people to come to terms. I was expecting a man from Brabant, who would
have given me accurate information on all these points, but I am afraid
his return will be delayed by the capture of Dunkirk, which has greatly
added to the difficulties of a sea passage.

There was in Paris a royal messenger, famous for his skill in conveying
to their destination the orders and despatches of his master; nor was
there any one in whose loyalty and discretion the King placed greater
confidence. His Majesty had ordered him to cross the Alps with an
autograph letter, filling two sheets, to the Duke of Joyeuse. He had
not gone far before he fell in with four horsemen, who were dogging his
path; they stabbed him in several places, and carried off the King’s
letter; by this means, it is supposed, several important secrets have
been discovered by the opponents of the Court. Whether it was for this
reason or not I cannot say, but the King immediately hurried back to
Paris, instead of accompanying his wife to Bourbon-les-bains, as he had
intended. However, in a few days he will join her at the baths, going
on to Lyons, but what he intends to do when he gets there is a secret
to most people.

For myself, I am inclined to think that he wishes to see whether his
presence on the spot will enable him to turn Montmorency[164] out of
the government of Languedoc, and place the Duke of Joyeuse, or one of
his other minions, in possession.

I am not, I say, certain that he will give it to the Duke of Joyeuse,
since a most handsome provision has been made for him in the
governorship of Normandy, which was refused to Alençon himself. But
perhaps ere long we shall learn the truth.

Every one in Paris is talking of the news that Don Antonio’s new fleet
has reached the Azores in safety. The commander is Monsieur de Chattes,
a knight of Malta, and also a relation of the Duke of Joyeuse, Admiral
of France.

Some time ago one St. Hilaire entered your Majesty’s service as a
gentleman cadet. I understand he is now serving in Hungary. This young
gentleman’s eldest brother is dead, and, if I mistake not, he stands
next in succession to the estate; there are several brothers, and, if
he is not present when the property is divided, there is danger of his
not getting his proper share; as the loss to him might be considerable,
his friends have come to the conclusion that he ought to be summoned
home, and have requested me to write to your Majesty, and ask for an
honourable discharge, which request I hereby comply with. It will be a
good occasion for your Imperial Majesty to exercise your kindness by
graciously giving him leave of absence for the transaction of private
business.

The plague is breaking out afresh in several places, the wind being
unusually steady, and never shifting, unless it be from south to west.

As to the Greek books, I most humbly repeat my request that your
Majesty would keep the matter in mind.

There was lately in Paris a gentleman of good family, who was a
notorious duellist. His name was the Baron de Viteaux,[165] and he
had attained some celebrity by the bold and successful way in which
he had killed sundry gentlemen with whom he had differences. The son
of one of his victims was anxious to avenge his father’s death; he
had also another motive, for having lately been discovered in a plot
against the Baron’s life,[166] he knew that unless he killed him his
doom was sealed. Accordingly he determined to take a decided course; so
last Sunday he invited the Baron to measure swords with him in a field
near Paris; the arrangement was that they should have in attendance
only one servant apiece, and a gentleman of rank, the common friend
of both parties, to act as umpire and marshal of the lists; the duel
to be with sword and dagger, no other weapon being allowed, and only
to be terminated when one of the combatants should have fallen. The
Baron accepted the challenge; as soon as they met he ran his opponent
through the arm and stretched him on the ground; not liking to strike
him when he was down, he told him to get up. This act of kindness cost
him dear, for his opponent, in no way daunted by his wound, but burning
to avenge his fall, with one vigorous and skilful thrust, ran the Baron
through the heart; then, as he lay dying on the ground, he stabbed him
again and again, and thus rewarded his folly in sparing an antagonist
whose arm still held a sword. Though scarcely twenty-one, the young man
had for years been devoting himself to the art of fencing, with a view
to this meeting. Thus died the famous Baron, who was looked on here as
a second Mars, and is thought to have frightened the King[167] more
than once. His end was like that of Montal[168] and Bussy,[169] both
of whom died as they deserved to die. ‘Aspiciunt oculis superi mortalia
justis.’ The victor is not yet out of danger. He received two wounds,
one, as I mentioned, in his arm, and the other in his thigh. Even if
he recovers, another duel awaits him, as he will be challenged by a
relation of the late Baron, who is well qualified to avenge his death.

I thought there was no harm in giving your Majesty a full account of
this affair, though it has but little connection with my business.

  Paris, August 10, 1583.

LETTER XXIII.

However famous Africa may have been of old for tales and wonders, it
must yield the palm to modern France.

Scarcely had our ears recovered from the flood of gossip aroused by the
death of the Baron, which I have already described, when there crops up
another scandal, calculated to produce quite as much astonishment and
conversation. The King, publicly before a large audience, gave a severe
lecture[170] to his sister the Queen of Navarre, reproving her for her
disreputable and immoral courses; he gave her the exact dates at which
she had taken on each new lover; he reproached her with having had a
son of whom her husband was not the father; in each instance his dates
and particulars were so accurate, that one would have thought he had
been an eyewitness. The Queen (Marguerite de Valois) was overwhelmed,
being ashamed to confess, and at the same time unable to refute, the
charges brought against her. The King concluded his lecture by ordering
her to leave Paris forthwith, and no longer pollute the city with her
presence.

In obedience to this command, the Queen of Navarre packed in haste,
and left Paris on the following day; no one paid her the attention of
escorting her from the city, and she had not even a complete train
of servants. Her destination is supposed to be Vendôme, one of her
husband’s towns. Two ladies of rank,[171] who are at the head of her
household, were arrested on the road, brought back to Paris, and placed
under guard.

Nor was the King satisfied with the punishment he had inflicted, but
must needs write a letter to the King of Navarre with a full account of
his wife’s delinquencies. People say that, if her husband accepts this
statement, and refuses to receive her, it is the intention of the King
to immure his sister in some lonely fortress, where she can injure no
one by her immorality and intrigues. Nor need this excite surprise, for
there is some fear that, if she should return to her husband, and make
herself out innocent to him, she will be the source of much disturbance
and disquiet to the realm; of will and malice for such work she has
good store, and of ability there is enough and to spare.

Immediately after the interview between the King and his sister, a
gentleman, named de Chanvallon,[172] fled to Germany; for a long time
he had stood high in Alençon’s favour; but when it was discovered that
he had sent news from Antwerp to the French Court, touching matters
which Alençon wished to be suppressed, he fell out of favour with the
Prince, and was ordered to leave his presence. He returned to Paris
and took refuge with the Queen of Navarre, to the great annoyance of
Alençon, who is now completely estranged from him, if one may believe
what one hears.

De Chanvallon is a young man whose claims to noble birth are doubtful;
he has, however, the advantage of pleasing manners, and is a handsome
young fellow; he holds a high place among the admirers of the Queen of
Navarre. They say the Queen Mother also is greatly incensed with her
daughter for her indiscretions. How that may be I cannot tell; but at
any rate the Queen of Navarre has, as I told your Majesty, left Paris,
declaring again and again that ‘she and the Queen of Scots are the most
unhappy beings in the world; a little drop of poison would give her
relief, if anyone would help her to it, but she has neither friend nor
foe to do her this service.’

This story, which is now current in France, is perhaps hardly deserving
of your Majesty’s attention, or a fit subject for a confidential
despatch; but I was induced to give these details by the circumstance
that I had an opportunity of sending a letter, and the business of the
Queen made it necessary that I should write to her. So, having little
else in the way of news, I have filled my letter to your Majesty with
this gossip.

The Queen Mother has returned to Alençon at La Fère. The King himself
has set out for Lyons, his chief object being, as he professes, to meet
his dear Duke of Joyeuse, on his return from Italy.

There is a report that Alençon will marry his niece, the daughter of
his sister and the Duke of Lorraine, and that the sister of the King of
Navarre is intended for the Duke of Savoy. Strange reports, methinks,
and not worthy of much credit as yet.

The Prince of Parma’s victorious career in Flanders has been stopped at
Ostend; the town was reinforced by the Prince of Orange, and refused
to surrender. Ypres is lost; Dixmude is said to be hard pressed, for
the people of Bruges were obliged to call in the garrison of Menin for
the further protection of the town. Menin was evacuated, and left to be
plundered and sacked.

  August 27, 1583.

LETTER XXIV.

At last the gentleman whom I expected from the Netherlands, as I have
already told your Majesty, has returned. The only news he brings is
that the Netherlanders are acting in the maddest way, the citizens
quarrelling, the towns disagreeing, there is no steady policy, and a
reckless spirit prevails. However, in one point they all agree, to wit,
their detestation of the French; who since the outrage at Antwerp have
become positively hateful to the Netherlanders, a sentiment which they
on their part warmly reciprocate. It is on account of this feeling, he
says, that Biron has returned with his forces to France. When he was
embarking, there were not enough transports for the conveyance of the
troop horses, so the men piled straw round a number of them, and burnt
them; others they stabbed or hamstrung, so as to render them useless.
Everywhere Netherlanders are being stopped on the road and plundered by
the French, who tell them that they are returning the favours they have
received in the Low Countries. All this plainly shows how untrustworthy
is a league between ill-assorted allies, however much it be varnished
over with a pretence of friendship, and how quickly ancient national
feuds break out afresh.

They say that Puygalliard, commander of the royal cavalry in Picardy,
is acting governor at Cambrai for the King of France, Alençon having
handed over the city to his brother, and Biron is on his way to join
him.

Apparently Alençon’s plan is to throw a strong garrison into Cambrai,
and retake some places in the neighbourhood, while harassing the
cities of Hainault and Artois, and thus proving to the men of Brabant
and the rest of the Netherlanders, who, as he is aware, hate him
cordially, how much protection he could have afforded, and how much he
would have done if they had continued to cultivate his friendship.

This is supposed to be his only chance of reinstating himself in
their good graces. Towards carrying out this scheme he has received
material assistance, it is said, from the King, who has appointed him
his Lieutenant; but his powers are so far limited, that he cannot
levy money or draw on the royal treasury at his own discretion. Still
his success is in no way assured, for the French are so unpopular in
the Netherlands, that the Prince of Orange himself is roundly abused
for supporting their interests; he does not carry anything like the
weight he once possessed; his influence has declined even among the
Hollanders and Zealanders, who were supposed to be on the point of
making him their Count and Sovereign; now, however, he is compelled to
listen to language from them which is not merely blunt, but actually
rude and insulting. Some go so far as to insinuate that he was privy to
Alençon’s schemes, when he made his disastrous attempt on Antwerp.

He is consequently living in retirement at Flushing, in a position
hardly above that of a private gentleman. Occupied solely with sundry
family affairs, he is quietly waiting till the storm of unpopularity
shall have spent itself, for well he knows how changeable the masses
are, and that neither their favour nor disfavour is likely to last long.

The following piece of news I give, but do not vouch for, though the
report is generally current. Those who do not like it explain it away.
All France rings with the story of another defeat at the Azores;[173]
the fleet, they say, is lost; the French cut to pieces; the Portuguese
condemned to the galley and the oar; the commander of the expedition a
prisoner. If this be true, and it does not seem improbable, France will
have paid dearly for her hospitalities to the Portuguese.

Among other instructions given by the King to the Duke of Joyeuse, when
setting out for Italy, was one of special importance; he was to obtain
the Pope’s permission for the sale of ecclesiastical property to the
value of some hundred thousands of crowns; it is now reported that the
Duke’s attempt to obtain the Papal sanction was a complete failure. So
the King’s hopes in this quarter were frustrated, and the Duke has not
been more successful than the great men whom the King lately sent round
France to obtain supplies. The first debates on the King’s return will
be, I imagine, on the best method of scraping up money! With the lower
orders in this country distress has gone so far that they are like
to hang themselves from sheer despair, consequently they take these
frequent and heavy demands upon their pockets in very bad part.

  September 15, 1583.

The aged Bishop of Rimini, the Apostolic Nuncio, has died here of
fever. He was a man of kindly feeling and high character.

  September 20, 1583.

LETTER XXV.

I have not much to report. Alençon is at Cambrai, in great want of
many things, especially money, which in his case is all important. His
captains attempted to surprise Le Quesnoy, a strongly fortified town in
Hainault, and were repulsed with great slaughter.

St. Aldegonde, and a gentleman named Junius, who acted as secretary
to the late Count Palatine,[174] are said to have come to Cambrai
as ambassadors from the States, to treat with Alençon for a
reconciliation; but treat or reconcile as they please, it is plain they
will not be supported by public sentiment, for the Netherlanders loathe
the very name of Frenchman.

Ypres is still blockaded by the enemy’s works, though there is a story
that the besiegers have suffered some loss at the hands of the garrison
of Bruges.

The plague, which is now raging at Paris with extraordinary violence,
will, I think, cause the King to defer his return. People expect that
Alençon will meet him here.

A new religious fashion[175] is in vogue among the French. The townsmen
and peasants of some place, of all ages and all ranks, quit their homes
in a body, and make a pilgrimage of two or three days to some famous
shrine. The pilgrims are generally clothed in white linen robes, and
carry crosses in their hands. Some people think that this movement
had its origin in supernatural warnings, which frightened the people,
and led them to take this means of appeasing the Deity, and saving
themselves; others think that it is to gratify the King that these
pilgrimages are undertaken, and that their object is to ask God to
grant him children.

  October 6, 1585.

LETTER XXVI.

I have received a letter from the Counsellors of your Imperial
Majesty’s chamber, in which they state that the books which I presented
to the library some seven years ago, during the lifetime of the Emperor
Maximilian, of blessed memory, have been valued at one thousand
florins; if your Imperial Majesty regards this sum in the light of a
present in return for my present of books, I shall consider it most
handsome, and humbly offer my best thanks to your Majesty for the
same; but if it is a matter of business and strict account—if this
sum, I say, is to be reckoned as the ascertained value of all those
precious volumes, the antiquity of which renders them so important an
acquisition to the Imperial Library—I must confess that such a price
in no way represents their value. The precious character of the books
and the high regard I have ever felt for them[176] render it incumbent
on me to make this protest. As far as I am personally concerned, I am
ready to acquiesce in your Majesty’s decision, whatever it may be.

  October 9, 1583.

LETTER XXVII.

The King has at last returned. On account of the plague it was
determined that he should not enter Paris. It was arranged, as the most
convenient plan, that he should stay at Saint-Germain en Laye. On his
arrival, his first care was to summon the gentlemen who, as I told your
Majesty in a former letter, were sent round the provinces and cities of
France to collect money. They are all men of high standing.[177] The
King will now receive an account of the steps they took and the reply
they got. Their report must needs be that all made answer with one
accord, their burden was already so heavy, that if they were to bear it
any longer, it must be lightened rather than increased by the addition
of a fresh tax.

This will compel the King to consult these gentlemen as to the best
means of raising funds, for, one way or another, money must be had.
As to what course they will recommend there is no certainty; but some
people are disposed to think that the honour of replenishing the
treasury will be assigned to the Church. The King, it seems, desired
the Duke of Joyeuse to open negotiations with the Pope for obtaining
his sanction to a fresh sale of ecclesiastical property to the value of
several hundred thousand crowns; but for some reason or other nothing
came of it.

These conferences at Saint-Germain would have been brought to a
conclusion had not Alençon made a _détour_ to Château Thierry, some
26 miles[178] from Paris, on his way from Cambrai to his own town of
Angers, where he intends spending the winter; his mother has gone to
visit him, hoping to bring him to the court, in order that he may be
present at the above-mentioned conferences; but whether he will be
persuaded is still uncertain, for he persists in his complaint that he
has not been properly supported in the great work he has undertaken,
and that the King has had more regard for the interests of utter
strangers than for those of his own brother.

As to other matters, Cambrai is neither safe against attack nor
adequately provisioned. Biron tried to storm Cateau Cambrésis, but,
unluckily for him, the Prince of Parma came to the rescue; the French
army was in great danger, and had to beat a hurried retreat; Biron,
however, managed to save his cannon.

The rebel States of the Netherlands, having met at Middelburg[179] to
transact federal business, the party of the Prince of Orange urged
strongly the advisability of a reconciliation with Alençon; they were,
however, repeatedly told by other members of the meeting that the late
disastrous affair (at Antwerp) had shown them how impossible it was to
trust the word of Frenchmen. There were some who wished for the King of
Denmark, while several mentioned Casimir, who had the support of the
Queen of England; but the assembly broke up without arriving at any
decision.

  October 29, 1583.

LETTER XXVIII.

Alençon has retraced his steps to Laon, whither the Queen Mother has
gone to visit him. Of the reason of this step I am not sure, but
probably his object is to be near Cambrai. It is well known that great
disturbances lately took place there; certain of the citizens conspired
with officers commanding posts in the neighbourhood, and either took
the town or were within an ace of taking it. The French, however, still
hold the citadel.

  November 2, 1583.

LETTER XXIX.

The Queen Mother has returned from her visit to Alençon. All her
trouble has been to no purpose, for he could not be induced to
accompany her to Court.[180] The King’s distress at his absence is not
overwhelming!

The Queen of Navarre has joined her husband; he received her
courteously, but she will live apart from him until the truth be
ascertained concerning the immoralities of which she is charged. It is
on this business that Bellièvre has been sent to the King of Navarre.
He is to make a recantation on the King’s behalf, and reconcile husband
and wife.

They say the King has been brought to task for allowing himself, in a
fit of passion, to blast the reputation of a member of his own family,
and is now sorry for what he has done.[181] He tries to clear himself
by saying that in a rash moment he believed what certain people told
him. The King of Navarre demands that, if his wife be guilty, she
should receive the punishment she deserves; but that, if she has been
falsely accused, and is innocent, her calumniators should pay the
penalty. It is well known that the King was provoked into this by the
murder of the messenger[182] he sent to the Duke of Joyeuse, of which
I informed your Majesty in a former letter, for he suspected that his
sister had been privy to the assassination. Those who are acquainted
with the character of the lady say that, unless they are greatly
mistaken, she will one day signally avenge the insult she has received.

The story of a disturbance at Cambrai, which I mentioned at the end
of my last letter, arose from the Seigneur de Goigny, commandant of a
neighbouring place for the King (of Spain), being seen in the city. It
was assumed that he could not be staying in Cambrai without the consent
of the townsmen. The assumption was ill-grounded, as the event proved,
for he had come to Cambrai to have an interview with Alençon, whom he
has followed to France; for aught I know, he is still at his quarters.

The reason of his visit was the hope that had been thrown out of some
arrangement for recovering Cambrai, a large sum of money having been
promised to Alençon on behalf of the King of Spain.

The ruined and impoverished condition of the nobles in Alençon’s
train renders it by no means improbable that this scheme may come to
something, as it would provide the means to save them from starvation
and destitution; but in the Royal Court, and throughout France, the
negotiation is held to be most discreditable, and is regarded as a
striking proof of the fickleness of the French.

A report is current that the King has written a letter to his brother
cautioning him. An arrangement for the exchange of prisoners furnishes
the pretext under which this negotiation is being conducted.

In spite of all this, some are inclined to think that the States of
Brabant are getting ready a fresh embassy, which will shortly be sent
to arrange the terms of a reconciliation with Alençon. It would appear
that they have been driven to this course by the successes of the
Prince of Parma, who has seized nearly all the country save Ghent and
Antwerp. The Netherlanders, however, have opened the dykes with the
double object of protecting themselves, and making Parma’s conquests of
no avail to him. It is supposed that their next step will be to send a
fresh embassy, since they are determined to suffer the worst that may
befall, rather than submit once more to the authority of Spain. However
this may be, there is news that the Zealanders and Hollanders will
shortly appoint Orange as their Count.

De Puygaillard has left Cambrai; de Balagny[183] is in command of
the citadel and garrison, and he is not the sort of man to surrender
the town to anyone, even though Alençon himself should give the
order. The latter has changed his plans; it is thought he will not
go, as formerly reported, to Angers for the winter, but will stop in
his present quarters at Château Thierry. He has returned from the
Netherlands with such discredit that he is only thinking of where he
may best hide his dishonoured head. Meanwhile the King is holding his
assemblies, which will continue sitting for at least two months; not
only will the financial question be considered, but also a general
reform of all abuses; it is the purpose of the King, in conformity with
his present strict religious views, to correct all vices and faults
in the administration of his realm and thus promote the welfare of
his people; it is probable, however, that the upshot of these changes
will be to make the King’s interest the paramount consideration. For
instance, the Crown claims the right of conferring Church patronage,
and in consequence you may see children, military men,[184] and women
holding bishopricks and abbacies; well, first there was a debate as
to the advisability of replacing matters on their old footing, and
making these appointments elective, but a resolution was passed that,
inasmuch as the old purity in voting had passed away, and all principle
had been lost, there appeared no reason for depriving the Crown of
the valuable right it had acquired, and that the matter had better be
left on its present footing, with the understanding that the King,
when exercising his patronage, should have regard to the character
and qualifications of the candidates. In many other cases there will
be a similar result—that is, projects will be ushered in with fine
phrases as to the _interests of the people_ and the mitigation of
their burdens, and then in the end the _interests of the Crown_ will
carry the day. The King indeed takes care that the law he enacted with
regard to dress should be strictly observed; it had not been in force
many days when it met with the usual fate of such edicts, and was
disregarded by the Parisians, whereon his Majesty sent the Provost of
the Court into the city with orders to throw into jail all persons whom
he might find transgressing the law. There were several arrests both
of men and women, and a great commotion was the consequence, amounting
almost to an insurrection. ‘Were they to be arrested by the Provost
as if they were highwaymen or burglars? They had their own judges and
magistrates to punish offending citizens. If the Provost[185] continued
to interfere it should cost him his life.’ It seemed likely that the
people would be as good as their word, so the magistrates of the city
came to the King and informed him of what was going on; at first he
took them roundly to task for their laches in allowing these salutary
laws to fall into abeyance, telling them that it was through their
negligence he had been driven to other means of enforcing them; he then
hurried to Paris, went straight to the prison and set free all who had
been arrested on this charge, paying out of his own purse the jailor’s
dues for each prisoner. Since then the law has been more strictly
enforced.

Cardinal de Birague[186] is dead, at the age, if I mistake not, of more
than eighty years; the Court followed its usual fashion, and gave a
magnificent funeral at death to one whom it loved not during his life.
He held the title of Chancellor of France, but the duties of his office
were discharged by a deputy; he was a man who loved fair dealing,
and consequently a good friend and supporter of the Queen Dowager of
France, your Imperial Majesty’s sister; his successor[187] is his exact
opposite in character, disposition, and intentions.

Orange is scheming to recover Zutphen, a city of Gueldres, which has
been taken by the Spaniards. The Count of Gueldres is suspected of
having a secret understanding with Parma; there is a report that he
has been sent as a prisoner to Zealand with his children. At Ghent
also a conspiracy[188] of some nobles against the city authorities has
been detected through Imbize, who for a long time was an exile in the
Palatinate; this discovery has placed them all in imminent danger;
among the number is Ryhove, who was ambassador at Constantinople.

However the others may fare, Champagny, who was the prime mover and
soul of the plot, can hardly hope to save his head.

  December 4, 1583.

LETTER XXX.

Nothing of importance, as far as I know, has happened since I last
wrote, unless it be that some men were caught at Alençon’s quarters,
with arms in their hands, under suspicious circumstances; it was
thought that they were waiting to assassinate some one. Alençon was
strongly impressed with the idea that they were cut-throats hired to
murder him. At last, after a careful investigation, it was discovered
that it was not his life they designed to take, but Fervaques’;
moreover, it was ascertained that the man who set them on was at open
feud with the latter, on account of some injury he had received at his
hands.

The Queen Mother has again set out on a visit to Alençon. She has
several objects in going, but the chief one is to remove whatever
suspicions he may still entertain. People say Alençon is also about
to receive ambassadors from nearly all the rebel States of the
Netherlands, with the exception of Flanders, which has not yet been
induced to sanction his recall. For the aforesaid ambassadors, whose
arrival is expected, eighteen gold chains are being worked up at
Alençon’s quarters. The Hollanders, however, are supposed to have
already sworn allegiance to Orange, or to be on the point of so doing,
with the reservation that the supreme sovereignty be vested in Alençon.
Whatever else Orange may lose, he will always retain his power of
perpetuating disturbances and revolutions. His chief assistant and
adviser, St. Aldegonde, has been made burgomaster of Antwerp. For
many years past I have been unable to see any prospect of a peaceful
settlement for the Netherlands. Parma has, it is true, done much, but I
doubt whether there is not quite as much more to be done.

We have news of disturbances in Gascony and Aquitaine; in both of these
provinces places have been seized, and attempts are being made to
recover them by force of arms.

That the year on which we have just entered and many, many coming years
may bring prosperity to your Imperial Majesty is the hope and prayer of
your most humble servant.

  January 9, 1584.

LETTER XXXI.

The King is bent on a plan for reforming his life, and devoting
himself more exclusively to religion. It was supposed that he would
spend the Carnival at Paris; he used to say that not to be at Paris
at that season was as bad as being in Poland, for he should miss all
the fun and pleasure of the capital, and last, but not least, the
society of certain ladies whom he had been accustomed to meet on that
occasion.[189]

In his present humour he does not care to leave Saint-Germain, where
he lives like a hermit. Meanwhile the assembly, which was convened
for the purpose of reforming the people and remedying abuses in the
government, is still sitting. Every day it passes a number of wholesome
measures, of which I shall now proceed to give your Majesty an example.
There is no greater burden laid on the realm of France than the
multiplication of official posts, which the King creates to the benefit
of his own pocket and the impoverishment of his people; these are now,
to a great extent, abolished. For instance, the King had as many as
150 chamberlains, all of whom are now dismissed, with the exception
of sixteen, or, according to another version, twenty-four. The same
course, it is supposed, will be followed in all similar cases, to the
great advantage and relief of the nation, on whose shoulders the entire
burden of supporting these sinecures used to rest.

This reform, however, will draw complaints from individuals who have
purchased such offices with hard cash out of their own pockets. Their
claims, it is true, will be commuted, but they will suffer great
inconvenience and loss by the change.

Meantime there is a vague idea that France is on the eve of a fresh
civil war, and there are people who assert that Navarre has sent to
Germany to hire reiters. Whether that be so or not, at any rate the
King is raising troops.

It is supposed that the Queen of Navarre will shortly be reconciled to
her husband, if indeed the reconciliation has not already taken place,
through the mediation of one Pernantius of Lorraine, a notable champion
of Protestantism. The Netherland ambassadors are now with Alençon,
waiting for fuller instructions from the States. Alençon is urging his
claim to be appointed Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, with the same
powers as the present Sovereign held during the reign of his brother
Charles, which were very extensive; but the King objects, and it seems
hardly likely that they will come to terms. This difference, it is
feared, will, in the event of war, be the source of yet more serious
quarrels.

Every day men[190] are coming over from England to France who have
been concerned in the great conspiracy against the life of the Queen
(Elizabeth). The Earl of Norfolk[191] has been arrested in England for
his part in the plot, and everyone expects that he will lose his head,
but the Earl of Arundel’s case is not regarded as equally desperate,
as the Queen seems more inclined to show him mercy. Even the Queen of
Scots, who is accused of having been privy to all their designs, is
considered to be in great danger. The Ambassador[192] of the King of
Spain, they say, was the prime mover in the conspiracy, and on this
account has been ordered to leave England. There is an idea that he
will pass through France on his way to Spain.

  February 12, 1584.

The King has returned from Saint-Germain to Paris, on account of the
illness of the Queen Mother. She had an attack of fever, which lasted
longer than was expected.

  February 15, 1584.

LETTER XXXII.

Alençon has paid a visit to his sick mother, staying with her some
days before he showed himself to the King. At last, by her advice,
as I suppose, he approached[193] the King in a most respectful and
submissive manner, insomuch that for some time he kept his knee well
nigh touching the ground. When raised by the King, he commenced his
address by imploring forgiveness for any offences he might have
committed against him.

The King replied there was no need of pardon; he was quite aware that
in certain points he did not agree with his brother, but for his own
part he was prepared to submit such questions to the arbitration of
their mother, and would abide by her decision.

People say that Alençon was advised to make sure of Joyeuse and
Epernon, through whose eyes the King sees everything, if he wanted
his brother to help his party, and interfere in the affairs of the
Netherlands. The King could be led to anything, if they chose to exert
their influence. This advice he seems inclined to adopt.

The ambassadors of Brabant and Flanders have now arrived; people say
that they have offered Alençon the right of placing garrisons in any of
their cities with the exception of two, viz., Antwerp and Ghent. They
have also been to Paris to plead their cause before the King.

Alençon, after spending a few days with the King, returned to his old
quarters at Château Thierry, with the intention of coming again to
Paris before Easter.

When he left the whole court escorted him out; there was a great fuss,
and none so forward as Joyeuse and Epernon, on whom he bestowed every
mark of favour at parting.

The King, it seems, is about to take Cambrai under his protection, and
will send some troops thither, which, however, are nominally to be
Alençon’s.

Everyone is talking of the campaign against Damville, whose present
title is the Duke of Montmorency.[194] He is Governor of Languedoc,
and appointments of this kind are held for life, and not for a term of
years, the holder not being superseded unless he has become a rebel or
been convicted of high treason. The King is determined to bestow the
governorship of the province on the father of Joyeuse, but Montmorency,
it seems, does not intend surrendering his post as long as there is
life in his body. The King has caused Montmorency to be tried before
his Parliament, and pronounced contumacious and rebellious. This
campaign, people say, will be taken in hand after Easter. Alençon is to
act as the King’s Lieutenant in proof of his submission to the royal
authority. The result is anxiously expected.

Montmorency has great resources in Languedoc, and is supported by a
united and numerous party. Many will suspect that his downfall will
pave the way to their destruction.

A few days ago the King was within an ace of committing an act in his
own council-chamber hardly consistent with the gracious character
which befits a Sovereign. Among his councillors was a knight of Malta,
the Prior of Champagne,[195] a violent and reckless man. The King was
speaking earnestly on some important point, and the Prior, who took an
opposite view, went so far as to say, ‘If you wished,[196] Sire, to
speak the truth, you must remember, &c.’ The King took his words as
a personal insult, and was furious. ‘What?’ cried he; ‘do you think I
am telling a lie? Down on your knees at once, and beg my pardon.’ When
he had done so, the King forgave him, but at the same time ordered him
out of his sight. When the Prior was somewhat slow in obeying, or, it
may be, said something in reply, the King again lost his temper, and,
drawing his sword, was on the point of running him through, when he was
held back by the gentlemen present. The Bishop of Paris[197] is still
suffering from a wound in the hand, which he received in grasping the
naked blade. Thus the King in his council-chamber all but perpetrated
a crime little becoming his character as a ‘penitent.’ Several people
interceded for the Prior, and the King accordingly pardoned him, but at
the same time required him to leave the Court and enter his presence
no more—a severe punishment to a man who is court bred, and knows no
pleasure elsewhere.

The Ambassador, who is said to have been an accomplice in the English
tragedy, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, has arrived at Paris, where he is
waiting for an answer from the King of Spain, but on what business I
cannot say. Some think he is seeking the post of ambassador at the
French court.

  March 20, 1584.

LETTER XXXIII.

Alençon,[198] after his return to Château Thierry, fell seriously ill,
and his life was in great danger. This gave rise to a story that he had
been poisoned. However, he is now said to be better. From his bringing
up large quantities of blood, some suspect that his lungs are affected.
The Queen Mother, who went to see him, has not yet returned.

  March 29, 1584.

LETTER XXXIV.

When the people from Flanders saw that they made no way with Alençon,
and all hope of help from France was at an end, they returned home,
reversed their policy, and opened negotiations with Parma.[199] Their
ambassadors were entertained courteously by the Prince, and received
presents from him on leaving, while the envoys whom Parma sent with his
reply had like treatment from the town of Ghent.

Very different is the feeling at Antwerp, where the citizens will
endure the worst sooner than submit to the old yoke, and have therefore
determined to cast in their lot with Zealand and Holland for weal
or woe. This new combination will prolong the war, as they are the
wealthiest people in the world, are girt with fortifications, and have
the keys of the sea in their possession.

The rest of the towns of Brabant are supposed to be on the eve of
returning to their allegiance to the King of Spain, in company with
Flanders; the men of Antwerp do not object, as they wish to be relieved
of the obligation. Bergen, which the Hollanders have taken under their
protection, is the only exception. Alençon indeed has something else
to think of just now besides the affairs of the Netherlands, aye, and
something that touches him more closely, for there is a report that he
is in a decline, which has reached the consumptive stage. If this be
true—and it is generally believed—he cannot be long for this world,
and then, however little the House of Valois may like it, the Bourbons
will be the heirs presumptive to the Crown—first the Cardinal, and then
Navarre. The Queen Mother is staying in the country at some distance
from Paris, and the report is that she is ill from grief. The King, it
seems, has laid aside the idea of a campaign against Damville,[200]
of which every one was talking, and has issued a proclamation to the
effect that there is nothing he loves so much as peace, no one is to
rise in arms, all are to do their best to prevent an outbreak. This
Edict is construed by the opposite faction to mean exactly the reverse,
and to be proof positive that war is intended; they say this is his
usual trick when he means to attack them.

Whether they are right or wrong time will show.

  April 10, 1584.

LETTER XXXV.

Alençon’s[201] life is despaired of. Indeed a day or two ago he was
reported as dead, and not only was the date of his decease given, viz.,
the 25th of this month, but also the hour, viz., 10 P.M. For several
hours, it seems, he had lain motionless, so that he was thought to be
dead; afterwards he became conscious, and is still alive, if a man
can be called alive, whose case is hopeless and whose death is hourly
expected. The King’s chief physician has visited him; on his return he
made the Queen Mother quite hopeful by his report, but privately he
told his friends that he did not expect him to last a month. Well, the
matter is in God’s hands, and that He will preserve your Majesty, is
the prayer of your humble servant.

  April 29, 1584.

LETTER XXXVI.

That Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend have come to terms with Parma is
considered certain; they say indeed that service in the cathedral of
Ghent is already celebrated after the Roman rite; and this is also
the case in three churches in Bruges. In that district Sluys alone
stands out, and holds by its treaty with Flushing. The terms of the
arrangement will, people think, shortly be made public.

  May 3, 1584.

LETTER XXXVII.

Alençon is still confined to his chamber, or, to speak more correctly,
to his bed; no one is allowed to see him save one or two of his
adherents, who encourage him to hope that he will recover, but
impartial people consider his case desperate; while some think he is
already dead, but that his death is kept secret.

The greatest anxiety is felt throughout France, and it is indeed a
critical time, for Alençon’s death will be a most serious matter to
the kingdom. For some time past the King has been estranged from his
wife; people trace this estrangement to the rivalry between the Duke
of Mercœur, brother to the Queen, and the Duke of Joyeuse, husband to
the Queen’s sister. The latter has been appointed by the King Admiral
of France with very extensive powers; while the Duke of Mercœur has
been made Governor of Brittany. Now the Duke of Mercœur maintains that
all appointments within the limits of his province belong to him,
and Joyeuse disputes his claim. The King on being informed of this
difference spoke sharply to the Duke of Mercœur, and from that time
forth his manner to his wife has been less kind, from an idea that the
Duke of Mercœur would not be so proud and stubborn, if it were not for
his sister’s countenance and support. This has given rise to a notion
on the part of some people, that the King is thinking of divorcing his
wife, on the plea that she is barren, it being most important, under
present circumstances, that children should be born to the King of
France.

The Duke of Epernon has been sent into Aquitaine with a numerous and
splendid retinue; his mission is a mystery and has furnished much
material for conversation and conjecture; only one or two, besides the
King, being acquainted with the secret.[202] The King also himself,
they say, is intending to visit Lyons shortly; no doubt there is some
important reason for this visit, but what it may be, there is no one
who can explain with such accuracy and clearness as Time!

  June 5, 1584.

LETTER XXXVIII.

That Alençon’s case was desperate has been proved by his death. He
breathed his last on the tenth of this month, almost at the same hour
and minute as his brother Charles some years ago; it is certain that he
died of the same complaint, tubercular consumption, as your Imperial
Majesty will have already learnt from the King’s own letter.

Some people declare[203] his death is a far greater benefit to the
world than his birth; they say he had fallen under the influence of
worthless satellites, and was incapable of distinguishing between
friends and flatterers; he made notoriety his object, but the notoriety
he sought might more correctly be described as infamy; he lightly
undertook, and yet more lightly abandoned that which he had undertaken.
His life was in accordance with his character; fickle, unstable,
restless, his one great object was to destroy concord and promote
disorder. His mother’s grief for him is genuine, the tears of the rest
are constrained tears, I fancy, and their sorrow a sham. A magnificent
funeral, people say, is being prepared, but the mourning will not
last beyond St. John’s Day, which is now near at hand. The corpse is
to come to Paris. The King has put on black; this is unusual, for on
former occasions it has been the custom for Kings of France to wear
violet when in mourning. Some prognosticate that Alençon’s death will
give rise to great changes in France, and I think they are not far
wrong, for the chief provinces and cities of the kingdom will not be
disposed to accept any Sovereign whose religion differs from theirs,
neither will they lack leaders when they rise, for the governors of the
provinces will come forward, and others to boot.

Some take such a hopeless and gloomy view of the future, that they are
already thinking of emigrating. The King indeed is heaping honours
on Navarre;[204] he has presented him with the duchy of Alençon, and
in his letters gives him the title of distinction which is by custom
assigned to the heir presumptive to the throne;[205] moreover, a way
has been discovered of perpetuating the miseries of the Netherlands in
spite of Alençon’s removal, for they say he has bequeathed Cambrai[206]
to his mother; this legacy will probably carry with it all his other
acquisitions in the Netherlands, and his interests in that quarter; it
is thought that the Queen Mother will make all this bequest over to
Navarre. In this way she will be able to carry out all her schemes in
the Netherlands, without giving the King of Spain ground for complaint
against the King of France. Meanwhile Cambrai is a thorn in the side of
Artois and Hainault, for the garrison pursues its forays far and wide,
burning and harrying the country.

The town of Bruges has received a garrison of the troops of the King
of Spain; Ghent has admitted Orange’s forces, but there was such
want of forage that shortly afterwards the cavalry were obliged to
leave. People have a notion that the departure of the cavalry may lead
the men of Ghent to resume their negotiations with Parma; another
reason assigned is the alarm inspired by the arrival of the Spanish
reinforcements.

  June 18, 1584.

LETTER XXXIX.

On the festival of St. John and the two following days the last rites
were paid to Alençon; there was nothing in the ceremonies to call
for remark, except that in the funeral speech no mention was made of
his connection with the Netherlands, nor were the banners of any of
the provinces of the Low Countries introduced into the procession. I
have appended to my letter a copy of what is commonly supposed to be
Alençon’s will.

To his Majesty’s great delight, the King of Navarre treated the Duke of
Epernon, on his arrival, with every mark of consideration and honour;
but Navarre’s wife (Marguerite de Valois) refused to admit him to her
presence. Epernon is supposed to be going through the province of
Narbonne, and so to Lyons, where the King will meet him.

Marshal de Retz is busy in Picardy strengthening the garrisons of
forts and towns, where needful, so that they may be ready in case of
attack or sudden emergency. Strong bodies of infantry and cavalry are
being stationed in different parts of the country, with the object, as
I suppose, of having a relieving army at hand in case Cambrai shall
be hard pressed. The Hollanders and Zealanders have raised a fleet
to prevent any supplies being introduced into those ports of the
Netherlands which are in the occupation of their adversaries, and this
will probably cause a rise in the price of corn.

  July 10, 1584.

LETTER XL.

The news has come of Orange’s death; there is no doubt as to the
accuracy of the report. He was shot with a pistol.[207] The assassin
has been taken and tortured, but refused to confess at whose
instigation he committed the murder. His only statement consisted of
a paper in his own handwriting to the effect that he was prompted to
the deed by the desire of delivering the Provinces from so despotic a
master.

The ambassadors from the Netherlands have come to Paris, in the hope, I
suppose, of inducing the King to give them his support, but his answer
was not favourable. They are now importuning the Queen Mother, and if
she refuses they will probably apply to the King of Navarre and the
Bourbons for assistance.

Fort Lillo, which is one of the outworks of Antwerp, is closely
besieged by Parma; three attempts have been made to take it, but in
each case the assailants were repulsed with great slaughter.[208]

The King has set out for Lyons; his chief object, people think, is to
supersede the present governor and appoint Epernon, or the Duke of
Joyeuse’s father, in his place.[209] The King has asked Navarre to come
to him, and offered to make him Lieutenant-General of the kingdom.

The party of the Guises are striving to make themselves masters of the
State. There is an anxious feeling abroad, but why or wherefore no
one exactly knows. Time will solve the riddle. It is said that Marshal
de Retz has made the people of Cambrai swear allegiance to the Queen
Mother.

  July 23, 1584.

LETTER XLI.

The Netherland ambassadors are trying hard to induce the King to give
them his support. This is the only fact worth recording in my present
letter. Their appeal is strongly supported by the Queen Mother, and her
influence is said to have had some weight with the King. One of the
ambassadors has been sent back to the Netherlands in company with the
gentleman[210] who was formerly Alençon’s representative at Antwerp.

They are the bearers, people say, of a favourable answer to the
States from the King, promising to give them advice, countenance, and
reinforcements with a liberal hand. The terms which the States offer
in return are extravagant, and almost past belief. The result of the
negotiations is awaited with the deepest interest. Some people are
sounding the war-note right lustily. What, say they, would the King
wait for, or what better opportunity could he find for commencing a
struggle which must inevitably come before many years are out? Why
does not he take the initiative, when such an opportunity and such
advantages are placed within his reach? It is folly to keep longing
for that which it is in one’s power to possess. Granted, that the
Netherlanders at the bottom of their hearts distrust the French, and
will not submit to them, still, is it a small advantage to withdraw
them from their allegiance to their ancient lord? Let them live in a
state of semi-independence, and not as subjects of France, so long as
they remain the bitterest foes of Spain. Assuredly the estranging of
so many provinces will be a heavy blow to the King of Spain, even if
the King of France should not succeed in subjecting them to himself.
No sensible man can fail to see that the Spaniards, who are naturally
greedy of empire, when they have consolidated their position, will
not allow their vast powers to lie dormant, but will endeavour to
make themselves masters of the whole of Christendom. But how little
remains for them to win, compared with what they have already secured!
Henceforth there will be no liberty in Europe, and all other princes
and states will be placed in a humiliating position. Everything will
depend on the pleasure of the Spaniard—a most miserable and degrading
prospect! No time, therefore, must be lost in encountering this attack
on the liberties of Europe, before the Spanish power is consolidated.
There is no doubt that all kings, princes, and states who have any
regard for their own safety and reputation would gladly join their
forces and unite in extinguishing a conflagration which is dangerous to
everyone.[211]

My own opinion is that these views are popular, and that they are only
waiting for the death of the King of Spain, as the most favourable
opportunity for a general movement.

Parma has transferred his camp from Lillo to Dendermonde, after great
losses, if we may believe the report. He retains, however, the fort of
Calloo, which enables him to cause much trouble to the ships as they
sail by. They hope to take Dendermonde[212] without much difficulty, as
the larger part of the garrison has been cut off from the town.

Marshal de Retz is at St. Quentin, and trying hard to induce
Balagny,[213] the governor of Cambrai, to surrender the town to
the King and the King’s nominee. Balagny’s tyrannical conduct has
rendered him most unpopular at Cambrai, and there are hopes that some
arrangement may be made. Marshal de Retz has proved himself a skilful
and sagacious diplomatist in affairs of this kind.

  Paris, August 18, 1584.

LETTER XLII.

I have hardly any news, and yet I feel I ought not to allow a longer
time to elapse before writing.

The King has returned from Lyons without achieving anything worth
notice, as far as I know. He stayed for some time at the castle of _le
Bois de Vincennes_, in the neighbourhood of Paris, where he is building
a church, to be held by the order of St. Jerome, for the benefit of
himself and his society of Penitents.[214] At the same time he is
carrying on his campaign against vice by punishing heinous offences,
especially those which are connected with malversation of public
moneys, whether they belong to the privy purse or the exchequer,
France being full of offenders of this kind.

In dealing with these matters he does not spare even men of high rank;
consequently there is a panic, and people are leaving the country. He
will next attack the Parliaments, it is supposed, and require them to
give an account of the way they have administered justice, and the
sentences they have pronounced, for these courts of justice are, it is
considered, full of corruption and in great need of reform. In France
the Parliaments have powers almost equal to the King’s; in them justice
is sold, or given as a matter of favour.

Though well stricken in years,[215] the Cardinal de Bourbon is
apparently unwilling to surrender the right of succession to the throne
to his nephew Navarre, and therefore inclines to the Guises, whom a
numerous party regard as their leaders; nay, a little while ago it was
stated that he intended to resign his orders, surrender his Cardinal’s
hat, and marry the widow of Montpensier, sister to the Duke of Guise.
The report is still current.

Marshal de Retz is still in Picardy, strengthening fortifications
and garrisoning posts, for the Queen Mother has, it appears, set her
mind on keeping Cambrai, and some of the household troops have been
despatched thither with that object. The Queen herself has left Paris
for the banks of the Loire, and is going from place to place in the
hope of arranging an interview with Navarre, but the probability of
his meeting her is not great, as he is afraid of treachery, and will
not trust either her or the King. That his wife may meet her mother
is not impossible. The King too has set out for the Loire, and will
stop some time, should the plague, which keeps him from Paris, allow
him to remain. At Paris it is still doubtful as to what the King’s
destination really is.

Matters in the Netherlands have taken a turn very favourable to the
King of Spain. Ghent[216] has made its peace with him. If report says
true, the terms are as follows: they are to pay him 200,000 crowns,
restore the churches, allow two citadels to be built, and give up any
six men who may be demanded.

Moreover, the men of Brussels are also talking of surrender. In spite
of this Antwerp does not lose heart, nor are the Hollanders and
Zealanders abandoning any part of their programme. The Queen Mother’s
Ambassador has arrived from the Netherlands, and talks much of the
highly favourable terms on which they are willing to conclude a bargain
with the King of France. The result is doubtful. Meantime, that God
Almighty may preserve your Imperial Majesty is the prayer of your
humble servant.

  October 4, 1584.

LETTER XLIII.

I have allowed an unusually long interval to elapse, partly because I
was every day expecting Sancerre to leave, and partly because I had no
news worth sending.

The King, who had been dodging the plague from place to place, at last
stopped at Blois; the plague,[217] however, gave him notice to quit by
carrying off one of the ladies of the Queen’s bedchamber, so after all
he has returned to Saint-Germain en Laye, where he intends prosecuting
his social and legal reforms. I saw him at Blois, whither I went to
express to him and the two Queens, his mother and his wife, the grief
and sorrow of the Most Christian Queen, your Majesty’s sister, at the
death of Alençon.

There was some talk of disturbances in the south of France, but they
seem to have subsided.

Don Bernardino de Mendoza, whom I mentioned as travelling from England
to Spain by way of Paris, has returned to these parts. He comes to
express his master’s grief at the death of Alençon, and also to
supersede Tassis[218] as ambassador to France. Tassis has gone to the
Netherlands _en route_ for Spain. If laying out large sums be the proof
of a good ambassador, Don Bernardino must be the best in the world, for
they say he intends spending as much as 16,000 crowns a year. I hope
the rest may be in keeping, and that he may prove in every way as good
as Tassis.

The Duke of Epernon, who is the King’s second self, is ill with a
severe attack of scrofula, a disease which the Kings of France profess
to heal by a touch of the hand,[219] so the King has an admirable
opportunity of putting his power to the test! I write this because I
have nothing else to say. Everything is at a standstill from the frost,
but this pause will probably lead to greater movements in the spring.

  December 10, 1584.

LETTER XLIV.

Ambassadors have again come from the rebel States of the Netherlands,
with very extensive powers, they say, to induce the King to take them
under his protection. The result is, to my mind, extremely doubtful.
There are men about the King who would fain lead him into war.

Meanwhile Antwerp is said to be strictly blockaded, the navigation of
the Scheldt being almost entirely stopped.

  December 15, 1584.

LETTER XLV.

A numerous deputation has again come here from the insurgent States of
the Netherlands with very full powers and large offers. On condition
of the King’s receiving them into his protection, they undertake
to hand over to him twelve towns in which his authority shall be
supreme; they promise to contribute 100,000 crowns a month towards the
expenses of the war, one-half to be paid by themselves, and the other
by the Queen of England. An English ambassador is expected here, with
a large and numerous train, to take part in these negotiations; the
ostensible object of the embassy is to convey the Order of the Garter
to the King of France. Meantime the Netherland ambassadors have been
ordered to stop short at a neighbouring town,[220] but for all that
they are treating with the King by means of letters and memorials;
their expenses are defrayed by the French treasury. They assure the
King of an easy success, if he will only cut off the enemy’s supplies
by stopping all exports from France. If this is done, they declare
that in a year’s time there will not be a single foreign soldier in
the Netherlands, for the Spaniards must needs be starved out, their
supplies by sea being already cut off; even now, they say, though there
is nothing to interrupt their communications with France, provisions
in the enemy’s camp are scarce and dear. What the King’s decision will
be it is hard to say. If he shall espouse their cause, he will thereby
involve himself in a serious war; if he helps rebels against their
Sovereign, he supplies the rebels in his own kingdom with an awkward
precedent; lastly, he must take up arms for heretics, when he hates and
loathes the heretics in his own realm, and endures them only because he
cannot help himself. Such a policy would be inconsistent; but, however
that may be, he will not, people think, openly espouse the cause of the
Netherlanders, the ostensible leadership in the war being assigned to
the Queen Mother, while the King is to support her with his forces,
and countenance the undertaking; but as to who is to have the conduct
of the campaign is more than I can make out. The King of Navarre or
Condé would, it is true, be well qualified for the post, but neither of
them will place himself in the King’s power, as they have not forgotten
the wedding and massacre of Saint Bartholomew; notwithstanding, some
say that Navarre will give the hand of his sister, who is the sole
heir of his kingdom, to Condé, with the view to securing his own
safety, as well as the Prince’s, since in that case, if either of them
be murdered, there will be a survivor to avenge his death.[221] The
decision arrived at must be known before long.

The Monsieur de Selles,[222] whom your Majesty knew in Spain, has died
in his prison in Zealand.

The proclamation touching the reform of abuses, which has been so long
under consideration, has at length been published, but save in a few
particulars it is not of the description generally expected; I enclose
a copy for your Imperial Majesty.

That God may long preserve your Majesty is the prayer of your most
humble servant.

  January 25, 1585.

LETTER XLVI.

The King has granted a private audience to the Netherland ambassadors;
I cannot give the terms of their address, but it is easy to guess what
they were. As to the King, they say, he replied that he would not fail
in his duty as a good neighbour. The ambassadors are fifteen in number,
and their retinue comprises some sixty gentlemen; they have been joined
by the Prince of Espinoy,[223] who, with his brother, the Marquis of
Richebourg, was for some time resident at the Court of the late Emperor
Maximilian.

It is generally reported that ambassadors, or at any rate despatches,
are also coming from the King of Spain, the Pope, and the Duke of
Savoy, to remind the King of his engagements and to call on him to
fulfil them; but, for my own part, I incline to think that neither
letters nor ambassadors from the King of Spain or Duke of Savoy will
have much influence; as to how much weight will be attached to the
Pope’s remonstrance, I cannot say. The expenses of the Netherland
ambassadors are being defrayed by the French treasury. Lastly, the
English Ambassador, who was expected, has arrived with a numerous and
gallant following. His name is the Earl of Derby[224]; he is of royal
blood the French say, and the English confirm the statement. He was
met and escorted into Paris with the utmost pomp; a house next the
Palace was appointed for his use, and 200 crowns a day assigned for his
expenses. He is the bearer of the Order of the Garter from the Queen
to the King of France. This is the ostensible object of his mission,
but the real and more important reason is supposed to be connected
with the affairs of the Netherlands. On the last day of last month the
King was invested with the insignia of the Order in the Church of St.
Augustine during vespers, in the presence of the whole Chapter of the
Knights of the Holy Ghost; all the ambassadors attended the ceremony by
invitation; amongst them were the envoys from the Netherlanders, but
their coming gave deep offence to the Spanish Ambassador.

To-morrow has been appointed for giving audience to the aforesaid
ambassadors, in company with the English Ambassador, but, as to what
the issue is likely to be, people differ. There is no doubt that the
King is entering into the business without much heart, and is even
dissatisfied with certain terms in the proposed arrangements, which do
not go so far as he would like; but the Queen Mother, whose hatred to
anything Spanish is unbounded, is exerting her influence in the matter.
People think that the King will give way to his mother, and take up the
cause of the Netherlands, giving them secret support, even if he does
not openly adopt their quarrel. If so, war, I am afraid, will be the
consequence. The most important part in this adventure, people say,
will be assigned to Don Antonio[225]; by their account, he is to be
given the command of the French forces. In a business of this kind we
can be certain of the past, but of nothing else!

These are our troubles here; still, mischief is not confined to
Paris. A man tried to poison the King of Navarre, but failed in the
attempt, either by reason of the strength of the King’s constitution,
or the weakness of the poison; the assassin then had recourse to
open violence and levelled a pistol at the King. He failed again,
was arrested, and is being tried in chains.[226] The King is greatly
distressed at the affair, as indeed he has good reason to be, for
his own reputation is seriously affected. He has therefore sent a
distinguished judge to be present at the trial and examination of
the assassin under torture; he is to bring back a true and accurate
report as to whether the fellow was suborned by some one, or acted from
motives of personal malice.

  March 6, 1585.

LETTER XLVII.

Positive news has come from Brabant that Brussels[227] has been
compelled by famine to surrender to Parma, and Antwerp is hard pressed,
being debarred from all use of the Scheldt by the completion of the
bridge. These tidings in all probability will rouse up the French
Court, and compel them to come to some decision with regard to the
Netherlanders, for, unless these last receive some support, their
defence must collapse. Indeed, the ambassadors of the rebel States
assume an air of despondency, being disappointed at the King’s handing
over the responsibility to his mother, instead of declaring war on his
own account.

  March 7, 1585.

LETTER XLVIII.

The English Ambassador left on the fourteenth of this month, after a
visit of twenty days, during which he was treated with high honours,
and received every mark of respect. On leaving he was presented
with plate of the value of 4,000 crowns, and the chief gentlemen in
his train had also the honour of receiving presents. A little later
the Netherland ambassadors took their leave, when each of them was
presented with a gold chain of the value of 200 crowns; their visit
has produced little or no result; at any rate, if any arrangement has
been made, it is a complete secret. The King’s public answer was that
he did not intend to break the peace which subsisted between himself
and the King of Spain; the Queen Mother said, she was deeply concerned
for their preservation, but was prevented by the King’s wishes from
giving them assistance. Whether any secret understanding is implied in
these ambiguous phrases, I cannot say. The ambassadors have done their
utmost to draw the King into open war; this appears also to have been
the object of the English Ambassador, but he does not seem to have had
much success. Some people think the King has undertaken to give them
considerable succours as soon as his present troubles shall have blown
over, and meanwhile to furnish them with some little assistance. As
regards the troubles of which the King spoke, fresh storms are without
doubt brewing in his kingdom. The Guises are levying war; the popular
account is that they are angry[228] with the King for not recognising
their own and their family’s services, while a couple of young
fellows, distinguished for nothing save impudence and conceit, are
loaded with high offices and honours. But this is not all; they wish to
have a Catholic successor appointed in case of the King’s death, and
they are again putting forward the Holy League and Confederacy against
heretics, in which they claim the leadership. The meaning of all this
is, that knowing there will be no room for them in France, should
Navarre, on the death of the King, ascend the throne, they wish betimes
to grapple with this danger, and thus consult their own interests,
regardless of the great troubles they must bring on the country. And,
to be fair, there is everywhere in France a feeling of great anxiety,
as people cannot tell what the position of the Church will be after
the King’s death. Many believe that their ancient ritual, services,
and sacraments will be profaned and put down by Navarre, and that the
Catholics will be in the same position as the Protestants have hitherto
been, if indeed they be not in a worse case. These fears give an
excellent handle to those who are desirous of a revolution, and men who
have been true to the old religion are in a peculiarly good position
to take advantage of it. Among these stand the Guises, who are most
popular in France, so much so that one may hear them spoken of with
greater deference than the King himself. The family of Guise, they say,
can trace its descent in an unbroken line from Charlemagne,[229] has
ever been the bulwark of the Church, ever loyal to King and country,
in spite of the neglect with which it has been treated, and the
bestowal on others of the honours it has earned, and now is justified
in unsheathing the sword, exercising the Royal prerogatives, and
undertaking the defence of the Church.[230]

The Cardinal de Bourbon also has deserted his family and takes part
with the Guises. The King has warned them by letters and messengers to
have a care of whither the road leads on which they are travelling; to
which they replied, they had no designs against him, they had never
swerved from the paths of loyalty and duty, so that he ought not to
believe the calumnies of their enemies.

In spite of these protestations, reports are gaining ground of German
reiters being brought to France; they say they are already on the
borders of Lorraine, and Guise will shortly have some 20,000 men under
arms.

If one inquires whence the money will be forthcoming for the campaign,
everybody has an answer ready to the effect that, with the Pope and
the King of Spain[231] at their back, funds cannot be lacking, and
that there is an understanding between them and the Guises is a matter
beyond all doubt. Indeed, if one considers who is to profit by these
disturbances, it is difficult to fix on any save the Pope and the
King of Spain; for the pacification of the latter’s provinces in the
Low Countries, and the successful accomplishment of his plans are
impossible so long as France is quiet and united. The King of Navarre
is quite alive to what is going on, and completely on his guard; indeed
he also is making ready to defend himself against any murderous attack;
he likewise offered the King his services against the enemy. The King
tells him not to be uneasy; he is to make no movement, but simply to
keep his towns in readiness to repel any sudden assault, and leave the
rest to him.

I cannot say how far Navarre believes the King, for some are disposed
to suspect him of knowing and approving of all the plans of the Guises;
others again hold that, while hitherto he has not been privy to their
schemes, he will in no long time adopt their ideas and join their
party; not that he loves them, but because he hates Navarre still
more, on account of their old quarrels and the difference of their
religious views. For my own part, I have no doubt that the King would
sooner have anyone than Navarre as successor to his throne, since he
can have no confidence that after his accession his policy will not be
reversed, the position of his connections and relations be impaired,
and his friends cast down from their high estate; lastly, it is most
annoying to feel that after one’s death people will be exalted, whom
during one’s life one has desired to keep down. However, it is not easy
to trace the workings of the heart, and so it is better to suspend our
judgment till time makes all things clear.

Not long ago the rumour was very general that a fresh attempt against
the life of the Queen of England had been discovered.

The Hollanders and Zealanders are busy preparing a fleet, which is to
break through the bridge and relieve Antwerp; should this attempt fail,
they intend opening the dykes between Antwerp and Bergen, and flooding
the country as far as Antwerp, so as to bring their fleet, in spite of
the bridge, up to the walls of the town; this plan, however, must cause
great suffering throughout the neighbourhood, and proves how obstinate
they are; their own account is that they have no other course.

  March 26, 1585.

LETTER XLIX.

People are becoming seriously alarmed. Suddenly and unexpectedly France
finds herself on the brink of a great war; the King himself hardly knew
of its approach before it burst upon him. Two months ago the Duke of
Bouillon[232] wrote cautioning him to be on his guard, as the Guises
were preparing for a campaign. People say he is for ever deploring his
imprudence in disregarding this warning.

Nominally the chief mover in these disturbances is the Cardinal de
Bourbon, but, if I am not very much mistaken, the real leaders are
the three brothers—the Dukes of Guise and Mayenne, and the Cardinal
de Lorraine, with their cousins the Duke of Aumale and the Marquis of
Elbœuf; they have also on their side the Queen’s brother, the Duke of
Mercœur, Governor of Brittany; there are besides in the ranks of the
insurrection many gentlemen of less mark, with whose names I need not
trouble your Majesty.

The reasons of offence are numerous, but the chief one is jealousy.
For a long time the Guises have felt bitterly their position at the
Court, where they do not hold the influence and station to which they
consider themselves entitled.[233] Others are loaded with wealth and
honours, while they are held of no account, and are left crippled by
the debts, which they and their ancestors have saddled themselves
with in the service of the State. The King, they complain, has picked
out a couple of young fellows on whom he lavishes his affection and
caresses, treating them like sons, squandering on them the public
revenues, living with them in the closest intimacy, while the Guises
are not merely kept at a distance, but are actually insulted by having
the doors shut in their faces when they seek to enter into the royal
presence.

Besides these causes for complaint, there is a notion, I fancy, which
is not altogether groundless, that the sister of Navarre, the heir of
his kingdom and extensive possessions, will marry the Duke of Epernon,
who is generally supposed to have been appointed by the King Constable
of France, and that the King, who is not at present favourably disposed
towards Navarre, will be reconciled by this alliance, and support his
claims to the succession. In all probability the object of the Guises
is to put a stop to this arrangement, which would be most disastrous to
their interests, as it is quite clear that, with Navarre or Condé on
the throne, their influence in France would be obliterated.

The Cardinal de Bourbon[234] assumes the title of successor to the
throne, and is indignant at the preference given to the claims of his
nephew; he has thrown off his Cardinal’s robes and fancies himself so
much in a soldier’s coat, that people think he must be childish. He is
fully convinced that he owes it to the Apostolic See, to the faith he
professes, to his family, and to himself, not to allow a Protestant
to ascend the throne on the death of the King. He therefore considers
himself the Chief of the League, and demands the first place in it.
The Church, the Commonwealth, the convening[235] of the Estates, the
security of the country, the safety of honest people, the common pleas
of all revolutionists, are pressed into their service as a cloak for
their designs.

Again, there was a report of a Bull[236] coming from the Pope, which
might arrive at any moment, pronouncing Navarre and Condé incapable
of ascending the throne, as unfit and unworthy. For my own part, I
question the policy of such a step, showing as it does the disunion
of Christendom at a time when the Turkish victories over the Persians
render an invasion more probable than ever; for there is no doubt
that the ultimate object of the Turks, in prosecuting their long
struggle with the Persians, is to prepare the way for the extinction of
Christianity. As soon as they have secured their rear, by destroying or
crippling their Asiatic foe, they intend to concentrate their forces
for a struggle with us; they will fight with us for existence and
empire, and the chances are greatly in their favour.[237]

But yet the movement I have described is so popular that I cannot tell
what the result will be. To the King, indeed, this outbreak is a most
untoward and unexpected event, as he has neither forces nor funds
wherewith to meet the emergency. There is hardly a Catholic nobleman
in France who is not suspected of being concerned in the designs
of the Guises, and secretly favouring the movement; almost all the
provinces are wavering in their allegiance; of the great cities some
are disloyal, while others refuse to receive garrisons from the King.
Thus he hardly knows which way to turn, surrounded as he is with open
enemies, while his friends are few and weak. Whatever efforts he may
make to muster his troops, it will be too late, for he has to deal with
an enemy near at hand and well prepared.

The only man I am surprised at is the Duke of Mercœur;[238] I cannot
understand his taking up arms against the King, when he is brother to
the Queen, and has lately received great promotion from the King. He
has, however, had some provocation, inasmuch as he has been deprived
of certain privileges which his predecessors in the government of
Brittany enjoyed, these having been transferred to the Duke of Joyeuse
as Admiral of France.[239]

Orleans, the most important town after Paris, has declared for the
Guises. Caen, on the coast of Normandy, which is commanded by the
strong fortifications of its citadel, is in the hands of the Marquis of
Elbœuf; the citadel is held by d’O, who was formerly one of the King’s
mignons, but has now attached himself to the party of the Guises.
The Duke of Aumale has seized several other places, and the Duke of
Joyeuse is on the march to recover them. The younger Lansac, who is
also a Guisite, has garrisoned Blaye, near Bordeaux, and will prove a
thorn in the side of that town if it remains loyal to the King.[240] De
Brissac[241] holds the citadel of Angers. And thus, through the length
and breadth of the country, numbers are revolting and bidding defiance
to the King. An attempt has also been made to seize Marseilles, but
it proved unsuccessful. These changes in the aspect of affairs have
made the Duke of Epernon a little more courteous; he used to be so
supercilious that when members of the royal family spoke to him and
removed their hats, he kept his on his head; but now he has the grace
to put his hand to his hat. This has given rise to a popular joke, that
Epernon has at last found out where his hat is!

The King has sent deputies all round the country to calm the storm, but
they do not bring back any offers of a compromise.

The Queen Mother is still staying with Guise, and is oftentimes obliged
to hear him speak of her son in terms of bitter complaint. The Cardinal
de Bourbon is also with the Duke of Guise. Previous to his arrival the
latter used to protest against any application being made to himself
with reference to the rising, declaring that he was not in command, but
simply a private gentleman fighting for the Holy League. The Archbishop
of Lyons is[242] also there, as the King’s representative, with very
extensive powers. Unless they come to terms the prospect for France is
desperate, and we are therefore anxiously awaiting the Queen’s[243]
return, which will either mark the happy conclusion of a peace with
the party of the Guises or furnish the date for the commencement of a
disastrous war. According to some, one of the terms of peace will be
the restoration of Cambrai to the King (Philip), which shows how little
the Guises care to hide the fact that in taking up arms they are acting
in concert with Spain.

The Queen of England, who sees the serious effect of this movement to
herself, is, they say, offering the King 6,000 horse, to be hired at
her expense, and to consist of Englishmen or Switzers, as the King
shall decide. The King of Navarre also offers a strong force of his
partisans, fearing, as he well may, that he is the real object of
attack.

Without doubt your Imperial Majesty will have heard that the Marquis
of Richebourg and sundry others were killed at the Antwerp bridge;[244]
they say that the Seigneur de Billy is also amongst the slain.

I am afraid I shall not be able to send despatches as freely as
before, since the roads to Metz and Nancy are occupied by the soldiers
of the two contending parties, who examine and tear to pieces all
communications; indeed, I have my doubts as to whether this very letter
will be able to get through safely.

  April 25, 1585.

LETTER L.

Guise has taken the town of Verdun,[245] slaying several of its
defenders. It is believed that Lyons and Nantes have also gone over to
the Guises.

There is news from England of a fresh conspiracy. The Earl of
Arundel,[246] who was concerned in it, has been arrested.

  April 28, 1585.

LETTER LI.

The war is thickening apace, yet nothing has happened deserving special
mention. The clergy are said to be furnishing the King with 100,000
crowns a month, on condition of his shortening the term within which,
according to his previous decree, the Huguenots must leave the country.
He has acceded to this demand, as your Majesty will see by reading
the enclosed proclamation;[247] but even this has failed to convince
the people that the King really and honestly shares the views of the
League, and has joined the party; for, according to some, it is only a
device to extract money, and when he has gained his object he will turn
his coat! Time will show.

A small party of Huguenot soldiers, not twenty in number, created
a panic by seizing the citadel of Angers;[248] the excitement was
increased by the news that the Prince of Condé was coming; he had
crossed the Loire, they said, and quartered his soldiers in the
suburbs. All the troops that could be got together were hurried off to
Angers, as well as the Swiss guard, and thither went all the leaders,
Joyeuse, Epernon, Mayenne, and Biron.

But Condé, finding himself surrounded by such powerful forces, and
seeing that he would not be able to reach the citadel, abandoned his
design and retired across the Loire; he then broke up his army, and
sought safety in the country occupied by his own garrisons. Meanwhile
it was the common talk, and generally believed, that he had been taken
prisoner while crossing some river or other, but it soon became clear
that the story had no foundation. Shortly after this affair the King
recalled his forces, which have suffered severely from the incessant
rains and the hardships of an autumn campaign; neither have they
altogether escaped the epidemic which is now raging.

The inhabitants of Auxonne, a town in Burgundy, have accused their
commander[249] of high treason, charging him with intending to admit
a Spanish garrison into the citadel, and under cover of this assertion
they are pulling down a large part of the fortifications.

The men of Lyons levelled their citadel to the ground some time ago,
and people say the King has given orders that the citadel of Angers
shall be treated in the same way. So there is a great dismantling of
fortifications in France, while in other parts new ones are being built.

I shall enclose the Papal Bull[250] declaring Navarre and Condé
incapable of succeeding to the throne of France. What effect it will
have God only knows; for my own part, I am afraid it will be the signal
for greater disturbances. Still the King, they say, _has_ confiscated
all the property of Navarre on which he could lay his hands, and placed
it in the custody of the Cardinal de Vendôme,[251] the owner’s cousin.

The Bishop of Paris has gone to Rome, as the King’s Ambassador, to
treat for the appropriation of ecclesiastical property to the service
of the State, and, no doubt, concerning other matters as well.

Again, a new Ambassador[252] of high rank is on his way to
Constantinople; his policy, I imagine, will be anything but favourable
to the peace of Germany. There is nothing they are so much afraid of
here as German reiters, and they have apparently come to the conclusion
that the best way of keeping them employed elsewhere is to threaten
their country with a Turkish war.

I understand that one packet of the despatches I wrote in May is
missing. I cannot tell where it was stopped. I sent it by way of
Brussels as the safest route. My present letter will also go by the
same road, but I shall take further precautions to ensure its safety. I
trust that the missing packet will also eventually reach your Majesty.

  Paris: November 15, 1585.

LETTER LII.

Although nothing worth recording has happened since I last wrote,
nevertheless I take up my pen because I have a chance of sending a
letter, which does not often occur now-a-days.

The Duke of Mayenne’s forces are now in close contact with the enemy,
and we shall soon see in what direction he is moving, and his prospects
of success in the campaign.

The King has made up his mind not to allow a single Huguenot, or indeed
anyone who is not a Catholic, to remain in France; consequently all
who do not care to change their religion are leaving the country.
A few days ago a petition was presented to the King on behalf of
certain women and girls, imploring leave to remain in France under his
protection, and promising that they would live in retirement and give
offence to no one. The King would not grant their request, but took
care that they should not be injured, and sent them to England under
his safe conduct.

As to the rest, the King is wrapt up in his new religious services,
and lives like a hermit. People are afraid his health will be affected
by the austerities he practises, or that he will become the victim of
some superstitious craze.

The Queen of England is openly taking Holland and Zealand, with certain
towns besides, under her protection, and has issued a proclamation to
that effect. I cannot say whether she will give much help to places at
a distance from the sea, but the maritime position of England renders
it probable that the towns on the coast will derive great assistance
from her powerful navy.

So, at any rate, the war will be prolonged, with all its sufferings and
all its uncertainties, while the blockade by sea will bring the other
provinces of the Netherlands into danger of starvation.

  December 6, 1585.

LETTER LIII.

There is a report that German cavalry is already on the march for
France. The King has despatched the Duke of Epernon to his command at
Metz, where there have been great Protestant disturbances.

  December 8, 1585.

LETTER LIV.

Navarre, having shaken off the enemy, determined to assault the
faubourgs of Paris. I lately hinted at the probability of such a
movement. Marching with all his forces on the capital, he stormed
and sacked the four faubourgs of the Université,[253] each of which
is as big as a good-sized town. The garrison, which consisted of
citizens, was severely handled, as Navarre’s men contrived to slip
in between them and the city walls, and thus cut off their retreat.
Many of them were taken prisoners, and more of them killed, no quarter
being given except to those who could convince their captors that
they had the amount of their ransom in hard cash in their houses. The
number slain and captured is believed to be at least 2,000. The day
after this defeat Mayenne entered the city. Navarre, after halting
for a time and offering battle, retreated a few miles from Paris with
his booty and prisoners. He next retook Etampes, which the enemy had
occupied; although it is an open town, the position is important from
its commanding the road to Paris from the principal corn-growing
districts. Mayenne, they say, can still muster a considerable force,
but, as he has not the means of paying his troops, his presence is
more a burden to the Parisians than an advantage. Whatever the enemy
has either not found out or not thought worth taking, becomes their
booty. Thus the Parisians suffer equally from friend and from foe. No
wonder provisions get scarce, and Paris begins to feel the effects
of war in all their bitterness. Perhaps winter and the difficulty of
finding money will bring the first act of this tragedy to a close, and
then each party will endeavour to support their cause by convening the
Estates of the Kingdom. The Lorraine party, the towns, and the Order
of the Clergy will meet at Paris; Navarre and the leading nobles at
Tours. He will there, probably, do all he can to have some kind of
Coronation service performed, in order to increase his authority, and
justify his assumption of the title of ‘Royal Majesty.’ He will not
however remain quite idle in the meantime, but will carry on operations
in Berry, the Orleanais, Brittany, and elsewhere, as opportunities may
occur. At Tours he will be able, should it prove desirable, to treat
with the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the other
prisoners,[254] with a view to a general pacification. Many are sure
that negotiations will be opened, and that steps have already been
taken in this direction with some prospects of success. I remain your
Imperial Majesty’s most humble servant.

  November 13, 1589.[255]

LETTER LV.

Navarre has retaken Vendôme by storm. This strong town, which forms
part of his hereditary possessions, had been lost by the governor’s
treason. The governor, who was a man of noble birth, was captured.
In order to mark the heinousness of his offence his throat was cut,
while a prior of a Dominican monastery, who had been sent from Paris
to preach there, was hanged.[256] He next received the surrender of Le
Mans, a rich and famous town; such at any rate is the report, but it is
not positively confirmed. It is certain that money is being secretly
sent to Paris by the King of Spain, but I am afraid not as much as they
require. When people have to supply their allies with money they soon
get tired! Six loaded waggons are starting from Antwerp for Paris;
large supplies of gunpowder are also said to be coming by the same
channel.

  November 29, 1589.

LETTER LVI.

There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by Cardinal
de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,[257] four other bishops
being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people add that he
attended divine service according to the Catholic rite. Others deny
this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on the occasion,
he declared that as regarded religion he would soon give them such
satisfaction that no one would have any just ground for complaint left.
They say that he has appointed Montmorency Constable of France; he is
expected to come to Tours and do homage to the King on his Coronation.
There is no longer any doubt of the capture of the town of Le Mans,
nor does the mischief stop there, for some assert, that Chartres,
a wealthy and fortified city, has gone over to Navarre. He has for
some time been master of the territory of Bourges, and negotiations
are now in progress, they say, for the surrender of the town itself.
There is the same news about Melun, which lies on the Seine above
Paris; the position is important for preventing the introduction of
provisions into the capital. Further, some would have it believed
that the governor of the port of Havre de Grâce in Normandy is ready
to come to terms with Navarre. If even a part, and much more if all,
of these rumours be true, it is serious news for the Parisians. They
are now busy counting the Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to
300,000 crowns. Still, I cannot see that they have any trustworthy
resources to support their resistance, and I am consequently afraid
that, when Navarre returns, Paris will fall. According to some he is
to be expected shortly, others say not till spring. I have great fears
for the town where I am now staying, and am therefore obliged to look
out for a new hiding place, as I would fain avoid the horrors which
occur when a city is taken by storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson[258]
has crossed into Flanders, intending to return from there either
through Brabant or through Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris,
which was called the Council of the Union,[259] is said to have been
dissolved, and the supreme authority again restored to the Parliament,
which issues decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de
Bourbon. It is to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was
removed to Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two.
The Duke of Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know
the exact nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous
one. The troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France
(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and
enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the utmost
they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses of the
maintenance of herself and her household. I have already ventured, I
think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s position in this
respect, and now that this curtailment of her income is at hand I have
judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I trust your Majesty
will consider how the Queen is to be provided for, until this storm has
passed by.

  December 14, 1589.

LETTER LVII.

A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned at
Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take
measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is
the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,[260] who has
been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he
summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon Navarre
and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as King. On
their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and transferred their
bishopric to Dijon.[261] People think he entered Paris three days
ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a Turkish
fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good authority.
The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking to supply
him with whatever he may want against Spain.[262] People are anxiously
waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next attack. He has
taken several important cities in Normandy. Some think he intends to
besiege Rouen,[263] which is already exhausted by the calamities of
war. Things, however, are not yet ripe for this, nor has he troops
enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces are being raised,
and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s enterprises remains
to be seen. His plan seems to have been to demolish all the forts of
the enemy on the Seine, and so free the navigation of the river from
Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find an easy task, especially with
Navarre so near at hand. In proof of this the fort of Meulan,[264]
before which, as I mentioned, he sat down, shows no signs of alarm, and
does not seem likely to yield easily to his attacks. The reputation of
both generals is at stake; the question being, whether Mayenne shall
abandon his enterprise, or Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed
before his eyes, or either commander refuse to engage when offered
battle by the other.

I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has married
the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought Navarre’s
sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke of Parma,
they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has therefore
withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his position, and
avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past allowed himself to
nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot has on that account
been sent to the King of Spain.

To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they think
Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified town,
it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from here.
He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the whole
neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a similar
fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against Rouen, for he
sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to surrender, and to threaten
them with destruction, if they refused. At the crash of so many towns
falling all around it, Rouen appears to be horror-struck, and therefore
to desire peace at any price. On this Navarre builds his hopes.
Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan, of which I spoke, goes on
very languidly.[265]

LETTER LVIII.

Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too weak to
raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair prospect
of success. When offered battle he declined it, and withdrew to a safe
position. The King thought this an additional reason for pressing the
siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in the suburbs, yet the parts
of them which were nearest the city were more in the citizens’ power
than his own. He therefore resolved to push forward his entrenchments
to the walls of the city. This operation was executed in a single
night, the breastwork of the besiegers being carried up to the very
gates. Thenceforth no one was able to enter or leave Paris without his
permission. Meanwhile the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed
impossible for them to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000
perished of hunger. The inhabitants, however, bore their sufferings
patiently, and preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than
abandon the cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in
this resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal
Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the point
of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which was
soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after negotiations for
peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this month the Cardinal
de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the Primate of Gaul,[266] went
under a safe-conduct to the King. They failed to come to terms, but the
negotiations were adjourned, in the hope that a further interchange
of views might lead to peace. Finally, it was agreed that three
commissioners on each side should meet at the fortress of Nanteuil[267]
and the mansion of Schomberg, nine French miles from Paris.[268] The
prospects of peace thus appeared to be improving, when letters of
Mayenne to his mother and wife were intercepted, in which he exhorted
them to hold out a little longer, and told them that he was actually on
the march to their relief; there was no fear, he added, that _he_ would
demean himself by acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming
to terms with him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and
Archbishop, and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at
their entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been
fixed for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this
month. He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already
decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers
and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He only
withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited them in St.
Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have his hands free,
if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned elsewhere, it being
his usual practice to leave his baggage behind, when he undertakes any
operation. Apart from this he made no change, and did not move a single
soldier from his position under the ramparts of Paris.

In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all probability
reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives. Therefore, in order
that your Majesty may be in a better position to estimate the value
of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for your consideration
a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne, and their several
forces. The contest will be one between two famous leaders, in the
prime of life and at the height of their renown, one of whom, Mayenne,
will give up the command to Parma, and will fight as his subordinate.
The King is a thorough soldier, and a general of the greatest
experience. When all his forces are concentrated, he will have, it is
thought, some 20,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the
most part is composed of gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted.
Of French infantry people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with
whom are a few Germans, 7,000. The _élite_ of his foot consists of a
body of four or five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse
and foot alike, are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed
to be led, and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover,
the King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose
advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La Noue,
and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of the Bourbon
blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of France.

With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there is not
much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that the latter is
a most unlucky commander, while the former is a favourite of fortune,
as is proved by his long list of successes in the Netherlands, and in
this respect he may fairly be considered a match for the King. Their
united infantry, as report goes, amounts to 17,000, while their cavalry
is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their foot the Spaniards and
Walloons are considered the best, and these, with the addition of some
Italian companies, are not much over 4,000 strong. Next to these come
the Germans; the French and Lorrainers are the worst.

The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting devices against
each other, the object being to inflict the maximum of damage with the
minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable his men to resist the
charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses his infantry with a fence
formed of ropes of the strongest and thickest description, which are
supported by stout stakes at regular intervals. Immediately behind the
ropes he posts his musketeers, who can thus fire on the French horse
in perfect security. All the musketeers have a store of double bullets
fastened together with copper wire, which will be very effective
against horses. The cannon also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked
batteries are planted in good positions, with troops drawn up in front
so as to conceal them from the enemy; at the critical moment they
will open fire, and pour a withering volley among the horses of their
assailants.

Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with his
craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new mode
of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful manœuvre to
be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy.

On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a powerful
army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat larger than
Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the composition of
his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all men of the same
nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s forces have been recruited
from various nations, and are to a large extent made up of raw levies,
on whom not much reliance can be placed. Again, the King has the great
advantage of fighting on his own ground, that is to say, on ground
which he has previously chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the
circumstances of his position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage.

Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an
opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can
say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a
sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall have
to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory does not
depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of soldiers, or
the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of God.

If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been agreeable, I
trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve your Majesty is the
prayer of your most humble servant.

  Mantes, August 27, 1590.[269]

APPENDIX.

CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.

                                                    PAGE

    I. SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY                         267

   II. ITINERARIES                                         284

  III. EDITIONS                                            288

   IV. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS:—

    i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin            292

   ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq            295

  iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque       300

   iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde                             303

    v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of
         Charlot Desrumaulx                                305

   vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert
         du Mortier                                        309

I.

_SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE REIGN OF SOLYMAN._

IN order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances
under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to understand
many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that he should have
the power of referring easily to the leading events of Hungarian and
Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman. For Busbecq’s French
letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United Netherlands’ may be
consulted, but no such works in English upon Hungarian history exist.
The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are meagre in this respect, and
contain only scattered and incidental notices of Hungarian events;
while Von Hammer, and the Austrian and Turkish histories in Heeren’s
Series, valuable as they are, have not been translated into English,
and besides are not easily accessible. None of these works give a
connected narrative of Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are
mixed up with the general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be
picked out from it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this
sketch will to some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to
the intricate maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been
gleaned from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which
is mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters
written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after he had returned from
his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters.

During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land between
Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the Last Minstrel’
and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English and Scottish
border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things all along
the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian dominions. Upon both
sides continual forays were made, villages were plundered and burnt,
castles surprised, cattle driven off, and, worst of all, prisoners
were carried away into hopeless slavery.[270] Every few years these
desultory hostilities broke out into open war, and, notwithstanding
occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the tide of Turkish invasion
rose steadily higher and higher. In addition, the unfortunate country
was distracted by civil war, waged with varying success between
Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the rivals for the throne, while
the magnates of the kingdom went over from one side to the other,
according as they thought they could thereby gain any advantage for
themselves.

Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was born in
1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520. The first
year of his reign was marked by a campaign against Hungary, and the
fall of Belgrade,[271] the bulwark of that kingdom. Louis, the King
of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in the party strife of
the different factions of the nobility, the defence of the country was
neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention was diverted to other
enterprises, of which the most famous was the siege and capture of
Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded Hungary. On August 29,
the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade, he defeated King Louis
with great slaughter at Mohacz,[272] the King himself perishing in the
flight, and then advanced on Buda, which surrendered on September 10.
Thence he crossed to Pesth, where he received the Hungarian nobles,
and, after promising them to make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and
Voivode or Viceroy of Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden
with booty to Constantinople.

Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as Emperor, and
Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The first relied
upon family compacts, and upon his connection by marriage with King
Louis.[273] Zapolya, on the other hand, was supported by a strong party
among the nobles, who disliked Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s
partisans took the initiative, and convened a diet at Tokay, at which
he was elected King, and he was duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by
the Archbishop of Gran. Mary, however, the widowed Queen, with the
Palatine Bathory, assembled another diet at Presburg, which declared
Zapolya’s election void on the ground that the diet of Tokay had not
been summoned by the Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after
defeating his rival at Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following
year, drove him out of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on
Solyman’s protection, offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his
tributary, and a treaty of alliance was signed between them in
February 1528. In the following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the
third time, and took Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya
was again installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga
of the Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish
governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged it
on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16, in
consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant resistance of
the garrison and inhabitants.[274]

In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda unsuccessfully.
In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the forces of the Empire
to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and Austria were the seat
of war. The Sultan was detained for three weeks before the little town
of Güns by the gallantry of the commander Jurischitz, who at last
surrendered on honourable terms.[275] The delay, however, prevented
the Sultan from accomplishing anything considerable, though his army
ravaged Styria and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz.

In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and Solyman on the
basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held in Hungary, the
Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any arrangements that
Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between themselves.

For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to his wars
with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale occurred;
but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and the adjoining
districts continued their inroads. To check these incursions Ferdinand,
in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the Drave, an army of 16,000 foot
and 8,000 horse, under the supreme command of Katzianer. He advanced on
Essek, intending to besiege it, but was surrounded by clouds of light
cavalry, who cut off his supplies and forced him to retreat. After
losing his siege-guns at the passage of the Vouka, he encountered the
enemy on December 1, and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the
night with some of the other generals. The troops that were left were
cut to pieces the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.[276]
Katzianer was accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and
was thrown into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers,
and fled to one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into
negotiations with the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress
of Kosthanitza. However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count
Nicholas Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles,
treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance of
his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle ditch,
and his head was sent to Vienna.

In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross Wardein
was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya was to retain
the title of King during his life with Transylvania and the part of
Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his death his male
issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the same treaty both
parties united in a league for mutual defence against the Turks.

Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately afterwards
married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and, dying in July
1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was born a fortnight before
his father’s death.

Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty, he
should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but Isabella,
as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to Ferdinand,
under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross Wardein, refused
to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be crowned, and appealed
to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then entered the country, and
besieged Buda, which was relieved by the Pasha of Belgrade.

Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his troops
occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his dominions,
making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong garrison in
it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust for John
Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime appointed the
latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency of Martinuzzi and
Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition to Transylvania, most
of the country to the north as far as the river Theiss.

In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of Gran and
Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the primatial see
of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings. At the end
of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by Ferdinand as
internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a member of a noble
family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died shortly after his arrival
at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided by Nicholas Sicco, who
was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador, and Veltwick, the ambassador
of Charles V., then undertook the management of the negotiations,
and concluded in November an armistice for eighteen months between
Solyman on the one side, and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.[277]
This was followed, in June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which
the Emperor, the Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the
basis of _uti possidetis_, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats
a year, part of which sum was an equivalent for the territories of
some of the nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and
had afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a
present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for the
portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession.

The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to turn
his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah Tahmasp, the
reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in 1547,[278] and in
1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and obtained considerable
successes. In the following year Elkass was captured by his brother in
an expedition he had undertaken, and was confined in a fortress for the
rest of his life.

In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded Transylvania
and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to Ferdinand, in
exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in Silesia, and the
Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard Castaldo, took
possession of these territories.[279] When Solyman heard this news,
he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged his life that there was
no ground for this report; but, as he could not give satisfactory
explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of his instructions,
he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the Castle of Anatolia
on the Bosphorus,[280] the Sultan excusing this violation of
international law by the argument that an ambassador was a hostage for
the good faith of his master, and should suffer for any breach of it.
From this incident it appears that the post of ambassador at the Porte
was by no means unattended with danger.

Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s
hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these
dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the
object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for
himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under
Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz,
December 18, 1551.

In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which were
attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained a victory
at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha of Buda;
and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the loss of
the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an army of
Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini was
taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen, whom
Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was killed.[281]
Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully.

In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier, asking
for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more envoys.
In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven Towers, and his
allowance was increased; but he was still kept in close confinement.

Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian
invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his
favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of
the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the Persians,
was obliged to take command of it in person. The most notable event
of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha, Solyman’s eldest
and most promising son. The story of his cruel murder is narrated
in pathetic words by our author in his first letter,[282] though he
is mistaken in placing the scene of it near Amasia, as Eregli, in
Karamania, where it really happened, is about 250 miles from that
city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery at the death of
their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was deposed, and his office
conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during his visit to Amasia, in
1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace between the Sultan and the Shah.

The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary. Solyman
granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and Antony Wranczy
or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and afterwards Bishop of
Erlau, were sent as envoys to Constantinople.[283] They arrived in
August. They were instructed to offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for
Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The
Viziers, however, told them that the abandonment of all claims to
Transylvania was an indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations.
Malvezzi was accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive
further instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace
should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss
of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present or
tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to be
ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the
meanwhile.

In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was prevented
by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.[284] He arrived at
Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in March, with
Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at Amasia. They
brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000 ducats as tribute for
Transylvania. They complained of the numerous breaches of the armistice
on the part of the Turks, but, although they promised 80,000 ducats to
the Sultan and large sums to the chief viziers, they could only obtain
an extension of the armistice for six months, and a letter from Solyman
to Ferdinand, with which Busbecq was sent to Vienna.

On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem reappointed
Grand Vizier.[285]

Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides
continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions
of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,[286] attacked and took
Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same
object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and assaulted
the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss. In the
meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali hastened
with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with great loss on
the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned by the Turks, and
fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it, and blew up the
citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so weakened by his
defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to Buda, where he
died soon afterwards.[287] The fall of Szigeth was thus postponed for
ten years, when it was destined to be associated with the termination
of a more glorious career, and the extinction of a more famous
name.[288]

Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of
Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies,
which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she
was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in
Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in
Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour.
The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the
national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and supported
themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps after another
mutinied for their pay, and marched out of Transylvania; and Castaldo
himself, unable to check the dissolution of his army, withdrew to
Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in Transylvania; but in June,
1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall Isabella and her son. The
envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited her to return. The Voivodes of
Moldavia and Wallachia entered Hungary to protect her passage, and on
October 22 she and her son entered Klausenburg in triumph.[289]

Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was using every
means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and his colleagues.
The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius was rewarded with
the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555, allusions to the
prospect of his appointment may be found, and the see had been kept
vacant for him for more than a year before his actual translation in
November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He was perpetually occupied
in providing for the defence of his diocese, in writing to the Pasha of
Buda to remonstrate against the continual invasions of the neighbouring
Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking the intrigues of Zapolya’s party.
His remaining time and energies were devoted to attempts to check the
spread of Lutheranism in his diocese. It may be remarked here that John
Sigismund was much assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court
was the refuge of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An
anecdote Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold
Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire, supposed to
be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the monastery of Jaszbereny,
most of the inhabitants of the town refused to help to extinguish
it, declaring that they would rather the Turks had the monastery
than the monks. Zay, the other ambassador, was appointed Governor of
Kaschau.[290]

In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the
right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of
Stuhlweissenburg.

Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of
Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh
armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de
Wyss[291] four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the
restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions.
The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to Solyman,
but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return to
Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his house.

In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to fail,
and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to Ferdinand
proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his hands. This
letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having such a
proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents, thought
it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself, and, with
the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King of Poland.
It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should marry John
Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania and Lower
Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between Poland and
Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King. These negotiations
were broken off by her death, which took place at Karlsburg in
September, and an attempt in the following year to renew them also came
to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to renounce the title of King.

In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother Nicholas
and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.[292] As soon as