#!/usr/bin/python
# -*- coding: utf-8 -*-
"""This module provides utility classes and functions whose usage is not limited to a specific context."""
import json
import os
import sys
from loguru import logger
from bibliometa.config import LOGGING_FILENAME, LOGGING_FORMAT
[docs]class MainUtils:
"""The :class:`~bibliometa.utils.utils.MainUtils` provides generic utilities.
"""
[docs] @staticmethod
def get_file_info(path, suffix=""):
"""Get filename, suffix and file extension from a path.
:param path: Path to a file
:type path: `str`
:param suffix: Suffix that should be added to a filename (optional)
:type suffix: `str`
:return: Filename, suffix and file extension
:rtype: tuple of `str`
"""
filename, ext = os.path.splitext(path)
dirname = os.path.dirname(path)
if not os.path.exists(dirname):
os.makedirs(dirname)
s = MainUtils._get_suffix(suffix)
return filename, s, ext
[docs] @staticmethod
def _get_suffix(s):
"""Create a filename suffix by adding an underscore before parameter `s`.
:param s: Suffix that will be preceded by an underscore
:type s: `str`
:return: "_" + suffix, if suffix length > 0
:rtype: `str`
"""
suffix = ""
if len(str(s)) > 0:
suffix = "_" + str(s)
return suffix
[docs] @staticmethod
def get_factor(size):
"""Calculate factor to keep max value of progress bar below 100.
:param size: Number of total values
:type size: `int`
:return: Factor by which number of values needs to be divided
:rtype: `int`
"""
factor = 1
while size > 100:
size = int(size / 10)
factor *= 10
return factor
[docs]class DictUtils:
"""The :class:`~bibliometa.utils.utils.DictUtils` provides generic utilities."""
# Default values
_ENCODING = "utf-8"
[docs] @staticmethod
def remove_keys(i, o, k, encoding=_ENCODING):
"""Remove all keys from a given dict i (in a JSON file) if not in k and save the remaining dict as JSON in o.
:param i: Path to input JSON file
:type i: `str`
:param o: Path to output JSON file
:type o: `str`
:param k: List of keys to be removed
:type k: `list`
:param encoding: File encoding
:type encoding: `str`
"""
# Set up logging
logger.remove()
logger.add(LOGGING_FILENAME, format=LOGGING_FORMAT, level="DEBUG")
logger.add(sys.stderr, level="INFO")
with open(i, "r", encoding=encoding) as f:
in_data = json.load(f)
out_data = dict()
for key in in_data.keys():
if key in list(k):
out_data[key] = in_data[key]
with open(o, 'w', encoding=encoding) as f:
json.dump(out_data, f, indent=4)
logger.info(f"Keys from {i} were removed (except keys in {k}). New dictionary was written to {o}.")
[docs] @staticmethod
def remove_empty_entries(d):
"""Remove keys from dict d that have no values.
:param d: A dictionary
:type d: `dict`
:return: Input dictionary without empty entries.
:rtype: `dict`
"""
if isinstance(d, dict):
return {
k: v
for k, v in ((k, DictUtils.remove_empty_entries(v)) for k, v in d.items())
if v
}
if isinstance(d, list):
return [v for v in map(DictUtils.remove_empty_entries, d) if v]
return d
[docs] @staticmethod
def merge(a, b):
"""Merge two dictionaries.
:param a: A dictionary
:type a: `dict`
:param b: Another dictionary
:type b: `dict`
:raise: KeyError if a key is found in both dictionaries
:return: Dictionary a merged with b
:rtype: `dict`
"""
intersection = set(a.keys()).intersection(set(b.keys()))
if len(intersection) > 0:
raise KeyError(f"Duplicate key found: {intersection}.")
else:
a.update(b)
return a
[docs] @staticmethod
def get_top_keys(d, k):
"""Get keys with highest values from a dictionary.
:param d: A dictionary
:type d: `dict`
:param k: Top k elements that will be returned
:type k: `int`
:return: List of tuples (value, key) for top k keys
:rtype: `list`
"""
items = sorted(d.items(), reverse=True, key=lambda x: x[1])
return map(lambda x: x[0], items[:k])
[docs] @staticmethod
def sort_by_key(d):
"""Sort a dictionary alphabetically by its keys.
:param d: A dictionary
:type d: `dict`
:return: The sorted dictionary
:rtype: `dict`
"""
return dict(sorted(d.items(), key=lambda x: str(x[0])))
[docs] @staticmethod
def save_to_json(d, f, encoding=_ENCODING):
"""Save a dictionary to a JSON file.
:param d: A dictionary
:type d: `dict`
:param f: Path to file
:type f: `str`
:param encoding: File encoding
:type encoding: `str`
:raise FileNotFoundError: If f does not point to a file
"""
try:
with open(f, 'w', encoding=encoding) as file:
json.dump(d, file, indent=4)
except FileNotFoundError as e:
raise e
[docs] @staticmethod
def read_from_json(f, encoding=_ENCODING):
"""Read a dictionary from a JSON file.
:param f: Path to file
:type f: `str`
:param encoding: File encoding
:type encoding: `str`
:return: Dictionary loaded from JSON file
:rtype: `dict`
:raise FileNotFoundError: If f does not point to a file
"""
try:
with open(f, "r", encoding=encoding) as file:
return json.load(file)
except FileNotFoundError as e:
raise e


Harsh Bhatia
sketches
About
Art
Contact
Women
Hoodie stumptown kitsch
05/05/2015
Canon PowerShot S95
22.5mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Reflection
05/05/2015
Reflection
22.5mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Mermaid
05/05/2015
Mermaid
22.5mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Lady in silk
05/05/2015
Lady in silk
22.5mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Timeless Beauty
05/05/2015
Timeless Beauty
22.5mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Privacy
05/05/2015
Privacy
22.5mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Smoking Girl
05/05/2015
Smoking Girl
Lead on paper
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
5/10/2015
Dancer
05/05/2015
Dancer
Lead on paper
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Ballet Queen
05/05/2015
Ballet Queen
Lead on paper
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Chair Seduction
05/05/2015
Chair Seduction
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Alone
05/05/2015
Alone
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Blonde
05/05/2015
Blonde
Lead on Paper
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Landscape
Austin flannel salvia
05/05/2015
Canon PowerShot S95
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Brunch vegan pickled cred
05/05/2015
Canon PowerShot S95
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Blog dreamcatcher squid
05/05/2015
Canon PowerShot S95
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Migas intelligentsia meh
05/05/2015
Canon PowerShot S95
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Authentic locavore meditation
05/05/2015
Canon PowerShot S95
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Portraits
Paul walker
05/05/2015
Paul walker
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Robert Pattinson
05/05/2015
Robert Pattinson
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Selena Gomez
05/05/2015
Selena Gomez
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
SRK
05/05/2015
SRK
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Zac Effron
05/05/2015
Zac Effron
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Angelina Jolie
05/05/2015
Angelina Jolie
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Brad Pitt
05/05/2015
Brad Pitt
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Charlie chaplin
05/05/2015
Charlie chaplin
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Emma Watson
05/05/2015
Emma Watson
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Kriti Sanon
05/05/2015
Kriti Sanon
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Wildlife
Kitty
05/05/2015
Kitty
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80
Eagle
05/05/2015
Eagle
22.5 mm
ƒ/5.6
1/1000
80


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hellish world/1.3.33 Server at jigokutsushin.net Port 80


Welcome, Wish you a great life
let me tell you a bit about myself
My name is Yasmeen Al-khateeb, I am 25 years old, I have graduated from Petra University in 2018, I majored in pharmacy. I worked as a pharmacist for two years, after that I quit my job and decided to go in a different path. I find programming to be very interesting and fun, that’s why I’m here.
Questions asked previously
- What is your name?
- Do you think will finish this course?

- Did i leave a good first impression?
- To your knowledge do i have any phobias?
- Do i like to try new things?
Top ten favourite movies :
- Shutter island
- The Godfather
- Forrest Gump
- Fight Club
- Django Unchained
- Catch if you can
- Inception
- Pursuit of happiness
- Scent of a Woman
- seven
Top ten favourite songs :
- Kodaline - all i want
- Lewis capaldi - bruises
- Ashw - moral of the story
- Rihanna - diamonds
- Lewis capaldi - someone you loved
- Frank sinatra - sonthing stupid
- James arthur - say you won't let go
- Westlife - ain't that a kick in the head
- Lewis capaldi - before you go
- Imagin dargons - believer


Created by Joanne Bruno / @joannaartista
Give you the ability to rapidly prototype and design your hack, to give you the leading edge in user experience and presentation.
an iterative and communication driven approach


China private firms shun US as investment, IPO destination: Survey
SHANGHAI : Chinese private companies are shunning the US in their overseas expansion, and generally prefer a home listing to a US initial public offering (IPO), a private survey showed yesterday, highlighting the trade war's impact on executive decision-making.
The survey is released at a time when US politicians are calling for tighter scrutiny over Chinese investment and capital-raising, while Beijing is encouraging domestic listings by Chinese companies.
Chinese chief executives remain committed to global expansion, but have shifted their focus from the US to South-east Asia, Europe and Africa, showed a survey conducted jointly by China's Tsinghua University and Marcum Bernstein and Pinchuk (MarcumBP), a leading auditor for US-listed Chinese companies.
The survey found that 66 per cent of the respondents see China as the most attractive listing venue, compared with just 18.7 per cent who favour the US market.
Hong Kong, even with the city's violent protests, is also ahead of the US as a preferred IPO destination.
Mr Drew Bernstein, co-managing partner of MarcumBP, predicted that US investors' interest in fast-growing Chinese tech unicorns won't diminish, and many Chinese companies still need access to the deep and liquid US capital markets for funding. - REUTERS


gentag
to generate a standalone tag such as
, and tag
to generate an open/close tag pair surrounding something. In addition, Arc provides special-purpose functions for common HTML operations.
Arc has many operations to support forms, as well as many table operations, as tables are its primary layout technique.
For example, the following code generates a simple page with text, formatting, and a link.
(whitepage (prn "Hello world!") (para) (link "Click here") (prn "for") (prbold "more stuff"))
The basic model is gentag
generates a stand-alone tag, tag
generates a begin/end tag pair surrounding something, and a variety of operations can be used for many tags.
A tag in Arc can be defined with a tag spec, which is a tag followed by attributes and values. The syntax is slightly different for gentag
and tag
. gentag
takes the tag, attributes and values as arguments, while tag
takes the tag spec as a single argument followed by body code that outputs the tag content to stdout. For example:
arc> (tostring (gentag p style "mystyle")) "
" arc> (tostring (tag (p style "mystyle") (pr "Content.") (pr "More content"))) "
Content.More content
"
Most of the HTML generation in Arc is stdout-based, rather than return-value-based. A typical HTML operation in Arc outputs a tag to stdout and executes body code which outputs the tag contents to stdout. The return value is generally not useful. This programming model fits well with Arc's web server, which expects content to be written to stdout in many cases. Note that this programming model is different from the standard functional programming model, but it has the advantage that the outputs from multiple functions can be collected and concatenated. For example,
arc> (tostring (underline (prn "hello") (prn "world"))) "hello\nworld\n"(In the examples, the code is wrapped in
tostring
to explicitly capture stdout for clarity, but tostring
normally wouldn't be used when implementing web pages.)
However, some HTML operations don't collect output from the body code, but use explicit arguments. For example,
arc> (tostring (row 1 2)) "
1	2
"Other HTML operations accept either a list of atom arguments, or body code that outputs to stdout, but not a mixture. For example,
arc> (tostring (td (pr "hi"))) "hi	" arc> (tostring (td "hi")) "hi	"Arc's HTML generation is relatively inflexible. Tags can only use attributes that are explicitly registered in the attributes table. The only exception is the
style
attribute; all tags support that attribute. Other attributes are ignored with a comment in the created HTML code. The following table shows the attributes supported by Arc:
   <form action=string method=sym>
  <input name=string size=number type=sym value=escaped> <option selected=selected> <rss version=string> <select name=string>
  <textarea cols=number name=string rows=number wrap=sym>
New tags do not need to be explicitly defined, but any desired attributes that are not listed above need to be defined using
attribute
. For instance to support the "class" attribute for img
:
arc> (attribute img class opstring) arc> (tostring (gentag img class "foo")) ""
|
br [n]
Prints
n break tags. |
>(br)

|
|
br2
Prints two break tags.
|
>(br2)

|
|
center [body ...]
Prints
body in a center tag. |
>(center (pr "hello"))
hello
|
|
underline [body ...]
Prints
body in an underline tag. |
>(underline (pr "hello ") (pr "world"))
hello world
hello world |
|
prbold [arg ...]
Prints a bold (
b ) tag around arg . |
>(prbold "hello")
hello
hello |
|
para [arg ...]
Prints a paragraph (
p ) tag followed by the args. |
>(para "hello " "world")

hello world
hello world |
|
whitepage [body ...]
Creates a white page containing the body.
|
>(whitepage (prn "hello"))
hello

|
|
errpage [arg ...]
Prints a white page containing the args.
|
>(errpage "hello " "world")
hello world

|
|
new-hspace n
Prints a horizonal spacer using
span . |
>(new-hspace 3)

|
|
blank-url
Returns path to a blank spacer GIF (
s.gif ). |
>(blank-url)
"s.gif"
|
|
hspace w
Prints a horizontal spacer image of width
w . |
>(hspace 3)

|
|
vspace h
Prints a vertical spacer image of height
h . |
>(vspace 3)

|
|
vhspace h w
Prints a spacer image of height
h and width w . |
>(vhspace 3 5)

|
|
nbsp
Prints a non-breaking space.
|
>(nbsp)
|
|
link text [href [color]]
Prints an HTML link.
|
>(link "click here" "http://arcfn.com" orange)
click here

click here |
|
underlink text [dest]
Prints an HTML link with explicitly underlined text.
|
>(underlink "click here" "http://arcfn.com")
click here
click here |
|
shortlink url
Prints a link to
url with http:// removed from the text. |
>(shortlink "http://arcfn.com")
arcfn.com
arcfn.com |
|
parafy str
Returns
str with paragraph tags. A p tag is inserted after each blank line. |
>(parafy "hello\n\nworld\npeople")
"hello\n\n
world\npeople"
|
|
spanclass classname [body ...]
Prints
body in a span tag. |
>(spanclass myclass (pr "hello ") (pr "world"))
hello world
|
|
pagemessage text
Prints
text followed by two breaks, if it is not nil . |
>(pagemessage "hello")
hello

>(pagemessage nil) |
|
form action [body ...]
Prints
body in a form tag. |
>(form "http://arcfn.com" (pr "hello"))
<form method=post action="http://arcfn.com">hello</form>
| ||||||
|
submit [value]
Prints a
submit tag. |
>(submit "hello")
<input type=submit value="hello">
| ||||||
|
but [value [name]]
Prints a
submit button tag. |
>(but "foo" "bar")
<input type=submit name="bar" value="foo">
| ||||||
|
buts name [text ...]
Prints multiple
submit button tags, one for each text . |
>(buts "foo" "bar" "baz")
<input type=submit name="foo" value="bar">
<input type=submit name="foo" value="baz">
| ||||||
|
textarea name rows cols [body ...]
Prints
body in a textarea tag. |
>(textarea "foo" 1 40 (pr "Contents"))
<textarea name="foo" rows=1 cols=40>Contents</textarea>
| ||||||
|
menu name itemlist [sel]
Prints a menu with
select and option. Each element of itemlist becomes an option. If sel is an item in itemlist , that item is marked as selected. |
>(menu "foo" '(item1 item2 item3) 'item2)
<select name="foo"><option>item1</option>
<option selected>item2</option><option>item3</option>
</select>
| ||||||
|
input name [val [size ]]
Prints an
input tag. |
>(input "foo" "bar" 10)
<input type=text name="foo" value="bar" size=10>
| ||||||
|
inputs [name label size value ...]
Prints a table of labelled text rows. If
size is an atom, a text input of the specified size is generated. If size is a list (rows cols) , then a textarea of the specified size is generated. If the label is password a password input is generated. The label is followed by a colon. |
>(inputs i1 "Foo" 10 "contents"
p1 password 10 "pw"
i2 "Bar" '(2 5) "stuff")

Foo:
<input type=text name="i1" size=10 value="contents">

password:
<input type=password name="p1" size=10 value="pw">

Bar:	<textarea name="i2" rows=2 cols=5>stuff
</textarea>

| ||||||
|
single-input label name size buttontext [password]
Prints a text or password input prefixed with
label followed by a submit button. |
>(single-input "Secret" 'i1 5 "Submit" 'password)
Secret<input type=password name="i1" size=5>
<input type=submit value="Submit">
Secret |
|
attribute tag attribute f
Defines that
tag can have attribute . f is on of the op... functions, defining the type of attribute . |
>(attribute a class opsym)
#<procedure: opsym>
|
|
color r g b
Creates a color object with the specified red, green, and blue components (0 to 255)
|
>(color 255 0 128)
#hash((b . 128) (g . 0) (r . 255))
|
|
hex>color str
Converts a string of length 6 representing a hex triplet into a color object. Returns
nil on failure. |
>(hex>color "ff00cc")
#hash((b . 204) (g . 0) (r . 255))
|
|
gray n
Creates a color object representing a gray level.
n is between 0 and 255. |
>(gray 100)
#hash((b . 100) (g . 100) (r . 100))
|
|
hexrep color
Converts a color object to a hex triplet string.
|
>(hexrep orange)
"ff6600"
|
|
dehex str
Converts
str from hex to integer. Returns nil if the conversion fails. |
>(dehex "40")
64
>(dehex "0x12")
nil
|
|
gentag tag [attribute value ...]
Prints the tag.
|
>(gentag img src "foo.gif")

|
|
tag spec [body ...]
Prints
body surrounded by the tag specified by spec . |
>(gentag a href "/index.html")

>(pr "click")
click
|
|
tag-if test spec [body ...]
If
test is true, body is wrapped in the tag spec . Otherwise, body is printed without the tag. |
>(tag-if t (underline) (pr "hi"))
<underline>hi</underline>
>(tag-if nil (underline) (pr "hi"))
hi
|
|
pr-escaped str
Prints
str with <, >, ", and & HTML-escaped. |
>(pr-escaped "abc< > \" ' &")
abc< > " ' &
|
|
eschtml str
Returns a string that is
str with <, >, ", ', and & HTML-escaped. |
>(eschtml "abc< > \" ' &")
"abc< > " ' &"
|
|
esc<>& str
Returns a string that is
str with <, >, and & HTML-escaped. |
>(esc<>& "abc< > \" ' &")
Error: _esc
<>: undefined;
cannot reference an identifier before its de
finition
in module: top-level
internal name: _esc<>
|
|
cdata [body ...]
Prints
body in a CDATA section. |
>(cdata (pr "hello"))
<![CDATA[hello]]>
|
|
striptags str
Returns
str without tags. Anything between angle brackets is removed. |
>(striptags "abc<foo>def</foo>ghi")
"abcdefghi"
|
opmeths*
table, which maps from a tag and attribute to one of the op...
functions. These functions generate the code that generates the HTML to set an attribute.
One Arc design pattern used in the HTML code is to use multiple functions to generate the code, and then use these functions inside macros. This provides a simulation of first-class macros.
|
opcolor attribute color
Generates code to assign a color object to an attribute.
|
>(opcolor 'bgcolor orange)
(whenlet gs2254 #hash((b . 0) (g . 102) (r . 255)) (pr " bgcolor=#" (hexrep gs2254)))
|
|
opstring attribute string
Generates code to assign a string to an attribute, if the string is not
nil . |
>(opstring 'class "foo")
(aif "foo" (pr " class=\"" it #\"))
|
|
opnum attribute num
Generates code to assign a number to an attribute, if
num is not nil . |
>(opnum 'width 42)
(aif 42 (pr " width=" it))
|
|
opsym attribute val
Generates code to assign a value to an attribute.
|
>(opsym 'width 42)
(pr " width=" 42)
|
|
opesc attribute val
Generates code to assign a quoted value to an attribute. If
val is a string, it is escaped with pr-escaped . |
>(opesc 'foo 'val)
(awhen val (pr " foo=\"") (if (isa it (quote string)) (pr-escaped it) (pr it)) (pr #\"))
|
|
opsel attribute val
Generates code to set
attribute to selected if val is true. |
>(opsel 'foo 'bar)
(if bar (pr " selected"))
|
|
start-tag spec
Generates code to start a tag.
|
>(start-tag '(a href foo))
(do (pr ""))
|
|
end-tag spec
Generates code to end a tag.
|
>(end-tag '(a href foo))
(pr "")
|
|
tag-options tag options
Generates code to assign values to attributes.
options is a list of attribute/value pairs. The allowable attributes are defined by opmeth , and style is allowed for all tags. |
>(tag-options 'td '((bgcolor red) (width 42)))
((whenlet gs2255 red (pr " bgcolor=#" (hexrep gs2255))) " width=42")
|
|
opmeths*
Table indexed by list of tag and attribute.
|
>(opmeths* '(a href))
#<procedure: opstring>
|
|
opmeth tag attr
Looks up the HTML tag and attribute in
opmeths* |
>(opmeth 'a 'href)
#<procedure: opstring>
|
Copyright 2008 Ken Shirriff.


Name: Lagasca, Alfernee Karlo C.
<EMAIL_ADDRESS>To become a professional Digital Artist.
Freelance Digital/Traditional Artist, Game Developer at Ubisoft and EA (2016- Present), Manga Artist, Beta Tester
Languages: html, JavaScript, Assembly language
Frameworks: .NET
BS, Computer Science ( Digital Arts and Animation Tracks), University of Cordilleras


Preparation time
less than 30 mins
Cooking time
10 to 30 mins
Serves
Serves 1
Preheat the oven to 200C/400F/Gas 6.
For the peppered steak, rub the steak with the cut side of the garlic, rub with olive oil and roll in the peppercorns to coat all over.
Heat a frying pan and fry the steak for 3-4 minutes on each side, or until cooked to your liking. Remove from the heat and leave to rest in a warm place.
For the wild mushroom sauce, heat the olive oil and butter in a pan, add the onion and sauté for 3-4 minutes.
Add the garlic and fry for one minute.
Add the mushrooms and cook for 3-4 minutes. Add the wine and simmer for 2-3 minutes, then stir in the cream and season well with salt and freshly ground black pepper.
For the chips, place the sweet potato chips onto a baking sheet, drizzle with oil and sprinkle with sea salt.
Transfer to the oven and bake for 15-20 minutes, or until crisp.
To serve, place the chips onto a serving plate, top with the steak and pour over the wild mushroom sauce. Garnish with parsley.


{% extends 'database/content-area.html' %} {% set content_title = 'Reset Password' %} {% set body_class = "reset-password" %} {% block page_content %} {% if validlink %}
Please enter your new password twice.
So we can verify you typed it in correctly.
The password reset link was invalid,
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Occasionally, on a boring flight, I’ll rewatch the Battle of James Island scene from the magnificent 1989 film, Glory. The scene depicts the first engagement of the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, the first Northern regiment of black troops organized by the Army of the United States to fight against the Confederate insurrection. James Island was a fateful battle outside Charleston, SC, on July 16, 1863. I pulled up the clip on a recent flight and was moved yet again by the powerful imagery of black men finally able to strike a blow against the slaveocracy. Imagining what that felt like for the soldiers of the 54th is always intensely gratifying.
Watching it this time, I remembered how startled I had been when Glory was released to learn that many people, including blacks and people on the left, dismissed or even disparaged the film as a “white savior narrative”—a phrase that is now a routine derogation of certain cross-racial sagas of resistance to white supremacy. In Glory’s case, this complaint arose mainly in response to the (historically accurate) depiction of the regiment’s commanding officers as Northern whites.
This objection left me dumbfounded. After all, the 54th Massachusetts was a real historical entity. As a compromise to ensure political support, it was stipulated that its officers be white. Nonetheless, prominent abolitionists, including Frederick Douglass and the free black community of Boston, were enthusiastic about its formation and instrumental in recruiting its ranks.
The Myth of the Birth of the Hero
Notwithstanding some artistic license (e.g., including freed slaves within the 54th, when it was actually composed entirely of free black men), Glory’s director Edward Zwick clearly intended it to be an historical film. How could it not feature white officers?
Nevertheless, the indictment of Glory as white-savior propaganda was common on the left—with the allied claim that the story was told largely through the eyes of the regiment’s young commander, Col. Robert Gould Shaw, who was killed leading the 54th’s attack on the Confederate South Carolina stronghold, Ft. Wagner. Leaving aside the fact that more black characters than white ones have autonomous voices and personalities, the film was largely based on Shaw’s moving letters home, which were compiled in the volume Blue-Eyed Child of Fortune. All such judgments are idiosyncratic, to be sure, but I was left scratching my head at the ideologically charged reaction to what may be the greatest American film ever made—certainly greater than two others that have been so judged: The Birth of a Nation, D. W. Griffith’s 1915 paean to white supremacy and the Ku Klux Klan, and its update for the talkie era, Gone with the Wind. I could not understand at the time how Glory’s critics seemed to miss or make light of such a powerful depiction of popular black political agency.
Now I think I understand. I’ve long suspected that, to a certain strain of race-conscious or antiracist discourse, historical exploration in popular culture was less important than the propagation of tales of inspiration and uplift.  In recent years, a steady stream of films and other narratives have openly embraced that preference.
I have written elsewhere about several of them. Producer George Lucas touted his execrable, cartoonish depiction of World War II’s Tuskegee Airmen, Red Tails (2012), as a work spotlighting “real heroes” who would be “inspirational for teenage boys” and compared it favorably to “Glory, where you have a lot of white officers running those guys into cannon fodder.” And Quentin Tarantino’s 2012 race film Django Unchained reduced slavery and manumission to the antics of a spaghetti-Western-style hero who in fact never challenges slavery but fixates only on rescuing his wife. Ava DuVernay acknowledged that she intentionally falsified the history of the iconic voting-rights campaign in her 2014 film Selma to deny President Lyndon Johnson’s role because she “wasn’t interested in making a white-savior movie.” As a consequence, she also misrepresented the tensions between Martin Luther King, Jr. and his Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) activists in the campaign—which had precisely to do with King’s surreptitious negotiations with Johnson. The effect of omitting such a central tactical debate was to depict the civil rights struggle as a simple extrusion of King’s larger-than-life persona against a pandemic racism—as a struggle, in other words, with virtually no politics to speak of.
Nation-Building
Nate Parker’s 2016 dramatization of the 1831 Virginia slave rebellion led by Nat Turner, The Birth of a Nation (which quite intentionally sets itself up as an answer to Griffith’s film from a century earlier), is an even more strident display of the inclination to subordinate the complexities of actual history to a narrative of black heroism in the face of universal and unremitting white supremacy and racism. As Kenneth W. Warren argues in the Los Angeles Review of Books:
For Parker … the point of history is not so much to figure out what really happened but rather to enable reparative and redemptive mythmaking… A further entailment of Parker’s view of his achievement is that history, for him, must remain narrow—a conduit for inspiration or therapy, for bequeathing legacies, or for purveying information or misinformation to the present—and not much more. Parker’s understanding of what makes Turner heroic is that he resisted his oppression and that his act of resistance can serve as a model for the rest of us.
Warren readily concedes that Parker, though clearly knowing of them, had no obligation to broaden his narrative to include such entailments. Still, it’s far from inconsequential to note the political legacy of Turner’s 1831 uprising; in the state that would later serve as the capital of the Confederacy, whites launched a searching debate over the possibility of manumission. Warren quotes Stephen Oates’s The Fires of Jubilee: Nat Turner’s Fierce Rebellion (1975), which notes that “in the western part of the state, where antislavery and anti-Negro sentiment had long been stirring, whites held public rallies in which they openly endorsed emancipation—yes, the liberation of all of Virginia’s 470,000 slaves—as the only safeguard in these dangerous times.”
Of course, those discussions did not succeed in ending slavery in Virginia. However, as Warren notes, “they point to a truth rarely narrated about the South, namely, that it has never been as solidly pro-slavery or even as anti-black as popular imagination has depicted it”; he goes on to cite as a crucial case in point the rise of the interracial Readjuster Party, which wrested electoral power from planter elites and governed Virginia from 1879 to 1883—nearly two decades after the antislavery western counties seceded to form West Virginia.
“I’m not suggesting that Parker should be held responsible for incorporating these events into his story—there’s nothing wrong with keeping his lens trained on the Turner rebellion,” Warren writes. “But I am saying there’s no evidence that, in trying to think about what confronting the past might do for us, Parker ever looked beyond the obvious, both in terms of the story he told and the narrative techniques he employed to tell us.”
The film’s concluding scene drives home this point in unmistakable terms, dissolving away from a weeping black boy observing Turner’s execution into the Union soldier he will become, as if inspired directly by Turner’s sacrifice—sidestepping virtually all the actual history that Glory tries to reckon with.
Warren also contrasts Parker’s vision to the one that animates Gary Ross’s underappreciated 2016 film, Free State of Jones, which was also widely dismissed on its release as just another white-savior narrative. The film’s narrative indeed centered on the character of Newton Knight, a white Mississippi farmer and Confederate deserter who, as Warren notes, “leads an interracial insurgency of runaway slaves and yeoman farmers against the Confederacy and its planter elites in southeastern Mississippi, where for a brief shining moment they establish the Free State of Jones.” Ross traces the surprisingly robust efforts of the Knight insurgency to institutionalize a new, egalitarian regime, and proceeds to chronicle its defeat during the period of Presidential Reconstruction, which restored the Mississippi planter class into power.
Still, just as with the early dismissals of Glory, the caricatures of Free State of Jones as a one-note study in white saviorship bears no resemblance to the film in question and its historically nuanced narrative. For example, Free State includes perhaps the only filmic representation ever of freedpeople’s self-organization via the Union League—a key chapter in early Southern postbellum efforts to create an anti-planter coalition of biracial workers’ parties that the chorus of kneejerk “white savior” dismissals tellingly overlooks. Knight and the members of his insurgency were actual historical figures, and Ross’s narrative is generally faithful to the actual history in which they were embedded and which they made. So, as in Glory, the only way to narrate the story without Knight as the central dramatis persona would be to abandon historical accuracy; doing so would require a fantasy more on the order of Abraham Lincoln: Vampire Hunter, perhaps replacing Lincoln with Frederick Douglass for good measure. (The “white savior” dismissal actually may have reached its apotheosis in the preposterous assertion that neither Lincoln, the Union army, nor Congress ended slavery but, rather, the slaves somehow “freed themselves”—to cite a frequent criticism of another film widely dismissed on white saviorship grounds, Steven Spielberg’s 2012 biopic Lincoln. The political sensibility underlying such an assertion betrays a hostility to institutional politics and the role of government that one would expect to find deep inside a survivalist bunker.)
Waiting for Superman
This year’s blockbuster, Ryan Coogler’s Black Panther, takes the further step of jettisoning history altogether and rendering the narrative of black heroism—in fact Superheroism—in the realm of pure fantasy. Coogler intends the mythical African nation of Wakanda to be black Americans’ “fairy tale version of Africa,” as he told an interviewer for Rolling Stone. “We were kings and queens, and we walked around and ate perfect food, and everyone was free.” Revealingly, the Superhero from which the film (like the comic book from which it is derived) draws its name is a king, and the conflict with his supervillain antagonist is rooted in a struggle over monarchical succession. Everyone was only as free as the king would permit them to be, in other words.
Whatever Coogler’s auteurish intentions to render Black Panther a fable of American black empowerment, its release triggered an all-too-familiar torrent of hype that alchemizes the collective struggle for racial justice into still one more praise song hymning a hyperindividualist hero Challenging Stultifyingly Generic White Oppression and Overcoming It Against All Odds. Literature professor Salamishah Tillet, writing in the New York Times on the film’s release, approvingly quotes Jonathan Gray’s summary of the film’s fan-boy appeal:
Now there you have every black boy’s fantasy. He is richer than Bill Gates, smarter than Elon Musk, better looking than Denzel… He is the hereditary ruler of the richest nation on Earth. The movie is about wish fulfillment. When you see Bruce Wayne, this dashing billionaire, where is the black version of that? You got T’Challa.
On the breathless extreme of the spectrum, commercial imperative and outsized political claims fuse into an indistinguishable unity; phony liberationist calls to respond to obvious marketing and merchandising tie-in ploys—e.g., guides for identifying and purchasing replicas of “African” artifacts and styles displayed in T’Challa’s kingdom and guides for “mapping Wakanda”—urge participation in the commercial hype machine as though it were a form of political engagement. Amid this marketing land rush, the irony scarcely registers that the separatist monarchy of Wakanda was invented by two white men, Stan Lee and Jack Kirbye—a considerable challenge to the race-first rhetoric of white-savior spotters.
Of course, Black Panther did not invent this conflation of Hollywood consumerism with racial uplift; it’s merely cashed in on it. This cynical maneuver has figured prominently in the promotion of a host of politically reactionary films like Waiting for “Superman” (2010), Won’t Back Down (2012), and Beasts of the Southern Wild (2012), each of which sold seeing the film and talking it up to one’s friends as something akin to political movement-building.
Parker’s and Coogler’s films are innovative in one sense, however; they each foreground the specific ideological program that arises out of the anti-historical celebration of individual black heroism. To be sure, their appeal conforms to a general formula of escapist entertainment that’s by no means limited to black cultural expression—the Hero Overcoming Against All Odds. And many black people, both autonomously and with the prod of cultural cues, no doubt derive a particular satisfaction from racial identification with themes and characters—however fleeting such pleasure may be in the frenzied marketing of images and brands in the American omni-entertainment state.
 These race commentators share a body of ideological assumptions and material interests, deeply invested in parsing, interpreting, and administering inequality in terms of racial disparities. Specifically, this genre of critique typically looks to measure and remediate the exclusion of black professionals from traditionally white power elites. Identifying the tacit social agenda embedded in the “white savior narrative” charge brings us to the heart of the matter.
The New Hollywood Shuffle
Dismissals of Glory and Free State of Jones, as well as DuVernay’s explanation for the historical falsifications at play in Selma, may give the impression that the detractors of white saviorship are voicing a populist sensibility, complaining that black people are represented as incapable of effective social action without a white person (usually a man) leading them. And there is ample precedent in the history of popular culture for suspicion in that regard. The Tarzan films are perhaps the crassest and best-known examples; my father often remarked sarcastically that Africans should be grateful for Tarzan’s presence, since otherwise they apparently would all have been eaten by lions and crocodiles. The 1988 film Mississippi Burning incongruously makes FBI agents (white, though does that really matter?) the heroes of the civil rights campaign. Richard Attenborough’s 1987 Cry Freedom describes the struggle against apartheid and the murder of Stephen Biko through the travails of his white friend, the journalist Donald Woods. And there are many more examples; it is in fact the long history of such narratives that makes what might otherwise be simple feel-good stories, presented with an interracial twist—Conrack (1974), Dangerous Minds (1995), and The Blind Side (2009), among many others—something more distasteful and pernicious than just a set of interchangeable thematic variations on the maudlin human-interest narrative of uplift and overcoming.
But “white savior” objections to Glory and Free State are a different matter. Those films hinge largely on the prominence of black agency, which race-first critics apparently deem irrelevant. Their objection is not that blacks’ agency is absent; it is rather about who is represented as leading their efforts. Decisions by blacks to support nonblack candidates or social policies not expressed in race-first terms are interpreted as evidence of flawed, limited, misguided, or otherwise co-opted black agency. The idea that blacks, like everyone else, make their history under conditions not of their own choosing becomes irrelevant, just another instance of insufficient symbolic representation.
The notion that black Americans are political agents just like other Americans, and can forge their own tactical alliances and coalitions to advance their interests in a pluralist political order, is ruled out here on principle. Instead, blacks are imagined as so abject that only extraordinary intervention by committed black leaders has a prayer of producing real change. This pernicious assumption continually subordinates actually existing history to imaginary cultural narratives of individual black heroism and helps drive the intense—and myopic—opposition that many antiracist activists and commentators express to Bernie Sanders, social democracy, and a politics centered on economic inequality and working-class concerns.
Class Is Dismissed
The striking hostility to such a politics within the higher reaches of antiracist activism illustrates the extent to which what bills itself as black politics today is in fact a class politics: it is not interested in the concerns of working people of whatever race or gender. Indeed, a spate of recent media reports have retailed evidence that upper-class black Americans may be experiencing stagnant-to-declining social mobility—which is taken as prima facie evidence of the stubbornly racist cast of the American social order: Even rich professionals like us, elite commentators suggest, are denied the right to secure our own class standing. It is also telling that the study that provoked the media reports—Raj Chetty, et al., “Race and Economic Opportunity in the United States: An Intergenerational Perspective”—rehearses the hoary recommendation that “reducing the intergenerational persistence of the black-white income gap will require policies whose impacts cross neighborhood and class lines and increase upward mobility specifically for black men.” These include “mentoring programs for black boys, efforts to reduce racial bias among whites, or efforts to facilitate social interaction across racial groups within a given area.” That’s pretty thin gruel, warmed over bromides and all too familiar paternalism and no actually redistributive policies at all.
In this context the pronounced animus trained on the figure of the “white savior” emerges as litmus test for the critical role of racial gatekeeper in respectable political discourse. The gatekeeping question has, for more than a century, focused on who speaks for black Americans and determines the “black agenda.” And the status of black leader, spokesperson, or “voice” has always been a direct function of contested class prerogative, dating back a century and more to Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells, and Anna Julia Cooper. Specifically, the gatekeeping function is the obsession of the professional-managerial strata who pursue what Warren has described as “managerial authority over the nation’s Negro problem.” How do “black leaders” become recognized? The answer is the same now as for Washington in the 1890s; recognition as a legitimate black leader, or “voice,” requires ratification by elite opinion-shaping institutions and individuals.
Gatekeeping hasn’t been the exclusive preoccupation of Bookerite conservatives or liberals like Du Bois. Even militant black nationalists and racial separatists like Marcus Garvey and the leaders of the Nation of Islam have pursued validation as black leaders from dominant white elites to support programs of racial “self-help” or uplift. From Black Power to Black Lives Matter, claimants to speak on behalf of the race have courted recognition from the Ford Foundation and other white-dominated nonprofit philanthropies and NGOs. And the emergence of cable news networks and the blogosphere have exponentially expanded the number and types of entities that can anoint race leaders and representative voices.
This new welter of platforms and voices seeking to promulgate and validate the acceptable terms of black leadership has made the category seem all the more beyond question, as black racial voices pop up all over the place all the time. So, for example, the self-proclaimed black voice Tia Oso was brought front and center in the 2015 Netroots Presidential Town Hall featuring Martin O’Malley and Bernie Sanders, where she proclaimed that “black leadership must be foregrounded and central to progressive strategies.” Likewise, the presumed moral authority of race leadership enabled Marissa Johnson and Mara Jacqueline Willaford to prevent Sanders from speaking at a Social Security rally in Seattle—as though the long-term viability of Social Security were not a black issue. The instant recourse to a posture of leadership is how random Black Lives Matter activists and a vast corps of pundits and bloggers are able to issue ex cathedra declarations about which issues are and are not pertinent to black Americans.
Voices in a Political Vacuum
The freelance black leader—and its more recent, superficially more pluralist incarnation, the black “voice”—is a legacy harking back to the era of massive black disfranchisement at the end of the nineteenth century. It also has drawn considerable staying power from the amorphous concept of “race relations,” according to which, in the judgment of historian Michael R. West in his 2006 study The Education of Booker T. Washington, “blacks and whites—or ‘black America’ and ‘white America’—are basic, indivisible units of political interest… The race relations framework appealed to white elites because it sidestepped the troublesome fact of blacks’ constitutional claims to full and equal citizenship by proposing a focus on the evanescent issue of how the ‘races’ relate as an alternative to matters like denial of rights and equal protection under the law.” West also notes that “interests and aspirations of politicians and ministers, workers and businessmen, parents and teachers would no longer be expressed by way of the normal, if potentially messy, institutional channels through which Americans settled their conflicts and competition. Instead, they would be mediated through the good offices of ‘Negro leaders,’ ever mindful of where their mandate comes from and the requirement placed on them as a first principle ‘to cement the friendship of the two races.’ ” The warrant to cement the friendship of the races, of course, meant framing racial comity on terms acceptable to the dominant white elites who ratified claims to black leadership and decided which of those claims were “responsible” or “right-thinking.”
The race-relations mindset also shaped the ideological outlook of racial advocacy and uplift groups like the National Urban League and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Both groups, for example, were hesitant to support labor organization for black workers during the Great Depression since they relied on donations from liberal funders steeped in anti-union sentiments; also, apostles of racial uplift tended to come from a professional-managerial background themselves, again highlighting the extent to which there has always been a class dimension to black politics.
None of this is to suggest that claimants to race leadership even in the Bookerite era were dupes or supplicants who were not sincerely committed “race men” and “race women” in the parlance of the time. Rather, as Warren, West, and others have argued, the stratum of the black population that tended to incubate aspiring race leaders also cohered around views of proper racial agendas—what the “race” needed and how its position in the world could be advanced, i.e., what constituted “uplift”—that also reflected the priorities of philanthropic elites. These mutually dependent groups were likely to share a baseline sense of how American society should be structured—and specifically of how to manage existing class hierarchies so as to better navigate blacks’ place within them. That said, most racial advocates were doubtless more committed than their patrons to the pursuit of full equality of opportunity.
The Revolution Will Be Televised
The terms of this tacit social contract shifted with the victories of the civil rights movement and the cultural insurgencies of the 1960s and 1970s; suddenly, raw racial subordination no longer commanded uncritical assent from the liberal wing of the American power elite. At the same time, though, this civil rights revolution and its aftermath worked to obscure the striking continuity in the underlying socioeconomic dynamics that continue to validate race leaders, spokespersons, or representative voices. The open—or at least public—performance of supplication before powerful elites is no longer necessary or desirable for validation. Indeed, Black Power “militancy” and various cultural-separatist projects aligned with black nationalism supported new claimants’ discourse of authenticity—one that gained wider credence via assertive demands for equal power instead of humble requests for recognition.
On the surface, at least, it now appeared that the essentially dependent relation between white liberal arbiters or power and their black counterparts had morphed into something more radical. And this new assertive liturgy of dependence works to the benefit of both grantors and grantees of political legitimacy and economic largess—players who all shared a stake in projecting an appearance of the anointed’s racial authenticity.
Today, this liturgy is everywhere on display—along with the same power dynamics that sustain it. In academic institutions and programs, op-ed pages, magazines and blogs, and of course cable television newschat programs, we see a steady stream of racial voices and leaders plotting out the permissible boundaries of black authenticity and black leadership values. This surface accord within the charmed circle of soi-disant black leaders reinforces the illusion, just as was the case in the aftermath of the civil rights era, that they have all emerged from the grassroots.
The increasing significance of the corporate newsfotainment industry means that things could scarcely seem otherwise to most casual viewers and audiences. The leading platforms of respectable black discourse—including the various internet platforms that encourage freelance chatter—reinforce the sense that those purporting to express the black point of view arise naturally from within the quasi-mythic “black community.” But of course the immediacy of all these venues, despite their many claims to have vanquished old-guard “gatekeepers” and “legacy media” forums, has rendered the selection processes behind the elevation of this or that leadership “voice” almost completely opaque. Not all points of view can gain a hearing, after all. Terms like “responsible” and “right-thinking” seldom slip into public discussion anymore because they evoke explicit subordination; nevertheless, sporadic calls for recognized black voices to distance themselves from “extremist” or otherwise unacceptable views expressed by other black “voices”—most recently via another predictably vile anti-Semitic utterance from Nation of Islam leader Louis Farrakhan—reveal that such criteria are critical in setting the boundaries of public legitimacy for aspiring black leaders. Another telling instance of the same dynamic ocurred when Keith Ellison, the African American Muslim congressman from Minnesota, sought to chair the Democratic National Committee as a Sanders supporter; here again, the sensible centrist consensus counteroffensive depicted Ellison as simply too fringe and divisive a figure to command authority in the sacred political mainstream.
Alongside the close vetting of respectable black voices in the media mainstream there’s been a prolonged atrophy of popular political mobilization behind issues of economic equity for black Americans. Taken together, these trends have opened a shortcut path to broader public recognition for self-styled race leaders. For more than a decade, it has been common to encounter young people who enter graduate programs in order to prepare for careers as racial voices or “public intellectuals,” hoping to obtain a credential that can procure valuable space on the Huffington Post, the Root, or MSNBC. In the quest for mediagenic legitimacy, some eager race pundits have launched organizations that are barely more than letterhead or résumé entries; these feints are likewise often accompanied by Potemkin-style protest activism, including many of the donor-driven groups aligned with Black Lives Matter, or glorified photo-ops intended to evoke mass agitation. Among this cohort of racial voices, the essential qualification for recognition seems to be inclination to declaim on the intractability of an undifferentiated, ahistorical racism as a fetter on all black Americans’ life chances across the sweep of the nation’s history. As a corollary, they’re required to insist that objection to generic racial disparities constitutes the totality of black political concerns.
Reduced and Abandoned
The politics thus advanced is profoundly race-reductionist, discounting the value of both political agency and the broad pursuit of political alliances within a polity held to be intractably and irredeemably devoted to white supremacy. This fatalistic outlook works seamlessly to reinforce the status of racial voices who emphasize the interests and concerns of a singular racial collectivity. Central to these pundits’ message is the assertion that blacks have it worse, in every socio-cultural context that might be adduced.
This refrain is also consistent in two important ways with the reigning ideology of neoliberal equality. First, the insistence that disparities of racial access to power are the most meaningful forms of inequality strongly reinforces the neoliberal view that inequalities generated by capitalist market forces are natural and lie beyond the scope of intervention. And second, if American racism is an intractable, transhistorical force—indeed, an ontological one, as Ta-Nehisi Coates has characterized it—then it lies beyond structural political intervention. In other words, Coates and other race-firsters diminish the significance of the legislative and other institutional victories won since Emancipation, leaving us with only exhortations to individual conversion and repentance as a program.
This is why, for example, Coates and other proponents of reparations seem unconcerned with the strategic problem of piecing together the kind of interracial popular support necessary to actually prevail on the issue. Such problems do not exist for them because the role of the representative black leader or voice is precisely to function as an alternative to political action. Instead, the order of the day is typically to perform racial authenticity in a way that doubles as an appeal for moral recognition from those with the power to bestow it. Winning anything politically—policies or changes in power relations—is not the point. That is why the jeremiads offered by contemporary racial voices so commonly boil down to calls for “conversations about race” or equally vapid abstractions like “racial reckoning” or “coming to terms with” a history defined by racism.
The black leadership role was always at best an accommodation to disfranchisement, going back to its first modern incarnation with Booker T. Washington and his cohort of racial advocates. It is a politics of elite transaction. That is not in itself necessarily a bad thing—President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “black cabinet,” or Federal Council of Negro Affairs, advised him on matters related to black Americans. But unlike today’s freelance racial voices, they were administration functionaries, and most had standing in racial advocacy, education, labor, and government institutions prior to joining the “cabinet.” The backdoor dealings between King and Johnson during the Selma campaign that DuVernay found too messy to include in her portrait of King’s heroic persona were also part of mundane political maneuvering, the inside-outside game of institutional politics. King and the SCLC, like FDR’s black cabinet, had constituencies that underwrote their standing as representatives of racial interest—which in turn gave them leverage to make political demands and pursue policy agendas. A. Philip Randolph used the March on Washington Movement to pressure President Roosevelt in 1941 to issue “Executive Order 8802,” prohibiting racial discrimination in the national defense industry. Randolph, Bayard Rustin, the Negro American Labor Council, and others organized the 1963 March on Washington as part of an inside-outside strategy to build support for a jobs program and passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.
All this painstaking political effort could not be farther from the careerist pursuits of contemporary racial voices, whose standing depends entirely on the favor of powerful opinion-shaping elites in corporate media and elsewhere. Thus, for example, Touré Neblett and others in MSNBC’s stable were unceremoniously expunged from the lineup of talking heads when the network reconfigured its marketing priorities.  In short order, she and her program vanished without a trace from its schedule. Such incidents, and scores of others like them, make it indelibly clear where the lines of authority run when it comes to winning elite-media recognition as a black voice.
For Their Own Good
The race voices I’ve discussed express a particular class perspective among black Americans, one that harmonizes with left-neoliberal notions of justice and equality. That harmony may help explain why those racial voices—like the black political class in general—are so intent on disparaging the social-democratic politics associated with Bernie Sanders, even though a 2017 Harvard-Harris survey found that Sanders was far more popular with African Americans than with any other demographic category except declared Democrats. He boasted a 73 percent favorable rating among black voters—higher than his approval numbers among Hispanics, Asian-Americans, and considerably higher than those for whites or even 18–34 year-olds.
This disjunction between popular opinion and the priorities of the black chattering class underscores the extent to which the racial programs and priorities advanced by those recognized black voices remain much as they were in the Age of Washington. Now as then, we have a leadership stratum dedicated to the class-skewed pursuit of “managerial authority over the nation’s Negro problem.” And the net effect of this top-down model of black discourse is to tether a politics of racial representation to the ruling-class agendas that generate and intensify inequality and insecurity for working people across American society, including among the ranks of black Americans.
Black Clintonites, like Congressmen John Lewis (D-GA), James Clyburn (D-SC) and Cedric Richmond (D-LA), all clearly displayed this commitment during the 2016 Democratic primaries when they attacked Sanders as “irresponsible” in calling for non-commodified public goods in education, health care, and other areas. Richmond’s rebuke was especially telling in that he couched it in terms of his role as chair of the Congressional Black Caucus and the group’s “responsibility to make sure to know that young people know that” a social-democratic agenda is “too good to be true.” Richmond’s invocation of civic instruction for the young may be revealing in another way. Lurking beneath that piety is the deeply sedimented common sense of underclass ideology, which posits a population mired in pathologies and hemmed in by an overwhelming racism, and the corollary of interventions aiming to enhance capabilities for individual mobility. (It is, indeed, this same tacit rhetoric of permanent crisis that fuels the notion that black young people must be raised on a diet of inspirational movies.)
This vision of unyielding black pathology is yet another testament to the harmony of antiracist and neoliberal ideologies—and it, too, harks directly back to the origins of the black leadership caste at the dawn of the last century. Washington and Du Bois, together with Garvey and other prominent racial nationalists, envisioned their core constituency as a politically mute black population in need of tutelage from their ruling-class-backed leaders. Touré F. Reed persuasively argues that the mildly updated version of this vision now serves as an essential cornerstone of the new black professional-managerial class politics. Underclass mythology grounds professional-class claims to race leadership, while providing the normative foundation of uplift programs directed toward enhancing self-esteem rather than the material redistribution of wealth and income.
Exhortations to celebrate and demand accolades, career opportunities, and material accumulation for black celebrities and rich people—e.g., box office receipts for black filmmakers or contracts and prestigious appointments for other well-positioned black people—as a racial politics are consistent with the sporadic eruptions of “Buy Black” campaigns since the 1920s and 1930s. Such efforts stood out in stark contrast to more working-class based “Don’t Buy Where You Can’t Work” campaigns that demanded employment opportunities in establishments serving black neighborhoods. Like “Buy Black” campaigns, which seem to have risen again from the tomb of petit-bourgeois wishful thinking, projections of successes for the rich and famous as generic racial victories depend on a sleight-of-hand that treats benefits for any black person as benefits for all black people. This brings to mind comedian Chris Rock’s quip that he went to his mailbox every day for two weeks after the not-guilty verdict in the O. J. Simpson murder trial looking for his “O. J. prize,” only to be disappointed.
Pain and Proprietorship
At times, this tendency to absorb the plural into the singular can be strikingly crude and transparently self-interested. The torrent of hostility directed at Rachel Dolezal for having represented herself as black rested on groundless—sometimes entirely made up—claims that she had appropriated jobs, awards, and other honorifics intended for blacks. In addition to the annual contretemps over whether blacks win enough of the most prestigious Oscars, recent racial controversies in the art world illustrate how easily the narrowest guild concerns can masquerade as burning matters of racial justice. The Brooklyn Museum’s hiring of a white person as consulting curator of African art sparked objections that the hire perpetuated “pervasive structures of white supremacy in the art field.” The 2017 furor over the Whitney Biennial’s display of Dana Schutz’s “Open Casket”—inspired by the infamous 1955 photograph of Emmett Till’s brutalized body—reduced to a question of ownership of “black suffering,” or more accurately, of the right to represent and materially benefit from the representation of black suffering. The protesters’ objection, as Walter Benn Michaels put it succinctly, was that “black pain belongs to black artists.”
It’s worth noting that one of the leading critics of the painting and its display was Hannah Black, who contended that “non-black people must accept that they will never embody and cannot understand” the gesture Till’s mother, Mamie, made in insisting on an open-casket funeral. Black, who not only called for the painting to be removed from display, but also offered an “urgent recommendation” that it be destroyed, is a Briton who lives in Berlin. From a different standard of cultural proprietorship, one might argue that Schutz, as an American, has a stronger claim than Black to interpret the Till story. After all, the segregationist Southern order and the struggle against that order, which gave Till’s fate its broader social and political significance, were historically specific moments of a distinctively American experience. In fact, most claims of cultural ownership and charges of appropriation are bogus. While sometimes they provide an instrumental basis for tortious claims, as in pursuit of restitution for Nazi and other imperialists’ looting of artifacts, more often they posit a dead-end conflation of fixed and impermeable racial identity with cultural expression. As Michaels has argued for more than twenty-five years, the discourse of cultural ownership stems from the pluralist mindset that treats “culture” as a key marker of social groups and thereby inscribes it as racial essentialism.
In order to legitimate what Michaels describes as “racial rent-seeking,” a curiously inflexible brand of race-first neoliberalism has taken root in American political discourse, proposing a trickle-down model of racial progress, anchored in the mysticism of organic black community. Against this exoticized backdrop, neoliberal race leaders stage the beguiling fantasy that individual “entrepreneurialism” is the key path to rising above one’s circumstances—i.e., the standard American social myth that obscures the deeper need to combat systemic inequalities. The most tragic, and pathetic, expressions of this faith are the versions of the “gospel of prosperity,” which fuse pop self-realization psychology and a barely recognizable Christianity to exploit desperation and the desire for life with dignity and respect among their black-majority congregations. The false hopes of the prosperity gospel encourage already vulnerable people to fall prey to all sorts of destructive get-rich-quick schemes; they are the “sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions” channeled through a market-idolatrous Protestant psychobabble. Black ministers and other proponents of entrepreneurialist ideology as racial uplift also played a largely unrecognized role in pushing subprime mortgages, and even payday loans, in black communities.
The racial trickle-down success myth is partly a vestige of an earlier era, during which individual black attainments could be seen as testaments to the race’s capacities—and a refutation of the white-sanctioned view of black people as generally inferior. Even then, however, this model of black uplift was enmeshed in the race theory of the time—notably the belief that a race’s capacities were indicated by the accomplishments of its “best” individuals—and it was always inflected with the class perspectives of those who saw themselves as such individuals. The class legacies of this foundational moment in modern black politics may well contribute to the firm insistence among today’s “black voices” that slavery and Jim Crow mark the transcendent truth of black Americans’ experience in the United States—and that an irreducible racism is the source of all manifest racial inequality. That diagnosis certainly masks class asymmetries among black Americans’ circumstances as well as in the remedies proposed to improve them.
Nevertheless, we continue to indulge the politically wrong-headed, counterproductive, and even reactionary features of the “representative black voice” industry in whatever remains of our contemporary public sphere. And we never reckon with the truly disturbing presumption that any black person who can gain access to the public microphone and performs familiar rituals of “blackness” should be recognized as expressing significant racial truths and deserves our attention. This presumption rests on the unexamined premise that blacks share a common, singular mind that is at once radically unknowable to non-blacks and readily downloaded by any random individual setting up shop as a racial voice. And despite what all of our age’s many heroic narratives of individualist race-first triumph may suggest to the casual viewer, that premise is the essence of racism.


Hi,
I'm evaluating EmonCMS for its usage with Openremote. First I've created account on emoncms.org but after few days I'm unable to login into it regardless of using correct password. This pushed me to install emoncms local on my Synology NAS to be able to hack in cases like this. I've followed the linux install steps omitting stuff that already is installed on the NAS (apache and mysql). It seems that almost everything is working except that my installation does not store data feeds. I can see the current feed's value but when I want to see raw data graph then it is empty. For sure something is missing in my install which is not mentioned in the linux installation guide. My guess is that data storage engine is not properly installed/configured. Can you give me hints how can I proceed to solve this problem (I'm programmer so the guide can be quite technical).
I hope to get it solved as emoncms looks very promising and has potential to become a part of my application.
Thank you,
Michal
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Michal,
I've been doing installs like Jira and Confluence on the Synology and it can be hellisch.. However I haven't worked with EmonCMS, but might be able to help...
Can you elaborate a bit more about the Syno you have?
Is it an i386 based or ARM?
Did you bootstrap it?
http://forum.synology.com/wiki/index.php/Overview_on_modifying_the_Synol...
I should have a look at the following:
Pulling custom webpages from the Syno, are you sure that it works?
Try doing a manual POST with Postman and Chrome to the Synology
https://chrome.google.com/webstore/detail/postman-rest-client/fdmmgilgnp...
Are you sure the synology is not redirecting your request url?
Can you see the request coming in on the Apach logs?
Did you try to write "Hello World" with a PHP script into the database table to make sure that PHP persistance is in fact working.
Can you create a simple chart with a dot on the screen ? just to check if there is enough graphical libs available for running EmonCMS
Hope this helps. and in the future I might give this a run on my Syno as well, for now waiting for my first Emon hardware :-)
Keep us posted how you proceed.
Wxll
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Hi Wxll,
I think that I did everything for my syno. After consulting readme.md I discovered that I need timestore. Grab it from git, I've tweaked some paths for Synology to get it through install and finally got adminkey in /var/lib/timestore. This gives
DiskStation> /etc/init.d/timestore status
Timestore is running
but I doubt it as ps does not show it, pidof timestore returns empty string and I see nothing written to /var/lib/timestore - no feeds.
PHP and MySQL is good as I'm running many different applications on my Syno box without problems.
On my feed page I'm unable to change realtime feeds from timestore engine to mysql, after selecting mysql it flips back to timestore.
What I would need now is to know how I can bullet proof that the timestore engine is working, or switch the storing engine to mysql (I don't bother performance and DB size now, my Syno has 15T ;)
Michal
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Sounds you did a good job there so far. I'm lagging experience with it from here on. Sounds like a good idea to check the timestore on a mysql.
Hope you get it running.
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Yes, I've got it running, quite a brute way ;) As I've said, although timestore reported running I did not belived it and decided to use only mysql anyway. I've forced in the feed_model.php that it always uses MYSQL engine. Now feeds data are stored in mysql tables and graphs are working. But this is not solution for 'normal' people ;) They need to wait for a proper Synology port, the best would be as Synology module of course, the same type as phpMyAdmin which is also PHP web aap.
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Aktur, could you please share the edits you made so it runs only on MySQL? Timestore looks nice, but is way to complicated to run on webservers on which you do not have ssh access...
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
What port does timestore run on? is this causing problems on the NAS?
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Nevermind my previous question. It has already been answered by Trystan:
fversteegen: yes, in fact I have just pushed an update today that allows you to change the default_engine to mysql that would allow use of emoncms exactly as before.
I have also added another feed engine called phptimeseries which is much faster than mysql but slower than timestore and without averaging, it also uses the same datafile format as mysql so its just a matter of copying the mysql datafiles. To use phptimeseries you need privileges to create a folder and assign www-data access to it.
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Ok, I have been working on installing timestore, but I keep on getting stuck, What I did is the following (I use /volume1/web as temp dir)
After that everything seems to be working fine, but in the end I do not get a timestore admin key. I think that I need to change the foldernames in install, but do not know to what to change them. Any help appreciated!
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Came across this page looking for tips on getting emoncms running on my Synology NAS with timestore. A few twists and turns along the way but I now have it working with DSM 4.2 on my DS209+II.
If you have built timestore but not sure it is working try running it from the command line:
timestore -a -d -v3
It should produce enough tracing to convince you if things are ok or not.
You may find like I did that everything looks like it should be working but your graphs are empty. DSM has PHP open_basedir set and you need to go into web settings -> PHP settings and add /var/lib/timestore.
I was migrating from initially having used mysql and found the migration process painless (and very slick).
Re: EmonCMS on Synology NAS
Hi..
I got a I686 NAS (DS710+)
When i install timestore i get this error:
1) COMPILE TIMESTORE
==============================
make -C src
make[1]: Entering directory `/volume1/upload/time/timestore/src'
gcc -c -Wall -g -Ilibmicrohttpd-0.9.24/image/include tsdb.c -o tsdb.o
tsdb.c: In function 'tsdb_update_layer':
tsdb.c:285: error: 'NAN' undeclared (first use in this function)
tsdb.c:285: error: (Each undeclared identifier is reported only once
tsdb.c:285: error: for each function it appears in.)
tsdb.c:377: error: 'INFINITY' undeclared (first use in this function)
make[1]: *** [tsdb.o] Error 1
make[1]: Leaving directory `/volume1/upload/time/timestore/src'
make: *** [all] Error 2
==============================
2) TIMESTORE DATA DIRECTORY
==============================
Timestore directory already exists
==============================
3) COPY INIT SCRIPT TO INIT.D DIRECTORY
==============================
Copying init script
install: line 35: can't create /etc/default/timestore: nonexistent directory
install: line 40: update-rc.d: not found
==============================
4) START TIMESTORE
==============================
install: line 46: /etc/init.d/timestore: not found
==============================
5) TIMESTORE ADMINKEY
==============================
cat: /var/lib/timestore/adminkey.txt: No such file or directory
Some one who has made a fix for this ?
BR
Rapzak


origin:http://www.techempower.com/benchmarks/
About the web framworks
The fastest is the H2o whcih builded by C,and It's github pages is https://github.com/h2o/h2o
finished on 2019/4/27Howerver , there is another framework that used for AI,
https://www.h2o.ai/
http://www.pianshen.com/article/1175181446/
http://hao.jobbole.com/h2o/


| Driver Type | Browser Version | Driver Version | Total Tests | Skip | Pass | Fail | Pass Rate | Duration (sec) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| {{this.description}} | {{this.browser}} | {{this.driver}} | {{this.total}} | {{this.skipped}} | {{this.passed}} | {{this.failed}} | {{this.passrate}}% | {{this.duration}} |
| Test passed | |
| Test failed | |
| Test failed, but provided no logged failure message | |
| Test failed, but failure was expected due to browser or driver limitations | |
| Test was skipped and not executed | |
| Test was skipped and not executed, but no reason for skipping was logged |
| Test Name | {{#each browsers}}{{this}} |
{{/each}}
|---|---|
| {{shortName}} | {{{result results ../browsers }}}


Toy Dog Wins Over Crowd Despite Failed Stint at High-Jump Contest
Bandit, a small dog competing at the 73rd annual Huon Show in Huonville, Tasmania, won over the hearts of dozens of eventgoers over the weekend despite his failed attempt at clearing a 0.6-meter jump.
The adorable pooch was allowed two attempts at the jump before the judges ultimately announced the “devastating news” that Bandit was eliminated from the doggie high-jump contest.
Bronte Luce, who filmed and later shared cellphone footage of the event on social media, revealed that another contestant voted off the course was Danny, a blind dog who needed a little help from his handler in order to make it over the bar.
But in the end, it wasn’t all doom and gloom for this contest. There was also a doggo named Gus, who apparently “will do anything” for a stick - even leap atop the jumping block.


KALAKRITI CRAFTS
By LAZY 7
Low Revenue
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Solution
Digital Marketing
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SEO
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Google Adds
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Google
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Pub/Sub
Google Tools
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Google Maps
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Google lens
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Google Pay
Technologies
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Angular
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Firebase
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AMP
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Artificial Intelligence
Technologies
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Angular
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02. Mobile. If you still see this message, the online Help service might be temporarily unavailable. Try to connect again later.
You can pin apps, websites, people, and folders to Start to easily get to what you use most. Tiles and notifications show what’s new, so you can get important info and updates at a glance.
There are lots of ways to get to Start, but here are a few quick ones:
From Start, you don't have to bring up the charms to begin a search—start typing to search for what you want. You can choose results from your apps, files, PC settings, and Bing.
Google Chrome can’t display the webpage because your computer isn’t connected to the Internet.
To move a tile on your Start screen, press and hold the tile you want to move. (If you're using a mouse, click and hold the tile.) Then, drag the tile to where you want to place it.
To resize a tile on your Start screen, press and hold the tile you want to resize. (If you're using a mouse, right-click the tile.) Tap or click Resize, and then choose the size you want.
03. Watch. From Start, you don't have to bring up the charms to begin a search—start typing to search for what you want. You can choose results from your apps, files, PC settings, and Bing.
Swipe in from the right edge of the screen, tap Settings, and then tap Change PC settings. (If you're using a mouse, point to the lower-right corner of the screen, move the mouse pointer up, click Settings, and then click Change PC settings.)
04. TV. Swipe in from the right edge of the screen, tap Settings, and then tap Change PC settings. (If you're using a mouse, point to the lower-right corner of the screen, move the mouse pointer up, click Settings, and then click Change PC settings.)
04. From Start, you don't have to bring up the charms to begin a search—start typing to search for what you want. You can choose results from your apps, files, PC settings, and Bing.


My website
Welcome to my website!Here are some things
Web devlopment
cricket
football
Learning
Favorite Quotes
Here is the Favorite quote
..and another


This function isn't used at the moment but it's purpose is to take the animator object and print
out the log recursively with a second of delay between every new log element is made.
The parameters it takes is the animator object and the rest is different counters.
It is still in the code because it could be used in the future of other developers and it could
help with maintainability.
This function is responsible for adding new text from the log, the arguments are formated and put into the log. Every time it is called it autoscrolls to the bottom of the log.
This function is responsible for making svg that connect the lines. These are the ones that the lines
will start from.
It takes animator and i as arguments, animator is used for adding ids for the svgs and i is for the
indexing of animator.
This function is responsible for making svg that connect the lines. These are the ones that the lines
will end at.
It takes animator and i as arguments, animator is used for adding ids for the svgs and i is for the
indexing of animator.
This function is responsible for making the relations between the different devices in the deployment
diagram. The relations are responsible for making the lines that connect the different devices.
The argument for this function is the animator and it is used for makeFrom and makeTo that is called
in this function.
This function makes the the boxes for the deployment diagram. It uses animator for knowing what to add to the class/box, i is an index for knowing what info to take from the animator and top and left is used for deciding where the boxes will be on the screen.
This function is responsible for making lines between the different devices in the deployment
diagram. It takes the the id of two different svgs and draw a line between the two different svgs.
The argument is used for finding the correct devices too connect with lines.
This function is responsible for parsing the JSON File nodes in its entirety.
It takes two parameters, a JSON Object (this could also be an array) as well as the frame
to append the nodes to.
It is called recursively after each node creation and stops once the parsing is done.
The initial JSON must have at least one "send" node otherwise the function will hang
it takes a string and puts it into an array. It splits the string every times a comma is found.


Yemen govt, southern separatists sign power-sharing deal
RIYADH, Nov 5 — Yemen’s internationally recognised government signed a Saudi-brokered power-sharing deal with southern separatists today, aimed at ending a conflict simmering within the country’s civil war.
“This agreement will open a new period of stability in Yemen. The kingdom of Saudi Arabia stands with you,” Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman said at a signing ceremony in Riyadh aired on state television.
“It’s a joyful day in Saudi as the two sides come together.”
The deal will reportedly see the secessionist Southern Transitional Council (STC) handed a number of ministries, and the government return to the southern city of Aden, according to officials and reports in Saudi media.
The UN special envoy for Yemen, Martin Griffiths, congratulated the two sides on the deal which he said would propel efforts to end the wider civil war that has devastated the country.
“The signing of this agreement is an important step for our collective efforts to advance a peaceful settlement to the conflict in Yemen,” he said in a statement.
“Listening to southern stakeholders is important to the political efforts to achieve peace in the country.”
Security Belt Forces — dominated by the STC — in August took control of Aden, which had served as the beleaguered government’s base since it was ousted from the capital Sanaa by Iran-backed Huthi rebels in 2014.
The clashes between the separatists and government forces, who for years fought on the same side against the Huthis, had raised fears the country could break apart entirely.
The warring factions in recent weeks held indirect talks mediated by Saudi Arabia in the kingdom’s western city of Jeddah, which culminated in the deal signed in Riyadh.
Both Yemen’s President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi and STC leader Aidarous al-Zoubeidi attended the ceremony. — AFP


I am currently a Ph.D. candidate supervised by Prof. Tomoki Toda in Toda Laboratory at the Graduate School of Informatics, Nagoya University. I received M.S. in the Graduate School of Informatics, Nagoya University at March 2021. Prior to studying at N.U., I received B.S. in Computer Science and Information Engineering from National Taiwan University in June 2018.
I work closely with the Institute of Information Science in Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan with advisor Prof. Hsin-Min Wang, since I was a research assistant from July 2017 to March 2019. Form August 2019 to September 2019, I interned at the NTT Communication Science Laboratories, NTT Corporation under the supervision of Prof. Hirokazu Kameoka.
I received the Research Fellowship for Young Scientists (DC1) from Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), which will last from April 2021 to March 2024. I co-organized the Voice Conversion Challenge 2020. I was honored the Best Student Paper Award in the 11th International Symposium on Chinese Spoken Language Processing (ISCSLP), 2018. I am also a reviewer of several journals including IEEE SPL, IEEE/ACM TASLP, Neural Networks, etc.
My research interests include speech processing and machine learning. In particular, I am currently working on voice conversion using deep neural network based models.
I also love street dancing (locking). My team participated in a national dance contest. Check out this video, this video, this video, this video, and this video.
My CV can be downloaded here.
news
| Jun, 2021 | One first-author paper [Dysarthric VC w/ VTN+VAE] was accepted to Interspeech 2021. Also, one paper I co-authored [Relational data selection] was also accepted. |
|---|---|
| Feb, 2021 | I successfully defensed my master’s thesis. Also, I successfully passed the Ph.D. entrance exam, and will become a Ph.D. candidate at the Graduate School of Informatics, Nagoya University. |
| Jan, 2021 | One paper [EMA2S] was accepted to IEEE International Symposium on Circuits and Systems (ISCAS) 2021. |
| Jan, 2021 | Two first-author papers [VQVAE-VC] [BERT-ASR] were accepted to ICASSP 2021. Also, two papers I co-authored [crank] [NonAR seq2seq VC] were also accepted. |
| Jan, 2021 | One journal was accepted to the IEEE/ACM Transactions on Audio, Speech, and Language Processing. The early access version is available now on IEEE Xplore. There is also an arXiv version. |
| Oct, 2020 | Four papers are accepted to the Joint Workshop for the Blizzard Challenge and Voice Conversion Challenge 2020! [Challenge Summary] [Objective Assesement] [Baseline ASR+TTS] [NU entry] |
| Oct, 2020 | The proceeding of the Joint Workshop for the Blizzard Challenge and Voice Conversion Challenge 2020 is online now! |
| Jul, 2020 | The implementation of VTN is open-sourced on ESPnet. |
| Jul, 2020 | One paper [VTN] was accepted to Interspeech 2020. |
| May, 2020 | One journal paper [ASVspoof 2019 database] was accepted to the Computer Speech & Language. |
| Mar, 2020 | I am co-organizing the Voice Conversion Challenge 2020. I developed a seq-to-seq baseline w/ ESPnet. |
| Jan, 2020 | One journal paper [CDVAE-CLS-GAN] was accepted to the IEEE Transactions on Emerging Topics in Computational Intelligence. |


What are web bugs?
These are small objects embedded into a web page, but are not visible. They can also be known as "tags", "tracking bugs", "pixel trackers" or "pixel gifs".
How do web bugs track you?
A simple version of this is a tiny clear image that is the size of a pixel. When a web page with this image loads, it will make a call to a server for the image. This "server call" allows companies to know that someone has loaded the page.
This is very useful to companies that want to learn if readers are opening their the emails they send. When the web beacon loads, companies can tell who opened the email and when.
This system has been abused by spammers who will identify active email accounts by sending emails that include pixel trackers. This is why many email systems will ask if you trust the sender before it displays images.
What is JavaScript?
JavaScript is a programming language for the web. It is supported by most web browsers including Chrome, Firefox, Safari, internet Explorer, Edge, Opera, etc. Most mobile browsers for smart phones support JavaScript too.
How is JavaScript used to track you?
JavaScript is a major tracking tool. A browser will run any JavaScript code
found in the original HTML file or loaded from a URL with
src="name.js" in a script tag. This is heavily used for “analytics” that try to measure
how particular pages are viewed.
JavaScript code can set and retrieve cookies from the site that the
JavaScript itself came from, and can access other information like the
browser’s history of pages visited. It can also monitor the position of your
mouse continuously and report that back to a server, which can infer what
parts of the web page might be interesting or not; it can also monitor places
where you clicked even if they weren’t sensitive areas like links. JavaScript
tracking appears to be increasing.
What is browser fingerprinting?
Browser fingerprint is information collected about a remote computing device for the purpose of identification.
Fingerprints can be used to fully or partially identify individual users or devices even when cookies are turned off.
How is browser fingerprinting used to track you?
Browser fingerprinting uses individual characteristics of your browser to
identify you, often uniquely, without cookies. The combination of operating
system, browser, version, language preference, and installed fonts and plug-
ins provides a lot of distinctive information. Using new facilities in HTML5,
it’s possible to see how an individual browser renders specific character
sequences, using a technique called canvas fingerprinting. Given a handful of
these identifying signals, it’s possible to distinguish and recognize individual
users regardless of their cookie settings. Naturally advertisers and other
organizations would love to have pinpoint identification of individuals
regardless of cookies.
What is GPS?
The Global Positioning System (GPS), originally Navstar GPS, is a satellite-based radionavigation system owned by the United States government and operated by the United States Air Force.
It is a global navigation satellite system that provides geolocation and time information to a GPS receiver anywhere on or near the Earth where there is an unobstructed line of sight to four or more GPS satellites.
How is GPS used to track you?
A GPS-enabled phone, which includes all smartphones, generally knows
where you are to within about 10 meters when you’re outside and can report
your position at any time. Some digital cameras include GPS as well, which
lets them encode the geographic location in each picture they take; this is
called geo-tagging. Newer cameras have Wi-Fi for uploading pictures; there’s
no reason it couldn’t be used for tracking as well.
When tracks like these are collected from multiple sources, they paint a
detailed picture of our activities, interests, finances, associates, and many
other aspects of our lives. In the most benign setting, that information is used
to help advertisers target us more accurately, so we will see advertisements
that we are likely to respond to. But the tracking need not stop there and its
results can be used for much less innocent purposes, including discrimination,
financial loss, identity theft, government surveillance, and even physical
harm.
What is social media?
Social media refers to websites and applications that are designed to allow people to share content quickly, efficiently, and in real-time.
How is social media used to track you?
Geolocation services display their users’ locations on cell phones, which
makes it easy to meet friends in person or to play location-based games.
Targeted advertising can be especially effective when a potential customer’s
physical location is known.
Location privacy —the right to have your location remain private—is
compromised by systems like credit cards, toll payment systems on highways
and public transport, and of course cell phones.  Cell phone apps are the
worst offenders, often requesting access to essentially everything that the
phone knows about you, including call data, physical location, and so on.
Does a flashlight app really need my location, contacts and call log?
What are cookies?
Cookies are small bits of text that are downloaded to your browser as you surf the web. Their purpose is to
carry bits of useful information about your interaction with the website that sets them.
Cookies generally do not contain any information that would identify a person. Usually they contain a string
of text or "unique identifier". This acts like a label. When a website sees the string of text it set in a
cookie, it knows the browser is one it has seen before.
How do cookies track you?
The cookies that appear to cause the most controversy are for managing the advertising you see on a website.
This is particularly the case when websites set a cookie from a separate advertising delivery company. This cookie can record when and where you saw an advert, where in the world you might have been when it happened and whether you clicked on it.
The cookie will send this information to the cookie owner, who records this data and uses it to make sure you don't see the same advert too many times.
If websites choose to pool some of the information this type of cookie collects as part of an ad network, the systems used by advertising delivery companies can create "segments" of browsers that display similar behaviours.
They will use this to try to draw conclusions about what the people behind the browsers might be interested in: "basketball lovers" or "hair product enthusiasts" or "adventure holiday takers", for example. Cookies that do this are known as third-party advertising cookies.
Over time they learn which types of adverts are most effective to these groups and can sell this service to advertisers.


|
Little Heroes
|
Public Member Functions | |
| void | activeBoss (Vector2 newPos) |
| Public Member Functions inherited from LittleHeroes.Enemy | |
| void | OnPhotonPlayerConnected (PhotonPlayer newcomer) |
| void | syncOnConnection (Vector3 position) |
| void | activeEnemy (Vector2 newPos) |
| void | onBulletShot (Vector3 direction) |
| void | sendTargetCoord (Vector3 targetPosition) |
Protected Member Functions | |
| void | Start () |
| void | Init () |
| void | OnTriggerEnter (Collider collider) |
| void | onBossDeath () |
| Protected Member Functions inherited from LittleHeroes.Enemy | |
| void | Start () |
| void | Init () |
| void | OnPhotonSerializeView (PhotonStream stream, PhotonMessageInfo info) |
| void | Update () |
| void | shootBullet () |
| void | OnTriggerEnter (Collider collider) |
| void | onEnemyDeath () |
Additional Inherited Members | |
| Public Attributes inherited from LittleHeroes.Enemy | |
| float | FireRate |
| float | FireForce |
| Protected Attributes inherited from LittleHeroes.Enemy | |
| float | Life |
| GameObject | _bulletPrefab |
| GameObject | _explosionPrefab |
| Vector3 | _lastPositionDetected |
| Vector3 | _realPosition |
| Quaternion | _realRotation |
| bool | _isAgressive |
| float | _lastShot |
| List< GameObject > | _bulletPool |
| Properties inherited from Photon.MonoBehaviour | |
| PhotonView | photonView [get] |
| new PhotonView | networkView [get] |
| void LittleHeroes.Boss.activeBoss | ( | Vector2 | newPos | ) |
|
protected |
|
protected |
|
protected |
|
protected |


We provide you with the newest and the strongest tools to make the work done as it has to be.
Our topography department knows how much precision is important for you, so we do our best to keep you satisfied.
Photogrammetry is not just about images, but also all the process to extract as possible informations as we can from every image using the newest algorithms and technologies.
Land Surveyor
Land Surveyor
Our team work day & night to keep you satisfied with the result of our products.
Do not hesitate to contact them.


---
extends: base.j2
title: About
default_block: content
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Prerequisites
You should be familiar with Ruby and Rails. You should learn Ruby first, because Rails won't make sense without at least a passing knowledge of Ruby. If you try to learn Rails without being familiar with Ruby, it will feel like mysterious black magic and will be difficult to make sense of.
Ruby
Creating Ruby Gems
Ruby on Rails
- Rails For Zombies: This is a great introduction to what Rails can do. No installation of Ruby or Rails is required. Go through Rails For Zombies before going through Rails Tutorial, RailsBridge, or other tutorial sites.
- Rails Tutorial
- RailsBridge
{# You can use Jinja tags in Markdown content also; they get processed
before the content gets to the Markdown filter.
#}


ExamineDirectory()
语法
Result = ExamineDirectory(#Directory, DirectoryName$, Pattern$)概要
Start to examine a directory for listing with the functions NextDirectoryEntry(), DirectoryEntryName() and DirectoryEntryType().
参数
#Directory A number to identify the new directory listing. #PB_Any can be used as a parameter to auto-generate this number. DirectoryName$ The directory to examine. Pattern$ A pattern to filter the returned entries by. For example: A 'Pattern$' like "*.*" or "" will list all the files (and sub-directories) in the directory. A 'Pattern$' like "*.exe" will list only .exe files (and sub-directories ending with .exe if any).
返回值
Returns nonzero if the directory can be enumerated or zero if there was an error. If #PB_Any was used as the #Directory parameter then the generated directory number is returned.
备注
Once the enumeration is done, FinishDirectory() must be called to free the resources associated to the listing.
示例
Directory$ = GetHomeDirectory() ; Lists all files and folder in the home directory If ExamineDirectory(0, Directory$, "*.*") While NextDirectoryEntry(0) If DirectoryEntryType(0) = #PB_DirectoryEntry_File Type$ = "[File] " Size$ = " (Size: " + DirectoryEntrySize(0) + ")" Else Type$ = "[Directory] " Size$ = "" ; A directory doesn't have a size EndIf Debug Type$ + DirectoryEntryName(0) + Size$ Wend FinishDirectory(0) EndIf
参阅
FinishDirectory(), NextDirectoryEntry(), DirectoryEntryType(), DirectoryEntryName(), DirectoryEntrySize(), DirectoryEntryAttributes(), DirectoryEntryDate()
已支持操作系统
所有


FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS
-
How can I create an account in CashTrack?
Click the "Sign up" button in the landing page. You will be directed to the Sign Up page. Fill in
all the details and submit.
Congrats, your account has been created.
-
Is CashTrack safe?
Yes, CashTrack is safe to use. Your account can be accessed only with your username and password.
Take special care not to share your password with ANYONE.
-
How can I enter my transaction details?
Go to the Dashboard. Click on the + / - / transfer button at the bottom right corner. A pop-up appears, asking
the details of your transaction. Enter the details and then, click the "Ok" button.
Congrats, your transaction details has been recorded.
-
Where can I see my transaction history?
Click the "History" option in the Navigation Bar. You will be directed to the History page. There,
you can view the details of all your previous transactions.
-
Can I alter my transaction history?
If you want to update the transaction details, click the pencil icon near the description. Input the
new description and submit. The transaction description will be updated. If you want to delete a transaction, click the
anti clockwise icon corresponding to the transaction that you want to delete. An alert box telling that the action is
irreversible, will appear on the screen. Click the "Ok" button if you want to confirm the action. If you want to clear
the whole transaction history, go to the Settings page from the Navigation Bar. Then, select the "Reset Data" option. All
the transactions will be deleted.
-
Can I delete my account?
Yes. Select the "Settings" option in the Navigation Bar. You will enter the Settings page. Choose
"Delete Account". Your account will be deleted from our database. We shall not hold any of your data after the
deletion process.