pan
  full of hot coals and rushed on him fiercely. When Richard Bucquinte
  saw this, he drew his dagger and struck the citizen, but he received
  no injury because of his coat of mail; he drew his sword and cut off
  the right hand of Richard Bucquinte. Then he raised a cry, "Thieves,
  thieves!" and on hearing it all the robbers fled except the one who
  had lost his hand, and the citizen captured him. Next day he was
  brought before Richard de Lucy, the King's justiciar, and was
  imprisoned. This thief, being promised pardon, informed against his
  companions, many of whom were taken, although many escaped. Among
  those who were taken was a certain John, an old man, the noblest and
  wealthiest of the citizens of London. He offered five hundred marks
  of silver to the King in return for his life, but the King would not
  take the fine, and ordered justice to be carried out, so he was
  hanged.

                     ORDINANCES CONCERNING BUILDING
                             (1189, 1212).

The documents quoted below give good evidence of the style in which the
better class of houses was built during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. The greater part of the city was built of wood, the houses
being roofed with straw, reeds, and similar materials. The frequent
fires which took place owing to this manner of building, especially the
great fire of 1135 which destroyed a great part of the City, compelled
the citizens to take some precautions against the recurrence of such a
calamity. Stone was used to a larger extent, and various privileges were
conceded to those who used stone in the construction of their houses.
This material was made compulsory in the party-walls, but the rest of
the buildings might be made of anything, and was usually constructed of
wood. The regulations of 1189 did not produce any great or immediate
effect on the style of building, and a further ordinance was issued in
1212, after a disastrous fire had destroyed London Bridge and a large
number of houses.

    =Source.=—The London Assizes of 1189 and 1212, quoted in Hudson
              Turner's _History of Domestic Architecture_.

  (_a_) In the year of the Lord 1189, in the first year of the reign
  of the illustrious King Richard, in the mayoralty of Henry
  Fitz-Aylwin, who was the first Mayor of London, these provisions and
  ordinances were made by the wise men of the City, for appeasing the
  contentions which sometimes arise among neighbours touching
  boundaries made or to be made between their lands, so that such
  disputes might be settled according to that which was then provided
  and ordained. And the said provision and ordinance was called an
  Assize.

  When two neighbours shall have agreed to build between themselves a
  wall of stone, each shall give a foot and a half of land, and so
  they shall construct, at their joint cost, a stone wall three feet
  thick and sixteen feet in height. And, if they agree, they shall
  make a gutter between them, to carry off the water from their
  houses, as they may deem most convenient. But if they should not
  agree, either of them may make a gutter to carry the water dripping
  from his house on to his own land, except he can convey it into the
  high street.

  They may also, if they agree, raise the said wall as high as they
  please, at their joint expense; and if it shall happen that one
  shall wish to raise the wall, and the other not, it shall be lawful
  for him who is willing, to raise his own part as much as he please,
  and build upon it, without damage of the other, at his own cost.

  And if any one shall build his own stone wall, upon his own land, of
  the height of sixteen feet, his neighbour ought to make a gutter
  under the eaves of the house which is placed on that wall, and
  receive in it the water falling from that house, and lead it on to
  his own land, unless he can lead it into the high street.

  Also, no one of two parties having a common wall built between them,
  can, or ought, to pull down any portion of his part of the said
  wall, or lessen its thickness, or make arches in it, without the
  assent and will of the other.

  And if any one shall have windows looking towards the land of a
  neighbour, and although he and his predecessors have long been
  possessed of the view of the aforesaid windows, nevertheless his
  neighbour may lawfully obstruct the view of those windows, by
  building opposite to them on his own ground, as he shall consider
  most expedient; except he who hath the windows can shew any writing
  whereby his neighbour may not obstruct the view of those windows.

  Let it be borne in mind that in former times a great part of the
  city was built of wood, and the houses were roofed with straw, reeds
  and such things; so that when any house caught fire, a great part of
  the city was destroyed by that fire; as happened in the first year
  of the reign of King Stephen. For it is written in the chronicles
  that in a fire which began at London Bridge, St. Paul's Church was
  burnt down, and the fire proceeded thence, burning all the houses
  and buildings as far as St. Clement Danes. Therefore many citizens,
  to avoid such danger, built according to their means, on their
  ground, a stone house covered and protected by thick tiles against
  the fury of fire, whereby it often happened that when a fire arose
  in the city and burnt many edifices, and had reached such a house,
  not being able to injure it, it became there extinguished, so that
  many neighbours' houses were wholly saved from fire by that house.

  (_b_) A decree made by the counsel of the citizens, for the setting
  into order of the city and to provide, by God's help, against fire.

  First, they advise that all ale-houses be forbidden, except those
  which shall be licensed by the common council of the city at
  Guildhall, excepting those belonging to persons willing to build of
  stone, that the city may be secure. And that no baker bake, or
  ale-wife brew, by night, either with reeds or straw or stubble, but
  with wood only.

  They advise also that all the cook-shops on the Thames be
  whitewashed and plastered within and without, and that all inner
  chambers and hostelries be wholly removed, so that there remain only
  the house (hall) and bed-room.

  Whosoever wishes to build, let him take care, as he loveth himself
  and his goods, that he roof not with reed, nor rush, nor with any
  manner of litter, but with tile only, or shingle, or boards, or, if
  it may be, with lead, within the city and Portsoken. Also all houses
  which till now are covered with reed or rush, which can be
  plastered, let them be plastered within eight days, and let those
  which shall not be so plastered within the term be demolished by the
  aldermen and lawful men of the venue.

  All wooden houses which are nearest to the stone houses in Cheap,
  whereby the stone houses in Cheap may be in peril, shall be securely
  amended by view of the mayor and sheriffs, and good men of the city,
  or, without any exception, to whomsoever they may belong, pulled
  down.

  The watches, and they who watch by night for the custody of the city
  shall go out by day and return by day, or they by whom they may have
  been sent forth shall be fined forty shillings by the city. And let
  old houses in which brewing or baking is done be whitewashed and
  plastered within and without, that they may be safe against fire.

  Let all the aldermen have a proper hook and cord, and let him who
  shall not have one within the appointed term be amerced by the city.
  Foreign workmen who come into the city, and refuse to obey the
  aforesaid decree, shall be arrested until brought before the mayor
  and good men to hear their judgment. They say also that it is only
  proper that before every house there should be a tub full of water,
  either of wood or stone.

                  THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY CONFIRMED
                                (1191).

When Richard I. set out on his crusade, he left the government of
England in the hands of William Longchamp, as Chancellor. This man made
himself most unpopular by his tyrannical acts, and John, the King's
brother, for purposes of his own, joined the malcontents. Longchamp
attempted to gain the support of London, and at a meeting of citizens in
the Guildhall he denounced John as aiming at the crown, and prayed them
to uphold the King. The citizens, however, received John with welcome,
and he was given to understand that he would receive the support of the
City on certain terms, to which, of course, he agreed. This "commune,"
which was granted by John and the barons, was the first public
recognition of the citizens of London as a body corporate.

         =Source.=—Translated from _Benedict of Peterborough_,
                           vol. ii., p. 213.

  John, with almost all the bishops and barons of England in
  attendance on him, entered London on that day (October 7, 1191), and
  on the following day John and the Archbishop of Rouen and all the
  bishops and barons, and with them the citizens of London, met in St.
  Paul's church, and accused the chancellor of many things, especially
  with regard to the injuries which he had wrought to the Archbishop
  of York, the Bishop of Durham, and his son Henry. Moreover the
  colleagues of the chancellor, whom the King had associated with him
  in the government of the country, accused him of many crimes, saying
  that he had performed everything without their counsel and consent.
  Then the Archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall showed to the
  assembly the King's letter, by which it was ordered that if the
  chancellor did any foolish thing to the harm of the King or the
  realm, the said Archbishop of Rouen was to be appointed in his
  stead.... Therefore John the King's brother, and all the bishops and
  barons and the citizens of London, decided that the chancellor
  should be deposed from the government of the kingdom.... John and
  the Archbishop of Rouen, and all the bishops and barons of the
  kingdom who were present, granted to the citizens of London their
  commune, and swore that they would guard it and the liberties of the
  city of London, as long as it pleased the King; and the citizens of
  London and the bishops and barons swore allegiance to King Richard,
  and to John the King's brother, and undertook to accept John as
  their lord and King, if the King died without issue.

             From _Richard of Devizes_, vol. iii., p. 416.

  On that day was granted and confirmed the commune of London, to
  which the barons of the whole kingdom and the bishops of every
  diocese gave their consent. On that occasion for the first time
  London realized that the kingdom was without a king, by this
  conspiracy which neither Richard himself nor his father Henry would
  have allowed to take place for a million marks. A commune puffs up
  the people, threatens the kingdom, and weakens the priesthood.

                      JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER (1199).

John granted five charters to the City, and in this third charter he
restored to the citizens two privileges, of which they had been deprived
by Matilda and Henry II. The latter, wishing to bring the City under the
direct supervision of the Crown, had retained the appointment of
sheriffs in his own hands; Matilda had annulled the arrangement by which
the citizens were to have the farm of Middlesex on payment of £300 every
year. The restoration of the right of electing the sheriffs was not of
very great importance, for during the period which had elapsed since
Henry II. assumed this privilege the office of Mayor had become
established, and this had considerably lessened the importance of the
sheriffs.

  John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke of
  Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou; to his archbishops,
  bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs, rulers, and to
  all his bailiffs and loving subjects.

  Know ye, that we have granted, and by this our present writing
  confirmed, to our citizens of London, the sheriffwicks of London and
  Middlesex, with all the customs and things to the sheriffwick
  belonging, within the city and without, by land and by water, to
  have and to hold, to them and their heirs, of us and our heirs,
  paying therefor three hundred pounds of blank sterling money, at two
  terms in the year; that is to say, at the Easter exchequer, one
  hundred and fifty pounds; and at the Michaelmas exchequer, one
  hundred and fifty pounds; saving to the citizens of London all their
  liberties and free customs.

  And further, we have granted to the citizens of London, that they
  amongst themselves make sheriffs whom they will; and may amove them
  when they will; and those whom they make sheriffs, they shall
  present to our justices of our exchequer, of these things which to
  the said sheriffwick appertain, whereof they ought to answer us; and
  unless they shall sufficiently answer and satisfy, the citizens may
  answer and satisfy us the amerciaments and farm, saving to the said
  citizens their liberties as is aforesaid; and saving to the said
  sheriffs the same liberties which other citizens have: so that, if
  they which shall be appointed sheriffs for the time being, shall
  commit any offence, whereby they ought to incur any amerciament of
  money, they shall not be condemned for any more than to the
  amerciament of twenty pounds, and that without the damage of other
  citizens, if the sheriffs be not sufficient for the payment of their
  amerciaments: but, if they do any offence, whereby they ought to
  incur the loss of their lives or members, they shall be adjudged, as
  they ought to be, according to the law of the city; and of these
  things, which to the said sheriffs belong, the sheriffs shall answer
  before our justices at our exchequer, saving to the said sheriffs
  the liberties which other citizens of London have.

  Also this grant and confirmation we have made to the citizens of
  London for the amendment of the said city, and because it was in
  ancient times farmed for three hundred pounds: wherefore we will and
  steadfastly command, that the citizens of London and their heirs may
  have and hold the sheriffwick of London and Middlesex, with all
  things to the said sheriffwick belonging, of us and our heirs, to
  possess and enjoy hereditarily, freely and quietly, honourably and
  wholly, by fee-farm of three hundred pounds; and we forbid that none
  presume to do any damage, impediment or diminishment to the citizens
  of London of these things, which to the said sheriffwick do or were
  accustomed to appertain: Also we will and command, that if we or our
  heirs, or any of our justices, shall give or grant to any person any
  of those things which to the farm of the sheriffwick appertain, the
  same shall be accounted to the citizens of London, in the acquittal
  of the said farm at our exchequer.

                         LONDON BRIDGE (1202).

It is possible that there was a London Bridge in Roman times, and there
certainly was one, built of wood, before the Conquest. The modern
structure was finished in 1831, and this replaced the old bridge, which
was built between 1176 and 1209, about 200 feet east of the present one.
It consisted of twenty arches, a drawbridge for large vessels, and a
chapel and crypt in the centre, dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury.
It was afterwards covered with houses and shops on both sides, like a
street. The last of these buildings was removed in 1757.

The following letter was written by King John to the citizens of London
during the construction of the bridge, and shows that the erection and
maintenance of this important means of communication was a matter for
royal and national, as well as local, consideration.

         =Source.=—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 45.

  John, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc.

  To his faithful and beloved the Mayor and Citizens of London,
  greeting.

  Considering how the Lord in a short time has wrought, in regard to
  the Bridges of Xainctes and Rochelle, by the great care and pains of
  our faithful, learned and worthy clerk Isenbert, Master of the
  Schools of Xainctes: We therefore, by the advice of our Reverend
  Father in Christ, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and that of
  others, have desired, directed and enjoined him to use his best
  endeavour in building your bridge, for your benefit, and that of the
  public: For we trust in the Lord, that this bridge, so necessary for
  you, and all who shall pass the same, will, through his industry,
  and the Divine blessing, soon be finished: Wherefore, without
  prejudice to our right, or that of the City of London, We will and
  grant, that the rents and profits of the several houses that the
  said Master of the Schools shall cause to be erected upon the bridge
  aforesaid, be for ever appropriated to repair, maintain and uphold
  the same.

  And seeing that the necessary work of the said bridge cannot be
  accomplished without your aid, and that of others; We charge and
  exhort you kindly to receive and honour the above-named Isenbert,
  and those employed by him, who will perform everything to your
  advantage and credit, according to his directions, you affording him
  your joint advice and assistance in the premises. For whatever good
  office or honour you shall do to him, you ought to esteem the same
  as done to us. But should any injury be offered to the said
  Isenbert, or the persons employed by him (which we do not believe
  there will), see that the same be redressed, as soon as it comes to
  your knowledge.

                  Witness myself at Molinel, the eighteenth day of
                      April (1202).

                    OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. (1249).

Perhaps no monarch was ever more detested by the citizens of London than
was Henry III.—a weak and foolish ruler, who subjected every class to
his exactions and oppressions. He was himself preyed upon by swarms of
favourites, and enticed into all manner of expensive projects, and could
only free himself from his debts and difficulties by abusing his royal
prerogative. On one occasion he sold his plate and jewels to the
Londoners. "These clowns," he said, "who assume to themselves the name
of barons, abound in everything, while we are reduced to necessities."
Henry certainly seemed to regard their resources as inexhaustible; false
charges were repeatedly made against them, for the purpose of exacting
money; exorbitant sums were demanded for purchasing the King's
good-will, and for the granting of charters; no occasion of soliciting
presents was allowed to pass by; schemes of begging and robbing were
carried on so assiduously by this infatuated monarch that the citizens
were driven, in the end, to offer and render active assistance to the
barons who leagued themselves against him. During this disturbed period
the City did not prosper; it needed a firm and steady Government, and
not till Edward I. ascended the throne did London resume its career of
progress.

                  =Source.=—Matthew Paris, _History_.

  The King began now sedulously to think how he could entirely dry up
  the inexhaustible well of England. For, on meeting with a just
  repulse from the community of nobles, as above mentioned, who stated
  that they would no longer lavish their property to the ruin of the
  kingdom, he studied, by other cunning devices, to quench the thirst
  of his cupidity. Immediately after the festivities of the said
  season, he entered upon the following plan of harassing the citizens
  of London: he suspended the carrying on of traffic in that city, as
  has been before mentioned, for a fortnight, by establishing a new
  fair at Westminster, to the loss and injury of many; and immediately
  afterwards he sent letters by his agents, containing subtle and
  imperious entreaties, asking them for pecuniary aid. On receipt of
  this message, the citizens were grieved to the heart, and said: "Woe
  to us, woe to us; where is the liberty of London, which is so often
  bought; so often granted; so often guaranteed by writing; so often
  sworn to be respected? For each year almost, like slaves of the
  lowest condition, we are impoverished by new talliages, and
  injuriously harassed by fox-like arguments; nor can we discover into
  what whirlpool the property of which we are robbed is absorbed." At
  length, however, although immense sums were demanded, the citizens,
  although unwillingly and not without bitterness of heart, yielded
  their consent to a contribution of two thousand pounds, to be paid
  to the King at a brief period....

  About the same time, the City of London was excited in no slight
  degree, because the King exacted some liberties from the citizens
  for the benefit of the abbot of Westminster, to their enormous loss,
  and the injury of their liberties. The mayor of the city and the
  whole of the community in general, as far as lay in their power,
  opposed the wish (or rather violence and raving) of the King; but he
  proved harsh and inexorable to them. The citizens, therefore, in a
  state of great excitement, went with sorrowful complaints to Earl
  Richard, the earl of Leicester, and other nobles of the Kingdom,
  telling them how the King, perhaps bent into a bow of wickedness, by
  the pope's example, shamelessly violated their charters, granted to
  them by his predecessors. The said nobles were much disturbed at
  this, fearing that the King would attempt a similar proceeding with
  them; they therefore severely reproached him, adding threats to
  their reproaches, and strongly blamed the abbot, who, they believed,
  was the originator and promoter of this wrong, heaping insult upon
  insult on him; which, however, it does not become us to relate, out
  of respect to the order. Thus the prudence of the nobles happily
  recalled the King from his conceived design.

                     INTERFERENCE BY BARONS (1258).

When, in medieval England, the central authority was weak, injustice and
oppression were rife throughout the country, and at such times the men
of London were often hard pressed to maintain intact their privileges.
Under the feeble and vacillating Henry III. there was little restraint
upon corrupt and unscrupulous barons, such as the Hugh Bygot of the
following passage. The right to attend to the administration of justice
within the borders of the City was one of the most essential elements of
the citizen's freedom; no interference in this direction could possibly
be tolerated if the hardly won charters were to be of any avail. It is
not surprising, therefore, that the arbitrary conduct of this justiciar,
who pretended to act by royal authority, being a King's servant, aroused
great resentment among the citizens.

    =Source.=—Fitz-Thedmar's _Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs_,
                        edited by Riley, p. 42.

  This year, John de Gizors was chosen Mayor, and that too, even in
  his absence. This year, after a Parliament held by the Barons at
  Westminster, Hugh Bygot, the Justiciar, went to Saint Saviour's, and
  having Roger de Turkelby for his associate, held there all the Pleas
  which pertain unto the Justiciars Itinerant in the County of Surrey;
  and not only did he there amerce several bailiffs and others who had
  been convicted of offences committed against those subject to them,
  but he caused them to be imprisoned, clerks as well as laymen. And
  yet he ransomed one person for twenty marks, and certain others for
  forty marks, and more; while several others, for but trifling
  reasons, he immoderately aggrieved.

  In these pleas the men of Southwark and others of the County of
  Surrey made complaint against the Sheriffs and citizens of London,
  that they unjustly took custom without the Stone Gate on the Bridge,
  seeing that they ought to possess no such rights beyond the
  Drawbridge Gate. The citizens, coming with their Sheriffs who had
  been summoned by the Justiciars, appeared at Saint Saviour's, before
  the Justiciars, and bringing with them their Charters, said that
  they were not bound to plead there, nor would they plead without the
  walls of the City; but without formal plea, they were willing to
  acknowledge that it was quite lawful for the Sheriffs of London to
  take custom without the gate aforesaid, and that too, even as far as
  the staples placed there, seeing that the whole water of Thames
  pertains unto the City, and always did pertain thereto; and that
  too, sea-ward as far as the New Weir. At length, after much
  altercation had taken place between the Justiciars and the citizens,
  the Justiciars caused inquisition to be made, on the oath of twelve
  knights of Surrey—and this, although the citizens had not put
  themselves on such inquisition—whether the Sheriffs of London had
  taken any custom beyond their limits. Who said, upon oath, that the
  Sheriffs aforesaid might rightfully take custom there, for that as
  far the staples before-mentioned, the whole pertains unto the City,
  and no one has any right upon the Thames, as far as the New Weir,
  save and except the citizens of London.

  After this, the Justiciar before-mentioned, having as his associate
  Roger before-named, came to the Guildhall of London, and there held
  Pleas from day to day, as to all those who wished to make plaint;
  and at once, without either making reasonable summons or admitting
  any lawful excuses, determined the same, observing no due procedure
  of justice; and that too against the laws of the City, as also
  against the laws and customs of every freeman of the English realm.
  This, however, the citizens persistently challenged, saying that no
  one except the Sheriffs of London ought to hold pleadings in the
  City as to trespasses there committed; but to no purpose. Still
  however, the citizens had judgment done upon all persons abiding in
  the City, who had been convicted, or had been cast in making a false
  charge. At the same time also, the Justiciar summoned before himself
  and before the Earl of Gloucester all the bakers of the City who
  could be found, together with their loaves; and so, by some few
  citizens summoned before them, judgment was given in reference to
  their bread; those whose bread did not weigh according to the assay
  of the City, not being placed in the pillory, as they used to be,
  but, at the will of the Justiciar and Earl aforesaid, exalted in the
  tumbrel, against the ancient usage of the City and of all the realm.

                         THE STEELYARD (1282).

The Steelyard was the residence of the Hanse Merchants, who obtained a
settlement in London as early as 1250. Valuable privileges were granted
to them by Henry III., and these were renewed and confirmed by Edward
I., who was anxious to encourage the trade of the City by all possible
means. Many privileges were also conceded to the Steelyard merchants by
the City, in return for which they undertook to maintain Bishopsgate in
good repair and to assist in its defence when necessity arose. In spite
of the jealousy of the English merchants, the foreigners flourished
exceedingly, but towards the end of the sixteenth century their power
began to fail. As English traders became more enterprising, the monopoly
of the Steelyard merchants disappeared, and finally, in 1598, Elizabeth
expelled them from the country.

                   =Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 234.

  Next to this (Cosin) lane on the east, is the steelyard (as they
  term it) a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to bring
  hither, as well wheat, rye and other grain, as cables, ropes, masts,
  pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and
  other profitable merchandizes: unto these merchants in the year 1259
  Henry the third, at the request of his brother Richard earl of
  Cornwall, king of Almaine, granted that all and singular the
  merchants, having a house in the City of London, commonly called
  Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be maintained and upholden through
  the whole realm, by all such freedoms, and free usages or liberties,
  as by the King and his noble progenitors time they had, and enjoyed,
  etc. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that charter of
  Liberties granted by his Father. And in the tenth year of the same
  Edward, Henry Wales being Mayor, a great controversy did arise
  between the said Mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine,
  about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall, for that
  the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges, in respect of
  maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair: for the
  appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ to the
  Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding that they should
  make inquisition thereof, before whom the merchants being called,
  when they were not able to discharge themselves, since they enjoyed
  the liberties to them granted for the same, a precept was sent to
  the Mayor, and sheriffs, to distrain the said merchants to make
  reparations, namely Gerard Marbod Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de
  Cussarde a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Deneuar, a Burgess of Triuar,
  John of Aras, a Burgess of Triuon, Bartram of Hamburdge, Godestalke
  of Hundondale, a Burgess of Triuon, John de Dele a Burgess of
  Munstar, then remaining in the said City of London: for themselves,
  and all other merchants of the Haunce, and so they granted 210 marks
  sterling to the Mayor and Citizens, and undertook that they and
  their successors should from time to time repair the said gate, and
  bear the third part of the charges in money, and men to defend it
  when need were. And for this agreement, the said Mayor and Citizens
  granted to the said merchants their liberties which till of late
  they have enjoyed, as namely amongst other, that they might lay up
  their grain which they brought into this realm, in Inns, and sell it
  in their garners, by the space of forty days after they had laid it
  up: except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expressly forbidden,
  because of dearth or other reasonable occasions. Also they might
  have their Aldermen as they had been accustomed, forseen always that
  he were of the City, and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of the
  City, so oft as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before
  them to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves
  in their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs
  of the City. Thus much for their privileges: whereby it appeareth,
  that they were great merchants of corn brought out of the East parts
  hither, in so much that the occupiers of husbandry in this land were
  enforced to complain of them for bringing in such abundance, when
  the corn of this realm was at an easy price: whereupon it was
  ordained by Parliament, that no person should bring into any part of
  this realm by way of merchandise, wheat, rye or barley, growing out
  of the said realm, when the quarter of wheat exceeded not the price
  of 6 shillings 8 pence, rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the
  quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the King, the other half to
  the seizer thereof. These merchants of Haunce had their Guild hall
  in Thames street in place aforesaid, by the said Cosin lane. Their
  hall is large, builded of stone, with three arched gates towards the
  street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is
  seldom opened, the other two be mured up, the same is now called the
  old hall.

                  THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER
                                (1282).

It would appear from contemporary evidence that the Londoners must have
been somewhat turbulent during the thirteenth century. Owing to the
smallness of the houses and the insufficient accommodation for families,
the greater part of the population constantly filled the streets; and,
although the watch and ward arrangements for the protection of the City
may have been sufficient in quiet times, they were quite inadequate when
troubles arose. In spite of stringent regulations frequent quarrels and
riots occurred in the crowded streets, and punishments, fines, and
imprisonments were common. The commonest offences, to judge by the
records of trials, were night-walking after curfew, robbery with
violence, frequenting taverns, and gambling. The following passages
illustrate some of the efforts which were continually being made to
devise improvements in the administration of the City and the
safeguarding of its inhabitants:

    =Sources.=—(_a_) "Provisions for the Safe-Keeping of the City";
       (_b_) "A Royal Mandate for the Preservation of the Peace."
                    Riley's_Memorials_, pp. 21, 36.

  (_a_) On Wednesday next before the Feast of Pentecost, in the 10th
  year of the reign of King Edward, by Henry le Galeys, Mayor, the
  Aldermen, and the then Chamberlain of Guildhall, the following
  provisions were subscribed:—

  As to the trades: that every trade shall present the names of all
  persons in that trade, and of all who have been serving therein;
  where they dwell, and in what Ward.

  Also, each Alderman, with two of the best men of his Ward, shall
  make inquisition as to persons keeping hostels, and the persons
  lodging in the same, making enquiry one by one, and from house to
  house; that so he may know how many, and who, and of what kind or
  condition they are, clerks or laymen, who are residing in his Ward,
  of the age of twelve years and upwards.

  To be remembered:—as to provision made how suspected persons, when
  found, ought to be removed, or under what security to remain.

  Secondly, as to the safe-keeping of the City:—All the Gates of the
  City are to be open by day; and at each Gate there are to be two
  serjeants to open the same, skilful men, and fluent of speech, who
  are to keep a good watch upon persons coming in and going out; that
  so no evil may befall the City.

  At every Parish Church, curfew is to be rung at the same hour as at
  St. Martin's le Grand; so that they begin together, and end
  together; and then all the Gates are to be shut, as well as all
  taverns for wine or for ale; and no one is then to go about the
  streets or ways. Six persons are to watch in each Ward by night, of
  the most competent men of the Ward thereto; and the two serjeants
  who guard the Gates by day, are to lie at night either within the
  Gates, or near thereto.

  The serjeants of Billingsgate and Queen Hythe are to see that all
  boats are moored on the City side at night, and are to have the
  names of all boats; and no one is to cross the Thames at night. And
  each serjeant must have his own boat with four men, to guard the
  water by night, on either side of the bridge.

  The serjeants at the Gates are to receive four pence each per day,
  and the boatmen at night, one penny each.

  (_b_) Henry le Galeys, Mayor of the City of London, presented a writ
  of our Lord the King, in these words:—

  Edward by the grace of God, etc., to the Mayor and Sheriffs of
  London, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard that the bakers, and
  brewsters, and millers, in the city aforesaid, do frequently
  misconduct themselves in their trades, and that misdoers by night
  going about the city aforesaid with swords and bucklers, and other
  arms, as well at the procuration of others as of their own malice,
  do beat and maltreat other persons, and are wont to perpetrate many
  other offences and enormities, to no small damage and grievance of
  our faithful subjects: We, of our counsel, wishing to apply a
  fitting remedy to all the premises, and to strike both them and
  others with fear of so offending, do command you, and strictly
  enjoin, that you will so chastise such bakers, brewsters, and
  misdoers, with corporal punishments, and so visit the other
  offences, at your discretion, that they may excite in others in like
  case a fear of so offending. And that all corn to be ground at mills
  within the city aforesaid, and without, shall be weighed by the
  millers, and that such millers shall answer in like weight in the
  flour coming therefrom. And the matters aforesaid, and all other
  things which unto the office of the Mayoralty of the same city, and
  to the preservation there of our peace, do pertain, you are to cause
  to be inviolably observed. Witness myself, at York, the 28th day of
  May, in the 26th year of our reign.

                  THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II. (1311).

The attitude of the City towards the Sovereign was invariably determined
by the respect which the latter paid to the liberties and privileges of
the citizens, who were generally disposed to be loyal enough if they
were treated with proper consideration. The change from the powerful and
competent rule of Edward I. to the feeble government of his son produced
its inevitable effect on London as well as on the kingdom; but the
letter quoted below shows that the citizens were prepared to support the
King during the early years of his reign. Later, however, his arbitrary
measures and foolish actions led to a complete revulsion of feeling,
which expressed itself in actual revolt.

                 =Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 84.

  To the most noble Prince, and their very dear liege lord, our Lord
  the King of England, his lieges, Richer de Refham, Mayor of his city
  of London, and the commonalty of the same city, all manner of
  reverence, service, and honour, as unto their liege lord. Whereas,
  Sire, we have heard good news of you, Sire, and of your successful
  prosecution of your war in Scotland, God be thanked; we do send you,
  by the bearers of these letters, one thousand marks, in aid and in
  prosecution of your war; and we do pray you, as being our most dear
  lord, that you will be pleased to accept the same; and that, if
  aught shall please you as regards your said city, you will signify
  your will unto us, as being your liege men. Our Lord have you in his
  keeping, body and soul; and may he give you a good life, and long.

                  CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF
                            THE CITY (1319).

These articles were drawn up by the citizens and submitted to Edward II.
for his approval, which he duly gave in exchange for £1,000. It is clear
that there had been dissensions in the city; the officials had been
endeavouring to obtain favour at Court, and in doing so they had acted,
as the citizens alleged, against their interests. The mayor, when it
suited the interests of the City magistrates, was re-elected at
pleasure; the citizens were taxed in an oppressive manner while the
magistrates are stated to have lowered their own assessments. The
citizens were unable to obtain satisfactory redress from the King's
judges, and proposed these new constitutions, which were accepted by the
King and afterwards incorporated into the charter of Richard II. It is
to be noted that henceforth the only way to the civic franchise was by
becoming a member of the civic gilds.

  Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, and
  duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present letters shall have
  come, greeting.

  Know ye, that whereas our beloved and faithful the mayor and
  aldermen, and the other citizens of our city of London, had lately
  ordained and appointed among themselves, for the bettering of the
  same city, and for the common benefit of such as dwell in that city,
  and resort to the same, certain things to be in the same city
  perpetually observed, and had instantly besought us that we would
  take care to accept and confirm the same.

  We having seen certain letters, patentwise, signed with the common
  seal of that city, and the seal of the office of the mayoralty of
  that city, upon the premises, and to us exhibited, have caused
  certain articles to be chosen out of the foresaid letters, and
  caused them in some things to be corrected, as they are underneath
  inserted, viz.

  1. That the mayor and sheriffs of the same city be elected by the
  citizens of the said city, according to the tenor of the charters of
  our progenitors, heretofore kings of England, made to them thereby,
  and not otherwise.

  2. That the mayor remain only one year together in his mayoralty.

  3. That sheriffs have but two clerks and two serjeants; and that
  they take such for whom they will answer.

  4. That the mayor have no other office belonging to the city, but
  the office of mayoralty; nor draw to himself the sheriff's plea in
  the chamber of London, nor hold other pleas than those the mayor,
  according to ancient custom, ought to hold.

  5. That the aldermen be removed from year to year, on the day of St.
  Gregory the Pope, and not re-elected; and others chosen by the same
  wards....

  7. That no stranger be admitted into the freedom of the city in the
  husting; and that no inhabitant, and especially English merchant, of
  any mistery or trade, be admitted into the freedom of the city,
  unless by surety of six honest and sufficient men of the mistery or
  trade that he shall be of, who is so to be admitted into the
  freedom; which six men may undertake for him, of keeping the city
  indemnified in that behalf. And that the same form of surety be
  observed of strangers to be admitted into the freedom in the
  husting, if they be of any certain mistery or trade. And if they are
  not of some certain mistery, then that they be not admitted into the
  freedom without the assent of the commonalty. And that they who have
  been taken into the freedom of the city (since we undertook the
  government of the realm) contrary to the forms prescribed, and they
  who have gone contrary to their oath in this behalf, or contrary to
  the state of the city, and are thereof lawfully convicted, lose the
  freedom of the said city.

  Saving always, that concerning apprentices the ancient manner and
  form of the said city be observed.

  8. That each year in the same city, as often as need shall be,
  inquiry be made, if any of the freedom of the same city exercise
  merchandises in the city, of the goods of others not of the same
  freedom, by calling those goods their own, contrary to their oath,
  and contrary to the freedom of the said city; and they that are
  lawfully convicted thereof to lose the freedom of the said city....

  12. That weights and scales of merchandises to be weighed between
  merchants and merchants, the issues coming of which belong to the
  commonalty of the said city, remain in the custody of honest and
  sufficient men of the same city, expert in that office, and as yet
  to be chosen by the commonalty, to be kept at the will of the same
  commonalty; and that they be by no means committed to others than
  those so to be chosen....

  14. Merchants who are not of the freedom of the city, not to sell,
  by retail, wines or other wares, within the city or suburbs....

  16. That the common harbourers in the city and suburbs, although
  they are not of the freedom of the same, be partakers of the
  contingent burdens for maintaining the said city, according to the
  state of it, as long as they shall be so common harbourers, as other
  like dwellers in the city and suburbs shall partake, on account of
  those dwellings. Saving always, that the merchants of Gascony, and
  other foreigners, may, one with another, inhabit and be harboured in
  the said city, as hitherto they have accustomed to do.

  17. That the keeping the bridge of the said city, and the rents and
  profits belonging to that bridge, be committed to be kept to two
  honest and sufficient men of the city, other than the aldermen, to
  be chosen to this by the commonalty, at the will of the said
  commonalty, and not to others, and who may answer thereupon to the
  said commonalty....

  20. That the goods of the aldermen, in aids, tallages, and other
  contributions, concerning the said city, be taxed by the men of the
  wards in which those aldermen abide, as the goods of other citizens,
  by the said wards.

  Which articles, as they are above expressed, and the matters
  contained in the same, we accept, approve and ratify; and we yield
  and grant them, for us and our heirs, as much as in us is, to the
  aforesaid citizens, their heirs and successors, in the aforesaid
  city and suburbs, for the common profit of those that inhabit
  therein, and resort thither, to obtain the same, and to be observed
  perpetually.

  Moreover, we, willing to show ampler grace to the mayor, aldermen
  and citizens, at their request have granted to them, for us and our
  heirs, that the mayor, aldermen, citizens and commonalty of the
  commoners of the city, and their heirs and successors, for the
  necessities and profits of the same city, may, among themselves of
  their common assent assess tallages upon their own goods within that
  city, as well upon the rents as other things; and as well upon the
  misteries as any other way, as they shall see expedient, and levy
  them, without incurring the danger of us or our heirs, or our
  ministers whomsoever. And that the money coming from such tallages
  remain in the custody of four honest and lawful men of the said
  city, to be chosen to this by the commonalty, and be laid out, of
  their custody, for the necessities and profits of the said city, and
  not otherwise. In witness whereof, etc.

                  Witness the King, at York, the eighth day of June,
                      in the twelfth year of our reign.

                   A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II (1326).

Although the citizens were at first sufficiently well disposed towards
Edward II., his misgovernment led ultimately to grave dissatisfaction,
which expressed itself in riots and revolt. The King was induced by his
worthless advisers to make claims and attacks upon the rights of the
citizens. He was always in want of money, and believed, like many other
Kings, that the wealth of the City was inexhaustible. In 1321 he
deprived the citizens of their cherished right of electing their own
Mayor, and from that time the condition of the City was perfectly
wretched until the close of his reign. There was no proper authority at
all; the King deposed one Mayor and set up another; the city generally
supported Queen Isabella, and received her and Mortimer with enthusiasm.
All who were thought to favour the King were in danger, and the attitude
of the City was to a considerable extent responsible for the unhappy
King's deposition.

    =Source.=—Aungier, _French Chronicle_, edited by Riley, p. 262.

  At this time, at Saint Michael, Lady Isabele, the Queen, and Sir
  Edward, her son, sent their letters to the commons of London, to the
  effect that they should assist in destroying the enemies of the
  land; but received no answer in return, as to their wishes thereon,
  through fear of the King. Wherefore a letter was sent to London by
  the Queen and her son, and was fixed at daybreak upon the Cross in
  Chepe, and a copy of the letter on the windows elsewhere, upon
  Thursday, that is to say, the Feast of Saint Denis [October 9], to
  the effect that the commons should be aiding with all their power in
  destroying the enemies of the land, and Hugh le Despencer in
  especial, for the common profit of all the realm; and that the
  commons should send them information as to their wishes thereon.
  Wherefore the Commonalty proceeded to wait upon the Mayor and other
  great men of the City, at the Black Friars Preachers in London, upon
  the Wednesday before the Feast of Saint Luke [October 18] which then
  fell on a Saturday; so much so, that the Mayor, crying mercy with
  clasped hands, went to the Guildhall and granted the commons their
  demand, and cry was accordingly made in Chepe, that the enemies to
  the King, and the Queen, and their son, should all quit the City
  upon such peril as might ensue. It happened also on the same day, at
  the hour of noon, that some persons had recourse to arms, and seized
  one John le Marchal, a burgess of the City, in his own house near
  Wallbrook, who was held as an enemy to the City and a spy of Sir
  Hugh le Despencer; and he was brought into Chepe, and there
  despoiled and beheaded.

                 A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III. (1329).

The frequent proclamations for the preservation of peace and order in
the City seem to show that some difficulty was experienced in this
direction; it is, at any rate, interesting to note that the authority of
the King is invoked to assist in the discipline and control of lawless
inhabitants. The restriction as to the bearing of arms is very
significant, and the instructions regarding night-walkers and
tavern-keepers, which continually recur in similar documents, show
whence arose the greatest dangers to life and property.

                 =Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 172.

  This proclamation was ordered by the Mayor and Aldermen, on Saturday
  the morrow of St. Dunstan [May 19], in the 3rd year of the reign of
  King Edward the Third; and on the Sunday following throughout the
  City proclaimed; our said Lord the King being about to cross over to
  the parts of France on the Friday next ensuing, there to do his
  homage; and to the end that, while the King was there, his peace
  might be the more strictly observed.—

  We do command, on behalf of our Lord the King, that his peace shall
  be preserved and kept between both denizens and strangers,
  throughout all the franchise of this city.

  Also,—that no person, native or stranger, shall go armed in
  the same city, or shall carry arms by night or by day, on pain
  of imprisonment, and of losing his arms; save only, the
  serjeants-at-arms of our Lord the King, and of my Lady the
  Queen, and the vadlets of the Earls and Barons; that is to
  say, for every Earl or Baron one vadlet, carrying the sword of
  his lord in his presence; and save also, the officers of the
  City, and those who shall be summoned unto them, for keeping
  and maintaining the peace of the City.

  We do also forbid, on behalf of our said Lord the King, that anyone
  shall be so daring, on pain of imprisonment, as to go wandering
  about the City, after the hour of curfew rung out at St. Martin's le
  Grand; unless it be some man of the City of good repute, or his
  servant; and that, for reasonable cause, and with light.

  And that no one shall hold covin or congregation, to make persons
  pay fine, by imputing to them that they have committed against them
  divers grievances or offences: but let those who feel themselves
  aggrieved, shew their grievances unto the officers of the City, and
  they will do them speedy right, according as the law demands. And
  that no one of the City, of whatsoever condition he be, shall go out
  of this city, to maintain parties, such as taking seisins, or
  holding days of love, or making other congregations, within the City
  or without, in disturbance of the peace of our Lord the King, or in
  affray of the people, and to the scandal of the City. And if any
  person, of whatsoever condition or estate he be, shall from
  henceforth be found guilty thereof, let him be taken and put in the
  Prison of Newgate; and let him remain for a year and a day, without
  being reprieved; and if he be free of the City, let him for ever
  lose his freedom.

  And whereas misdoers, going about by night, have their resort more
  in taverns than elsewhere, and there seek refuge, and watch their
  time for misdoing; we do forbid that any taverner or brewer keep the
  door of his tavern open after the hour of curfew aforesaid, on the
  pain as to the same ordained; that is to say, the first time, on
  pain of being amerced in the sum of 40d.; the second time, half a
  mark; the third time, 10s.; the fourth time, 20s.; the fifth time,
  let him forswear the trade for ever.

                  THE ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF
                          THE HATTERS (1347).

The organisation of industries is a most important and interesting
feature of medieval London history, and during the fourteenth century
the craft gilds played a prominent part in the life of the City. The
story of the development of the various gilds, fraternities, and
misteries, and their connection with the later Livery Companies, has
been the subject of considerable research, and it seems probable that
the origin of most of the City Companies of to-day can be connected with
the medieval organisations. These articles will be found to be
noteworthy chiefly for the information they give regarding the craft
organisations of the time; it is clear that it was considered to be of
the highest importance that the work should be of good quality, and
great care is taken that workmen shall be as skilful as possible in
their trades. The interference of strangers is, as usual, resented, and
every effort is made to strengthen and encourage the native crafts.

              =Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, pp. 237, 239.

  The points of the Articles touching the trade of helmetry, accepted
  by Geoffrey de Wychingham, Mayor, and the Aldermen, at the suit and
  request of the folks of the said trade.—

  In the first place, that no one of the said trade shall follow, or
  keep seld of, the trade aforesaid within the franchise of the City
  of London, until he shall have properly bought his freedom,
  according to the usage of the said city; on pain of losing his
  wares.

  Also,—forasmuch as heretofore some persons coming in, who are
  strangers, have intermeddled, and still do intermeddle, in the
  making of helmetry, whereas they do not know their trade; by reason
  whereof, many great men and others of the realm have been slain
  through their default, to the great scandal of the said trade; it is
  ordained that no person shall from henceforth intermeddle with, or
  work at, helmetry, if he be not proved to be a good, proper, and
  sufficient workman, by the Wardens of the said trade, on pain of
  forfeiture to the use of the Chamber.

  Also,—that three, or four, if need be, of the best workmen of the
  said trade shall be chosen and sworn to rule the trade well and
  properly, as is befitting; for the security and safety of the great
  men and others of the realm, and for the honour and profit of the
  said city, and of the workers in the said trade.

  Also,—that no apprentice shall be received by any master of the said
  trade for a less term than seven years; and that, without collusion
  or fraud; on pain of paying to the said Chamber 100 shillings.

  Also,—that no one of the said trade, or other person of the
  franchise, shall set any stranger to work, who is of the said trade,
  if he be not a proper and lawful person, and one for whom his master
  will answer as to his good behaviour; on pain of paying to the said
  Chamber 20 shillings.

  Also,—that no one of the said trade shall receive or set to work the
  apprentice or serving-man of another, until the term of his master
  shall have been fully ended; on pain of paying to the said Chamber
  20 shillings.

  The points of the Articles touching the trade of Hat-makers,
  accepted by Thomas Leggy, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of
  London, at the suit, and at the request, of the folks of the said
  trade.

  In the first place,—that six men of the most lawful and most
  befitting of the said trade shall be assigned and sworn to rule and
  watch the trade, in such manner as other trades of the said city are
  ruled and watched by their Wardens.

  Also,—that no one shall make or sell any manner of hats within the
  franchise of the city aforesaid, if he be not free of the same city;
  on pain of forfeiting to the Chamber the hats which he shall have
  made and offered for sale.

  Also,—that no one shall be made apprentice in the said trade for a
  less term than seven years, and that, without fraud or collusion.
  And he who shall receive any apprentice in any other manner, shall
  lose his freedom, until he shall have bought it back again.

  Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take any apprentice, if he
  be not himself a freeman of the said city.

  Also,—that the Wardens of the said trade shall make their searches
  for all manner of hats that are for sale within the said franchise,
  so often as need shall be. And that the aforesaid Wardens shall have
  power to take all manner of hats that they shall find defective and
  not befitting, and to bring them before the Mayor and Aldermen of
  London, that so the defaults which shall be found may be punished by
  their award.

  Also,—whereas some workmen in the said trade have made hats that are
  not befitting, in deceit of the common people, from which great
  scandal, shame, and loss have often arisen to the good folks of the
  said trade, they pray that no workman in the said trade shall do any
  work by night touching the same, but only in clear daylight; that
  so, the aforesaid Wardens may openly inspect their work. And he who
  shall do otherwise, and shall be convicted thereof before the Mayor
  and Aldermen, shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall, the first
  time 40d., the second time half a mark, and the third time he shall
  lose his freedom.

                    REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND
                             PRICES (1350).

The Black Death, which broke out in England in 1348, was a terrible
calamity, and it is estimated that at least half of the population of
the country perished by the pestilence, including a large proportion of
the inhabitants of London. The churchyards were speedily filled, and
additional pieces of land were given by the Bishop of London and other
persons for the burial of the victims of this fearful plague. The most
important result of the pestilence was the dearth of labour which was
immediately caused, and the consequent rise in wages was a source of
considerable trouble to the legislature and to all employers of labour.
Parliament passed the Statutes of Labourers, which were intended to fix
the wages of workpeople at the rates which had been customary before the
plague, and in London an attempt was made towards the same object by
this Proclamation, in which wages are laid down "to be observed for
ever." It seems strange that in a commercial city like London it should
be considered possible to regulate wages and prices by an arbitrary
enactment of this kind, and it does not appear that the ordinance was
obeyed. There is little doubt that it was generally ignored, and the
craftsmen continued to make the most of the situation, just as the
agricultural labourers and craftsmen in the country were able, on the
whole, to set at defiance the Statutes of Labourers.

                 =Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 253.

  To amend and redress the damages and grievances which the good folks
  of the City, rich and poor, have suffered and received within the
  past year, by reason of masons, carpenters, plasterers, tilers, and
  all manner of labourers, who take immeasurably more than they have
  been wont to take, by assent of Walter Turk, Mayor, the Aldermen,
  and all the Commonalty of the City, the points under-written are
  ordained, to be held and firmly observed for ever; that is to say.—

  In the first place,—that the masons, between the Feasts of Easter
  and St. Michael [September 29], shall take no more by the
  working-day than 6d., without victuals or drink; and from the Feast
  of St. Michael to Easter, for the working-day, 5d. And upon
  Feast-days, when they do not work, they shall take nothing. And for
  the making or mending of their implements they shall take nothing.

  Also,—that the carpenters shall take, for the same time, in the same
  manner.

  Also,—that the plasterers shall take the same as the masons and
  carpenters take.

  Also,—that the tilers shall take for the working-day, from the Feast
  of Easter to St. Michael 5½d., and from the Feast of St. Michael to
  Easter 4½d.

  Also,—that the labourers shall take in the first half year 3½d., and
  in the other half 3d.

  Also,—that the master daubers (layers on) shall take between the
  Feasts of Easter and St. Michael 5d., and in the other half year
  4d.; and their labourers are to take the same as the labourers of
  the tilers.

  Also,—that the sawiers shall take in the same manner as the masons
  and carpenters take.

  Also,—that no one shall pay more to the workmen aforesaid, on pain
  of paying 40s. to the Commonalty, without any release therefrom; and
  he who shall take more than the above, shall go to prison for forty
  days....

  Also,—that one person of every company may see that the vessel into
  which their wine is drawn is clean, and from what tun their wine is
  drawn; on pain of imprisonment, and of paying to the Chamber, for
  the first time, half a mark; for the second time, one mark; for the
  third time, 20s.; and every other time a person shall be found in
  like default, let his fine be increased by half a mark.

  Also,—that the measures shall be standing upright, and sealed with
  the seal of the Alderman of the Ward; and he who shall sell by other
  measures, let him go to prison, and further, be amerced in half a
  mark.

  Also,—that the pelterers shall make their furs according to the
  ancient ordinances, of olden time ordained, and according to the
  purport of their Charter; on pain of forfeiture and punishment for
  the same, as of old ordained.

  Also,—that no one should go to meet those who are bringing victuals
  or other wares by land or by water to the City for sale, for the
  purpose of buying them or bargaining for them, before that they
  shall have come to certain places assigned thereto, where they ought
  to be sold; on pain of forfeiture of the victuals and other wares,
  and of their bodies being committed to prison, until they have been
  sufficiently punished, at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen.

                   THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS (1364).

"Draper" originally meant a cloth-maker, not, as now, a dealer in cloth.
In the Middle Ages the drapers both made it and sold it, but gradually
their particular work was confined to supervising the manufacture and
selling the finished article. The Drapers' Gild must have been one of
the earliest associations of craftsmen, and was incorporated by royal
charter in 1364. One of the most important features of this charter
seems to be the instruction that the mistery of drapery should be
definitely separated from those of the tenterers, tellers, and fullers;
it appears to have been impossible to exercise proper supervision in a
trade which involved so many different operations, and the remedy was
obviously to split it up into several trades, each of which might have
its own organisation.

        =Source.=—Herbert, _Livery Companies_, vol. i., p. 480.

  The King, to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas,
  amongst other things ordained in our last parliament, it was for
  certain causes proposed, and in the same parliament ordained, that
  no English merchant should use merceries or merchandizes by himself
  or another by any manner of covine, unless one only, and which he
  should choose before the feast of Candlemas last past, as in the
  said ordinances is more fully contained.

  And whereas it has been shown to us and to our council, that people
  of divers misteries of the city of London intermix themselves with
  the mistery of Drapery, and cause divers deceits and frauds in the
  use of the same mistery,—to the great damage of us and of our
  people, and contrary to the ordinances aforesaid.

  We, willing the said ordinances should be kept and maintained in all
  points, accordingly have, by the assent of the great and others of
  our council, ordained and granted, that none shall use the Mistery
  of Drapery in the city of London, nor in the suburbs of the same,
  unless he has been apprenticed in the same mistery, or in other due
  manner been admitted by the common assent of the same mistery. And
  that each of the misteries of tenterers, tisters, and fullers, keep
  himself to his own mistery, and in no way meddle with the making,
  buying, or selling of any manner with cloth or drapery, on pain of
  imprisonment and loss of all the cloth so by them made, bought, or
  sold, or the value thereof to us.

  And that none who has cloth to sell in the said city, or in the
  suburbs, do sell the same unless to drapers enfranchised in the said
  mistery of drapery, or that it be in gross to the lords and others
  of the commons, who will buy the same for themselves or servants by
  retail, under the same penalty.

  And that the drapers enfranchised in the mistery of drapery in the
  said city, may elect each year four of their own mistery, who may be
  sworn twice a year in the presence of the Mayor, to oversee that no
  default or deceit be used or committed in the mistery aforesaid, and
  to rule and govern the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to
  the common profit of the people, and that due punishment be done on
  them in whom defaults shall be found, according to the advice and
  discretion of the said four persons, by the aid of the Mayor and
  Sheriffs when need is; the which Mayor and Sheriffs we will shall be
  intendants to the said four persons, when they shall be required by
  them.

  And we also will and give power to the said four persons who may be
  elected and sworn, to take an oath of all those who shall be
  received into the said mistery of drapery in the same city, to use
  and do whatever appertains to the same mistery well and lawfully,
  without fraud, evil design, or subtle management against the points
  and ordinances aforesaid.

  Saving always to our beloved in God the prior of St. Bartholomew, in
  Smithfield, and other lords who have fairs in the said suburbs by
  grant of our progenitors, their fairs, franchises, and free-customs,
  which they have exercised in their said fairs, from the time of the
  said grants, so that no damage or prejudice shall be done to them in
  any way under colour of this our ordinance and grant; and saving the
  franchises by us granted to the merchants, vintners of England and
  Gascoigny, which we will shall remain in force in all points in
  manner as in our letters patent to the said drapers is more fully
  contained.

  Wherefore we command and firmly enjoin you forthwith that at your
  peril you cause to be proclaimed and published in the said city and
  suburbs, and all places where it should be done, that all the said
  things so by us granted may be firmly held and kept in form
  aforesaid.

  And hereof in no manner fail.

                     Given at Westminster the 14th day of July (1364).

                   A LETTER FROM EDWARD III. (1365).

The Battle of Crecy had first demonstrated the immense superiority of
archers over mounted knights in battle. It became necessary to insist
that Englishmen should be fully and properly trained in the use of the
bow and arrow, if this superiority was to be maintained. The youths of
London appear to have been addicted at this time to more exciting and
less serviceable sports than the old exercise of archery, and Edward
III.'s letter is at once a reprimand and an instruction.

  The King to the Sheriffs of London, greeting.

  Because the people of our realm, as well of good quality as mean,
  have commonly in their sports before these times exercised the skill
  of shooting arrows; whence it is well known, that honour and profit
  have accrued to our whole realm, and to us, by the help of God, no
  small assistance in our warlike acts; and now the said skill being,
  as it were, wholly laid aside, the same people please themselves in
  hurling of stones and wood and iron; and some in hand-ball,
  foot-ball, bandy-ball, and in Cambuck, or Cock fighting; and some
  also apply themselves to other dishonest games, and less profitable
  or useful: whereby the said realm is likely, in a short time, to
  become destitute of archers.

  We, willing to apply a seasonable remedy to this, command you, that
  in places in the foresaid City, as well within the liberties as
  without, where you shall see it expedient, you cause public
  proclamation to be made, that every one of the said City, strong in
  body, at leisure times on holidays, use in their recreations bows
  and arrows, or pellets, or bolts, and learn and exercise the art of
  shooting; forbidding all and singular on our behalf, that they do
  not after any manner apply themselves to the throwing of stones,
  wood, iron, hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball, cambuck, or
  cock-fighting, nor such other like vain plays, which have no profit
  in them, or concern themselves therein, under pain of imprisonment.

                  Witness the King at Westminster, the twelfth day of
                      June (1365).

                  A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER (1374).

Modern English poetry may be said to have begun in London. Chaucer was
born in London, was the descendant of a long line of Londoners, and
lived in London the greater part of his life. Many of his
contemporaries, including Gower, Occleve, and Lydgate, were connected
with London, and spent much of their time there.

Chaucer's father was a citizen and vintner of London, and owned a house
in Thames Street, close to Walbrook. Geoffrey Chaucer was in all
probability born in this house; it became his own property, and he
parted with it in 1380. Six years before this he acquired the lease of
the dwelling-house above the city-gate of Aldgate, on condition that he
kept it in good repair; he seems to have made this his usual residence
till 1385. In it he must have composed several of his poems, including
_The Parlement of Foules_, _The House of Fame_, and _Troilus_. He did
not commence the _Canterbury Tales_ until the following year.

                 =Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 377.

  To all persons to whom this present writing indented shall come,
  Adam de Bury, Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Commonalty of the City of
  London, greeting. Know ye that we, with unanimous will and assent,
  have granted and released by these presents unto Geoffrey Chaucer
  the whole of the dwelling-house above the Gate of Aldgate, with the
  rooms built over, and a certain cellar beneath, the same gate, on
  the South side of that gate, and the appurtenances thereof; to have
  and to hold the whole of the house aforesaid, with the rooms so
  built over, and the said cellar, and the appurtenances thereof, unto
  the aforesaid Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the same
  Geoffrey. And the said Geoffrey shall maintain and repair the whole
  of the house aforesaid, and the rooms thereof, so often as shall be
  requisite, in all things necessary thereto, competently and
  sufficiently, at the expense of the same Geoffrey, throughout the
  whole life of him, the same Geoffrey. And it shall be lawful for the
  Chamberlain of the Guildhall of London, for the time being, so often
  as he shall see fit to enter the house and rooms aforesaid, with
  their appurtenances, to see that the same are well and competently,
  and sufficiently, maintained and repaired, as aforesaid. And if the
  said Geoffrey shall not have maintained or repaired the aforesaid
  house and rooms competently and sufficiently, as is before stated,
  within forty days after the time when by the same Chamberlain he
  shall have been required to do so, it shall be lawful for the said
  Chamberlain wholly to oust the before-named Geoffrey therefrom, and
  to re-seise and resume the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their
  appurtenances, into the hand of the City, to the use of the
  Commonalty aforesaid; and to hold the same in their former state to
  the use of the same Commonalty, without any gainsaying whatsoever
  thereof. And it shall not be lawful for the said Geoffrey to let the
  house, rooms, and cellar, aforesaid, or any part thereof, or his
  interest therein, to any person whatsoever. And we, the Mayor,
  Aldermen, and Commonalty aforesaid, will not cause any gaol to be
  made thereof, for the safe-keeping of prisoners therein, during the
  life of the said Geoffrey; but we and our successors will warrant
  the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their appurtenances unto the
  before-named Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the said Geoffrey,
  in form aforesaid: this however excepted, that in time of defence of
  the city aforesaid, so often as it shall be necessary, it shall be
  lawful for us and our successors to enter the said house and rooms,
  and to order and dispose of the same, for such time, and in such
  manner, as shall then seem to us to be most expedient. And after the
  decease of the same Geoffrey, the house, rooms and cellar aforesaid,
  with their appurtenances, shall wholly revert unto us and our
  successors. In witness whereof, as well the Common Seal of the City
  aforesaid as the seal of the said Geoffrey, have been to these
  present indentures interchangeably appended.

                  Given in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the city
                      aforesaid, the 10th day of May, in the 48th year
                      of the reign of King Edward, after the Conquest
                      the Third.

                         THE CITY ARMS (1375).

Beneath Pierce's statue of Walworth in Fishmongers' Hall is an
inscription:

              "Brave Walworth, Knight, Lord Mayor, y^t slew
                Rebellious Tyler in his alarmes;
              The King, therefore, did give in liew
                The dagger to the City armes.

          "In the 4th year of Richard II., Anno Domini 1381."

It seems that it has always been a popular belief that the weapon
represented in the arms of the City is "Walworth's dagger"; but, as Stow
points out, it is intended to represent the sword of St. Paul, who was
the patron saint of this Corporation.

                   =Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 222.

  It hath also been, and is now grown to a common opinion, that in
  reward of this service done, by the said William Walworth against
  the rebel, King Richard added to the arms of this City, (which was
  argent, a plain cross gules) a sword or dagger, (for so they term
  it) whereof I have read no such record, but to the contrary. I find
  that in the fourth year of Richard the second in a full assembly
  made in the upper chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by this William
  Walworth, then Mayor, as well of Aldermen as of the common Council
  in every ward, for certain affairs concerning the king, it was there
  by common consent agreed and ordained, that the old seal of the
  office of the Mayoralty of the city being very small, old,
  unsuitable, and uncomely for the honour of the city, should be
  broken, and one other new should be had, which the said Mayor
  commanded to be made artificially, and honourable for the exercise
  of the said office thereafter in place of the other: in which new
  Seal, besides the images of Peter, and Paul, which of old were
  rudely engraven, there should be under the feet of the said images,
  a shield of the arms of the said City perfectly graved, with two
  lions supporting the same with two sergeants of arms, on either part
  one, and two tabernacles, in which above should stand two Angels,
  between whom above the said images of Peter and Paul, shall be set
  the glorious virgin: this being done, the old seal of the office was
  delivered to Richard Odiham Chamberlain, who brake it, and in place
  thereof, was delivered the new seal to the said Mayor to use in his
  office of Mayoralty, as occasion should require. This new seal
  seemeth to be made before William Walworth was knighted, for he is
  not here entitled Sir, as afterwards he was: and certain it is that
  the same new seal then made, is now in use and none other in that
  office of the Mayoralty, which may suffice to answer the former
  fable, without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old seal,
  which was the Cross, and sword of Saint Paul, and not the dagger of
  William Walworth.

                      WAT TYLER IN LONDON (1381).

Froissart's description of the Peasants' Revolt is one of our main
sources of information concerning this important event, and seems likely
to be fairly accurate. He himself was, of course, an aristocrat, and was
in no way disposed to be favourable to the "wicked rebels"; but he seems
anxious to represent their case as fairly as possible, although he is
plainly out of sympathy with the ideas and arguments of the rebels. It
is noteworthy that the rising was almost simultaneous in many parts of
the country, but its chief headquarters were in Kent, one of the most
prosperous counties in the kingdom, where actual distress was least
likely to be prevalent; and it is probable that the peasants in this
county had benefited to no small extent by the economic changes which
succeeded the Pestilence of 1349, and had improved both their material
conditions and their intellectual outlook. The ideas of liberty which
formed the motive of the revolt were somewhat vague, but were
strengthened by numerous concrete instances of injustice and injury; and
the concentration of the insurgents upon London forms one of a long
series of indications of the importance of the city as the determining
factor in vital issues.

                  =Source.=—Froissart's _Chroniques_.

  In the mean season there fell in England great mischief and
  rebellion of the common people, by which deed England was at a point
  to have been lost without recovery....

  It was a marvellous thing, and of poor foundation, that this
  mischief began in England, and to give ensample to all manner of
  people, I will speak thereof as it was done, as I was informed, and
  of the incidents thereof. There was an usage in England, and yet is
  in divers countries, that the noblemen have great franchises over
  the commons, and keep them in servage, that is to say, their tenants
  ought by custom to labour their lords' lands, to gather and bring
  home their corn, and some to thresh and to fan, and by servage to
  make their hay and to hew their wood and bring it home. All these
  things they ought to do by servage, and there be more of these
  people in England than in any other realm. Thus the noblemen and
  prelates are served by them, and specially in the counties of Kent,
  Essex, Sussex, and Bedford. These unhappy people of these said
  counties began to stir, because they said they were being kept in
  great servage, and in the beginning of the world, they said, there
  were no bondmen, wherefore they maintained that none ought to be
  bond, without he did treason to his lord, as Lucifer did to God....
  And of this imagination was a foolish priest in the county of Kent,
  called John Ball, for which foolish words he had been three times in
  the Bishop of Canterbury's prison: for this priest used oftentimes
  on the Sundays, after mass, when the people were going out of the
  minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and made the people to
  assemble about him, and would say thus: "Ah, ye good people, the
  matters goeth not well to pass in England, nor shall not do till
  everything be common, and that there be no villains nor gentlemen,
  but that we may be all united together, and that the lords be no
  greater masters than we be. What have we deserved, or why should we
  be kept thus in servage? We be all come from one father and from one
  mother, Adam and Eve: whereby can they say or show that they be
  greater lords than we be, saving by that they cause us to win and
  labour for that they dispend.

  "They are clothed in velvet and camlet furred with grise, and we be
  vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines, spices, and good
  bread, and we have the rye, the bran, and the straw, and drink
  water: they dwell in fair houses, and we have pain and travail, rain
  and wind in the fields: and by that that cometh of our labours they
  keep and maintain their estates: we be all called their bondmen,
  and, without we do readily them service, we be beaten: and we have
  no sovereign to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us, nor do
  us right. Let us go to the king, he is young, and show him what
  servage we be in, and show him how we will have it otherwise, or
  else we will provide us of some remedy; and if we go together, all
  manner of people that be now in any bondage will follow us to the
  intent to be made free; and when the king seeth us, we shall have
  some remedy, either by fairness or otherwise."

  Thus John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out of the
  churches in the villages: wherefore many of the mean people loved
  him, and such as intended to no goodness said, how true; and so they
  would murmur one with another in the fields, and in the ways as they
  went together, affirming how John Ball said truth.

  Of his words and deeds there was much people in London informed,
  such as had great envy at them that were rich and such as were
  noble; and then they began to speak among them, and said how the
  realm of England was right evil governed, and how that gold and
  silver was taken from them by them that were named noblemen: so thus
  these unhappy men of London began to rebel, and assembled them
  together, and sent word to the foresaid counties that they should
  come to London, and bring their people with them, promising them how
  they should find London open to receive them, and the commons of the
  city to be of the same accord, saying how they would do so much to
  the king that there should not be one bondman in all England.

  This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sussex, of Bedford,
  and of the counties about, that they rose and came towards London to
  the number of 60,000. And they had a captain called Walter Tyler,
  and with him in company was Jack Straw and John Ball: these three
  were chief sovereign captains, but the head of all was Walter Tyler,
  and he was indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When
  these unhappy men began thus to stir, they of London, except such as
  were of their band, were greatly affrayed. Then the Mayor of London
  and the rich men of the city took counsel together, and when they
  saw the people thus coming in on every side, they caused the gates
  of the city to be closed, and would suffer no man to enter into the
  city. But when they had well imagined, they advised not so to do,
  for they thought they should thereby put their suburbs in great
  peril to be brent; and so they opened again the city, and there
  entered in at the gates in some places a hundred, two hundred, by
  twenty or thirty; and so when they came to London, they entered and
  lodged: and yet, of truth, most of their people could not tell what
  to ask or demand, but followed each other like beasts. In like wise
  these villains and poor people came to London, a hundred miles off,
  sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile, and twenty mile off, and from
  all counties about London, but the most part came from the counties
  before named, and as they came they demanded ever for the king.

  The gentlemen of the counties, knights and squires, began to doubt
  when they saw the people began to rebel; so the gentlemen drew
  together as well as they might.

  This rebellion was well known in the king's court ere any of these
  people began to stir out of their houses; but the king nor his
  council did provide no remedy therefor, which was great marvel.

  In the morning on Corpus Christi Day King Richard heard mass in the
  Tower of London, and all his lords, and then he took his barge with
  the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Oxford, and