Anyone embarking on a study of scholarship in the Third Reich may encounter any combination of strange bedfellows, as a recent event called to our attention. In June 1995, The New York Times reported a story about a prominent German professor of literature who had assumed a false identity in order not to be linked with his past associations with the SS. The branch to which he belonged, the SS-Ahnenerbe (Ancestral Heritage), was a research department that enlisted scholars from a variety of fields to investigate the Germanic race in all of its manifestations. The scholar, Hans Schwerter, alias Hans-Ernst Schneider, faces accusations that he was responsible for supplying medical equipment to be used for experiments on human subjects interned in concentration camps. The eighty-five-year-old professor emeritus and former rector of the Technical College in Aachen concedes that he changed his identity, but insists that his work with the Ahnenerbe focused mainly on folk dances. 1
The Ancestral Heritage branch of the SS has been known to historians for well over twenty years through Michael Kater's painstaking reconstruction of its history and function in the Nazi state. 2 To the casual reader of The New York Times, however, the fact that the SS could simultaneously serve as the headquarters for organized mass murder and a research center for folk music poses a disturbing juxtaposition, and Schneider/ Schwerter's explanation of his activities implies that we are to regard the two activities of the SS as mutually exclusive. A person who could immerse himself in the harmless and esoteric world of folk music could not possibly have any interest in dehumanization, torture, and extermination. But cases of the harmless coexisting with the harmful, or of cultivation in an atmosphere of destruction, complete the list of Third Reich idiosyncrasies that range from individual personalities to entire organizations. We are allowed occasional glimpses of the elusive personality of Hitler as a vegetarian and an avid dog lover, while the quaint, manicured flower gardens gracing the headquarters at Auschwitz are maintained to this day to drive home the irony of their presence.
The gross incongruities of the simultaneous cultivation of beauty, art, and knowledge alongside cruelty, destruction, and indoctrination spread into the realm of music, one of the most prized cultural treasures of Germany, and music scholarship, a discipline in which German scholars had played a leading role from the very beginning. Music had come to be regarded as central to defining the German nation in the era leading up to unification in 1871, preoccupying philosophers and novelists, and persisting as a key component in developing a national identity, especially after the defeat in World War I. 3 The music policy of the Nazi government further promoted art music as Germany's cultural showpiece and cultivated amateur music and music education as a central daily activity, taking more care than its forerunners to sustain orchestras, opera houses, and choral and chamber groups in every town, great and small, and even rescuing private and semiprivate musical operations such as the Bayreuth Festival and the Berlin Philharmonic from total ruin by making them wards of the state. 4 But these measures were not without their own ironies: while stripping Jewish citizens of all rights and possessions, the government also made sure that the Jews had their own outlet for musical expression in the Jewish Culture League (Jüdischer Kulturbund), which allowed Jewish-staffed theater and opera companies, symphony orchestras, cabaret, and numerous choral and chamber music groups to perform Jewish works to Jewish audiences from 1933 to 1941. 5 Even in the concentration camps, bands and orchestras made up of inmates were vigilantly maintained in at least twenty locations, called upon to entertain SS officers stationed there and to drown out the sounds of torture. 6
Music scholarship also received unprecedented state support after Hitler came to power, despite the reputed anti-intellectual foundations of Nazi ideology and policy, and also became an accomplice to acts of racism and exploitation. Musicology had been in many ways a "German discipline," with German-speaking scholars at the forefront of methodological and organizational developments, initiating large-scale research projects, periodicals, and publication series. The Nazi state and party invested much time and money into building up research facilities and employing musicologists, especially in capacities outside the university. In addition to SS-Ahnenerbe support for research, the education ministry revived a dying musicological institute in Bückeburg and expanded and reestablished it in Berlin as the State Institute for German Music Research (Staatliches Institut für deutsche Musikforschung); the propaganda ministry funded musicological projects and employed musicologists as consultants, and the German Labor Front (Deutsche Arbeitsfront) relied on musicologists' collaboration for its education and recreational programs, such as the "Strength through Joy" program (NS-Gemeinschaft Kraft durch Freude). At the same time Alfred Rosenberg, in his watch-dog function as "Deputy to the Führer for the Supervision of the Total Intellectual and Ideological Training and Education of the National Socialist German Workers' Party," enlisted a small army of music scholars to evaluate each others' works, to compile ideologically sound music reference works (such as the Lexikon der Juden in der Musik [Lexicon of Jews in Music], a practical guide for hunting down Jews active in musical life), and to assist in the plundering of Jewish homes and libraries in occupied regions.
Why should this regime, whose primary goals were military expansion, industrial and technological growth, control of public opinion, and racial purification, be so interested in investing in a small, esoteric humanities discipline such as musicology? That the Nazi state paid more attention to musicology than prior regimes might be explained with the same reasons for its investment in music performance: to present a high level of cultural achievement before the critical eye of the outside world. But musicology was still a relatively new field. It lacked influence in universities and among the music public, and it was of little apparent use to the practical needs of the Nazi state. Why did the state and party nevertheless continue to channel resources into detailed research on folk music and music history, even at the height of a costly war?
This issue brings us face to face with the fundamental paradox that has made the Third Reich phenomenon so difficult to penetrate: how do you rationalize the enviable history of Germany as a bastion of intellectual and artistic achievement with the barbarities of the darkest chapter in its history? It is a contradiction that has let so many confrontations with this period lapse into emotionally charged condemnation, on the one hand, and defensiveness, on the other. The fact remains that the Nazi regime allowed the best and the worst of German society to coexist, even within the same organization, and the SS-Ahnenerbe illustrates one such harmonious relationship between the most notorious perpetrators of racial prejudice and genocide and some of the most privileged heirs to the noble German intellectual tradition. The success of this relationship can be explained only by a complex and deeply-rooted interdependence that touches on pragmatism, mutual exploitation, and common long-term goals.
The Nazi government has earned the reputation of an anti-intellectual regime, but most university professionals would have argued that anti-intellectualism was the property of the Weimar Republic. The growing industry-based economy spearheaded by Bismarck was already threatening to diminish the importance of intellectuals as the bearers of culture, and the establishment of the Republic in 1918 was perceived as a direct affront to the university, an institution based on an inherently antidemocratic power structure that concentrated decision making in the hands of a few professors. 7 The majority of the academic elite resisted change and accepted the Republic, if at all, only out of necessity. 8 The Weimar government's attempts at reforms in higher education were met with vehement disapproval: when the Prussian Minister of Culture C. H. Becker, overseeing more than half of the universities in the Reich, tried to reform the curriculum by suggesting remedies for overspecialization and alienation from the needs of the public, he piqued the anger of professors who accused him of promoting marxism, materialism, and positivism, and seeking to undermine German Kultur. 9
Yet musicologists did not fit neatly into the mold of the conservative, antidemocratic Weimar professor. Musicology was still relatively new to the university and was eyed with some mistrust by other academics. The function of the musicologist was also somewhat loosely defined, with trained musicologists finding homes in the university, the conservatory, and journalism. And because the musicology professor was a direct descendent of the practicing music director rather than the music theorists of the Middle Ages, musicology's status in the university remained ambiguous well into the first decades of the twentieth century. 10 Relative novelty and lack of professional definition explain why many of the pioneer scholars failed to rise in the university ranks; why music criticism, as had long been the case, continued to supplement the income of even the most famous university professors; and why professors of musicology could still be practicing musicians and composers without lowering themselves in the eyes of their colleagues. More important, it also explains why musicologists were more flexible in listening to and acting on the demands of the Weimar state to meet the needs of the public, in contrast to the reactionary response of the majority of university professors in older, more firmly entrenched disciplines.
The musicology community, seeing employment options shrink as veterans returned from the front and the German economy weakened, gave serious thought to the general call to emerge from the ivory tower. 11 They aired their concerns about the relevance of their work in the popular press and a growing number of nonacademic specialized journals. 12 Some highlighted musicology's educational function of making the common music lover an educated listener and offered direct suggestions for music education policies. 13 Others recommended that the government pursue programs to make use of the trained musicologist's qualifications: programs to cultivate folk music, organize public concerts in urban centers and smaller towns and villages, and provide lectures and workshops in music appreciation. 14
The musical needs of Weimar Germany were also changing. Military defeat and modernization had intensified longing for lost national pride and nostalgia for simpler times. Rising tensions among social and political factions inspired many to search for ways to bring Germans together: music was widely promoted as holding the key to healing the wounds of a split society and promoting feelings of camaraderie. Amateur organizations such as the German Federation of Workers' Choral Societies (Deutsche Arbeiter Sängerbund) were already demonstrating that choral singing could bring people of all social classes together in a class-blind communal activity. 15 The Youth Movement (Jugendbewegung) made music making one of its central activities, and music education rose to prominence on the government's agenda and enjoyed sweeping reforms in the 1920s. Indeed, by 1931 choral groups could account for the participation of perhaps two million German citizens, and the membership in these groups ignored political and social boundaries. A proliferation of instrumental music making in and outside the home suggests the degree to which music had become part of the daily German fare. 16 In response, musicologists began to take a great interest in amateur music making, an interest that was to continue beyond 1933. The rapidly growing Youth Music Movement (Jugendmusikbewegung) and the revival of private music making (Hausmusik) held a special attraction for musicologists. 17 They encouraged the performance of early music and stimulated demand for early music and folk music editions. 18
This postwar upsurge of musical activity further reinforced the Germans' reputation as the musical nation, the Volk der Musik, and focused more attention on the questions of what made the Germans so musical and what made German music "German." Music lovers and musicologists increasingly turned their attention to the history and nature of German music, partly in response to the public need to understand and reaffirm the identity of Germany as a nation, and partly out of the isolation caused by the war that cut scholars off from international contacts. Wartime travel restrictions had forced music researchers to become acquainted with their own musical resources and to focus on local studies out of economic necessity, and the postwar resentment among colleagues in former enemy countries fueled feelings of nationalist isolation. 19 The founders of major scholarly institutions and periodicals emerging immediately after the war adopted a mission of promoting German scholars and work on German topics, and the record of publications clearly indicates an ever increasing engagement with German music from 1918 to 1945, at least in quantitative terms. 20
Musicology's focus on German music history accompanied an avid interest in German folk music. Folk music had long been regarded as a symbol of German national identity and unity, and a serious interest in German folk music continued to be one of the most powerful signals that musicology could serve the needs of the German nation. The nineteenth-century glorification of folk culture had developed into a large-scale effort to collect and preserve folk music, and the fruits of these labors, housed in archives in Freiburg and Berlin, offered musicologists a potential source for uncovering the mysteries of German musical strength. It was assumed that folk music, unlike art music, was pure and sheltered from foreign influences, especially among the populations of isolated ethnic-German enclaves (Auslandsdeutschtum), who had to struggle to preserve their German folk culture. Scholars worked on the now discredited assumption that folk music was stagnant and therefore could represent the closest approximation to some sort of "ur-German" music.
By the time Hitler came to power, German musicologists had already demonstrated their willingness to use their skills for the needs of the nation, both practical and ideological. Immediately thereafter, the musicological establishment made political gestures to indicate its willingness to work together with the regime. In July 1933 the German Music Society (Deutsche Musikgesellschaft), the scholarly society for musicologists, dismissed the Jewish editor of its journal, officially dissolved itself, and reorganized under the name of Deutsche Gesellschaft für Musikwissenschaft (German Society for Musicology) with a charter based on the National Socialist leadership principle (Führerprinzip). It then offered its services to the state in a letter to the propaganda minister. It later held its first conference in the new Reich at the large music festival in Düsseldorf, the 1938 Reich Music Days (Reichsmusiktage), also home of the notorious exhibit Degenerate Music (Entartete Musik) that vilified alleged Jewish influences in popular and art music. The meeting's central theme was "Music and Race," the title of one session and of the keynote speech by Kiel professor Friedrich Blume. The other sessions centered on popular research areas that were becoming central to musicological scholarship and were deemed important for the needs of the state: "German Music," "German Masters," "State and Music," "Questions for Music Research." 21
The Nazi government, for its part, showed more concern than its forerunners had for the future of musicology. The government had adopted a policy of making room for the next generation (Nachwuchsförderung, or promotion of progeny), encouraging and sometimes forcing older scholars to retire from university posts, and the younger generation responded enthusiastically in the first few years by pledging to commit their work to the service of the German Volk and the Nazi state. 22 The propaganda ministry and other branches of the government and party offered a surprising amount of support to musicologists, especially when their work contributed toward understanding the German musical heritage or cultivating German music in the public arena. They even made provisions for employing some of the overflow of trained musicologists with specially created nonacademic posts. 23 A separate music department in the propaganda ministry sponsored or cosponsored a number of musicological publishing projects: editions of the complete works of Glück and Bruckner, a multivolume collection of German folk songs, and a collection of essays by musicologists who used historical evidence to demonstrate Germany's presence in the musical culture of countries annexed or under occupation by 1944. 24 The propaganda ministry enlisted other musicologists as part-time consultants, 25 and one well-known scholar, Hans Joachim Moser, managed to secure a full-time position in the propaganda ministry with the creation of the Reich Department for Musical Arrangements (Reichsstelle für Musikbearbeitungen), established to furnish the repertoire of opera houses and concert halls with "acceptable" works. 26
The state's grandest gesture of support for musicology was the resurrection of the all-but-defunct Royal Institute for German Music Research (Fürstliches Institut für deutsche Musikforschung) in Bückeburg. The Nazi education minister moved the dying institute to Berlin in 1935, adding on the Berlin folk music archive, the renowned music instrument collection, a number of editing projects and periodicals, and a new department for folk-music research. The Nazi party also had its uses for musicologists' skills, as in the tasks performed for Alfred Rosenberg's watchdog organization for spotting ideological transgressions. The Rosenberg Bureau (Amt Rosenberg) had its own music department, which supported a small number of research and publishing projects and enlisted dozens of musicologists for evaluating works for ideological propriety, supplying data to complete its Lexicon of Jews in Music, and contributing to the Nazi party's planned elite Party University (Hohe Schule der Partei). 27 Rosenberg's wartime operational staff carried out a mission to seize valuable property in occupied territories under the premise of supplying the library of the Party University as well as state libraries and museums, and had a special musical staff (Sonderstab Musik) that engaged musicologists to assess the value of seized items for their potential use for musicological research, sending scholars to Poland, Belgium, France, Holland, and the Baltic states. 28
The SS, in addition to carrying out police terror and the ruthlessly efficient operation of death camps, was a highly complex mass organization. Historians have called it the "SS state," noting its size, complexity, and status as a state within the state, immune to the legal and judicial system of the Reich, free to impose its own physical, mental, and ideological standards for its elite members, to run its own military units, and to develop its own science, education, culture, and rituals. 29 The research unit known as the SS-Ahnenerbe grew out of Himmler's own intellectual aspirations. He had long fancied himself a historian and took a keen interest in furthering a general knowledge of Germanic prehistory. Sharing these goals was Richard Walther Darré, the architect of the "blood and soil" mythology and agrarian policies of the Nazi party and head of the SS Headquarters for Race and Resettlement (Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt/RuSHA); the two supported the amateur historian Hermann Wirth in the formation of the Deutsches Ahnenerbe in 1935. This was to be a "scientific" society dedicated to studying the history of the Germanic race, attached to Darré's RuSHA and funded largely by his agricultural office. 30 Himmler eventually pushed out these cofounders and absorbed the Ahnenerbe into his personal staff, making himself head with limitless powers. He surrounded himself with reputable scholars to run the scientific side of the organization and hired a dedicated assistant, Wolfram Sievers, to oversee administrative matters. 31 The Ahnenerbe strove to be a quintessentially interdisciplinary undertaking, involving natural sciences, social sciences, and humanities disciplines in a collaborative setting to achieve a complete understanding of the Germanic race.
These grand designs of accumulating a comprehensive knowledge of the Germanic race extended into forming a broad conception of "Germanic" music, and musicologists who could demonstrate the appropriate interests were in an especially favorable position to receive financial backing from Himmler's coffers. Such interests included reconstructing the music of prehistoric Germanic tribes, seeking out the essence of German music in both folk and art repertoires, or determining Germanic influences in presumably non-Germanic musical sources such as Gregorian chant. The Ahnenerbe funded research projects, facilitated travel abroad, subsidized book publications, and solicited musicological contributions for its in-house journals. Fritz Bose, a young, ambitious scholar who cultivated a long-term relationship with the SS in the hopes of establishing a position within the organization, took on a wide variety of assignments, all in some way related to the musicological goals of the organization. Bose's first project consisted of a research trip to Finland in the summer of 1936 to evaluate folk music materials. When he reported that their value for understanding prehistoric Nordic culture could be assessed only through comparative studies with the folk music of such regions as Iceland and the Faroe Islands, the Ahnenerbe contacted Wilhelm Heinitz for copies of his recordings of folk music from the Faroe Islands, a part of its larger goal to collect examples from the entire spectrum of German folk music. 32
Bose was also assigned to conduct research on the lur, a bronze-age instrument always found in pairs and so presumed to provide early evidence for the origins of polyphony. In scholarly and popular literature, the lur had become symbolic of the cultural advances of Germanic tribes, and in 1932 the influential amateur musicologist Richard Eichenauer concluded on the basis of such speculation that consonance and the triad must be Germanic inventions. 33 From then on, the instrument represented proof of a Germanic racial trait dictating a preference for consonance and an inborn aversion to "Jewish atonalism." 34 The SS-Ahnenerbe entrusted Bose with the task of researching and reproducing models of the instrument. After commissioning a reproduction of the instrument, Bose went on to refute claims that the lur was not used as a musical instrument or that it was fashioned after an oriental prototype. 35
Other musicologists profited from Ahnenerbe publishing outlets. In its first years leading up to the war, the Ahnenerbe had established three journals (the monthly Germanien, and two journals dedicated to genealogy, Zeitschrift für Namen-forschung and Das Sippenzeichen), its own publishing house in Berlin-Dahlem, and a publication series of monographs in the humanities, and was coproducing several highly-respected scholarly periodicals. After a rejection from the music publisher Bärenreiter, Joseph Müller-Blattau, head of the musicology department in Freiburg, presented his book Germanisches Erbe in deutscher Tonkunst (Germanic Heritage in Musical Compositions) to the Ahnenerbe and won acceptance into its publication series. 36 The study uses examples of folk music, lullabies, and children's songs to reconstruct Germanic prehistoric music and to derive melodic gestures that can be found throughout German art music. Himmler even personally requested that Müller-Blattau be persuaded to work for the organization, but the discovery of his pre-1933 connections to Jews, democrats, and communists, his support of atonality and psychological methods, and his reputation as a political chameleon seem to have worked against him. 37
The scholar who enjoyed the most publishing opportunities from the Ahnenerbe was Hans Joachim Moser. From 1938 through 1940 he was a regular contributor to the periodical Germanien, edited by folklorist Joseph Otto Plaßmann. Moser supplied articles on the history of military music, folk songs, fundamental elements of German music, and the music of lands recently annexed or occupied by German troops. 38 He was skillful in quickly furnishing contributions that would reinforce Germany's military advances with historical evidence of early German musical presence in these regions. In September 1938, the same month as the Munich agreement, Moser offered to write an article on Sudeten-German music history, and by October 1939, one month after the invasion of Poland, Moser had submitted a similar article on Danzig. 39 Two of Moser's Germanien articles, the Sudeten-German essay and another that praised the events of the Anschluss with Austria, were reprinted in the special Ahnenerbe publication celebrating the "homecoming" of Austria and the Sudetenland back into the German Reich. 40 Then, in the spring of 1939, after beginning to write a series of articles on the history of German military songs, Moser took note of the rapid increase in military gains and asked the editor Plaßmann "would you rather have in the meantime a more politically topical essay on the Flemish-Dutch-German musical connection? Also one on the musical culture-bridge to Scandinavia would certainly be feasible" (italics in original). 41 His letter was written shortly after the occupation of Denmark in April 1940 and preceded the offensive on Belgium and Holland by five days.
After the war was in full force, musicological undertakings sponsored by the Ahnenerbe focused more on the immediate tasks of gathering information in territories outside the Reich, where the SS could exercise its special privileges. Only months after the outbreak of the war, Himmler used his position as Reich Commissioner for Securing German Nationhood (Reichskommissar für die Festigung deutschen Volkstums/RFK) to assume control over the seizure of arable land, and in December 1939 he extended this jurisdiction to the seizure of cultural property. Ahnenerbe actions thereafter concentrated on "securing," i.e. seizing, cultural property (a direct violation of the Hague Convention) from Poland, Russia, South Tyrol, and parts of Yugoslavia which supposedly bore relevance for the study of the Germanic race, and setting up facilities for imposing German culture on the "Germanic" countries under occupation (Norway, Holland, Denmark, Belgium). The Ahnenerbe intensified its activities in the humanities more than in the natural sciences in these years, and, owing to the special status of the SS, many of its researchers could carry out their work in some form or another during the war and avoid military service by virtue of Himmler's consecrating their activities as "war essential" (kriegswichtig; DAS, 145).
Most of the music-related wartime projects of the SS-Ahnenerbe concentrated on folk-music research rather than the acquisition of valuable artifacts. While most other Ahnenerbe wartime initiatives concentrated on seizing, assessing, and transporting "Germanic" property into Germany, musicologists tended toward a more literal execution of "preservation" of the "Germanic" heritage, concentrating on recording and transcribing the folk music of the surviving ethnic German communities rather than seizing physical property. 42 Even while some SS officers took the trouble to assess property for its potential value to music scholarship, most of the activity of musicologists themselves focused on field research. 43
Although the war caused the termination of Bose's work in Finland, German military advances opened up research opportunities on other fronts, and the plans to transfer populations created a pressing need to document the folk music of ethnic Germans selected for resettlement. 44 The initial suggestion for an aggressive campaign to collect folk music from ethnic Germans came from the musicologists themselves. Already in February 1940, Fritz Bose was ever vigilant of new opportunities and, within days of the termination of his Finland research, he wrote to Sievers with suggestions for extending the definition of "cultural property" to the performance realm, i.e. recording folk music and folk dances of Volhynian and Baltic ethnic Germans in resettlement camps, and of ethnic Germans in former Poland, Galicia, the Carpathian mountains, and South Tyrol. Bose recommended that the project be carried out as soon as possible, before resettlement disrupted the lives of the subjects; that it become the domain of the Ahnenerbe rather than a university, where it might be neglected; and that he be entrusted with the supervision of the project. 45 But another musicologist, Alfred Quellmalz, had applied to the Ethnic German Liaison Office (Volksdeutsche Mittlestelle) ten days before the date of Bose's letter and, in early March, was able to carry out a similar project in the resettlement camps of the Volhynian and Galician Germans. 46
The involvement of Quellmalz in SS-work led to the most extensive musicological projects under the Ahnenerbe. Quellmalz was head of the folk music department in the State Institute for German Music Research. By employing him full time, the Ahnenerbe forged a mutually beneficial collaboration with the institute and could make full use of its resources. Immediately after the completion of the Volhynian-Galician project, Quellmalz embarked on what was to become the largest musicological venture supported by the Ahnenerbe: the collection of folk materials from the ethnic Germans in South Tyrol. Following a 1939 agreement between Germany and Italy, the German-speaking inhabitants of South Tyrol were given the option to resettle in the German Reich. After an overwhelming majority voted in favor of resettlement, Himmler supervised the transfer and used his position to benefit the Ahnenerbe. His "cultural commission" set about zealously to photograph, transcribe, or otherwise document all cultural property that the Italians would not let out of the country because it was not in the private possession of the settlers. The Ahnenerbe worked so assiduously in documenting Italian possessions that they felt it unwise to let the Italian officials know of the extent of their work. 47
In the end, the recording and transcribing of folk music in South Tyrol lasted from June 1940 until December 1942. By that time, Quellmalz's staff grew to include eight collaborators working on folk songs, instrumental music, folk dances, children's songs and games, and music history. They scoured the entire South Tyrolean countryside, making sound recordings of vocal and instrumental music, photocopies of manuscripts and printed songbooks, transcriptions, and silent films of folk dances, games, plays, and instrumental techniques, as well as photographing their subjects and collecting their biographical data in order to learn more about their racial and sociological composition. 48
The gains for historical musicology from the South Tyrol project were significant as well, yielding the discovery of a wide range of valuable sources in Italian archives. The wealth of available material compelled Quellmalz to request that the Ahnenerbe engage another assistant to document these historical sources. This information would benefit Quellmalz personally, aiding him in the research for his own postdoctoral thesis (the Habilitationsschrift, required of assistant professors for promotion), and allowing him to widen his own sphere of influence into chant research and to gain the services of another assistant working exclusively on that area. 49
Himmler was reputed to have a special interest in Gregorian chant research, and musicologists used that knowledge to try to secure support from the Ahnenerbe for chant projects, particularly if they could use this research to determine Germanic influences. Karl Gustav Fellerer had already pursued that direction in his Deutsche Gregorianik im Frankenreich (German Chant in the Frankish Empire) and his continuing research into the German elements in Gregorian chant in Holland and Flanders; and Ewald Jammers had completed a similar study, Die völkische Zugehörigkeit des gregorianischen Chorals (National Correlation in Gregorian Chant). Quellmalz went to great lengths to try to secure the publication of Jammers's book, intended for a series edited by Friedrich Blume entitled Schriften zur musikalischen Volks- und Rassenkunde (Publications on Musical Nationality and Race Studies), but held up by paper shortages. He sought the intervention of the SS Central Security Office (Sicherheitshauptamt) and the cosponsorship of the Ahnenerbe to push the project through, all under the premise of Himmler's special concern for Gregorian chant. 50
The seemingly mismatched collaboration between musicologists and Himmler's SS operations begins to make sense when we consider some of the practical potential gains for each side. From the perspective of musicologists, the Ahnenerbe offered several attractive opportunities. As a source of research funding, it held many advantages over more conventional sources, since the SS had a special status and could circumvent visa and currency complications often encountered by scholars applying for research trips abroad. 51 Furthermore, in terms of research areas, musicologists were not so restricted as one might think. Such were the experiences of musicologist Johann Schottländer, who successfully appealed to Himmler for travel money for research on ancient Greek notation in Greece, Switzerland, and Italy after the German Research Council (Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft) turned him down, believing his plans to be too ambitious. The SS was willing not only to fund his research, but also to consider publishing his results as part of an Ahnenerbe series. 52
Younger scholars had lived through a difficult period of underemployment and seen the first signs of a turnaround with the stated policy of Nachwuchsförderung and the removal of the small number of Jews who occupied academic posts. For them, the Ahnenerbe was a way of procuring research support, enhancing their publication records, and ultimately linking up with a powerful political influence that could lead to university employment. Fritz Bose, for example, recognized the power of the SS, and tried to harness it toward his advancement. He asked to be employed officially by the SS, but made it clear that he wanted to preserve his university ties by continuing to perform his functions at the Berlin acoustics institute on a voluntary basis, to give lectures, to proceed with his Habilitation, "and--if it please the gods--some day to become a real professor." 53
During the war, the Ahnenerbe was especially attractive for the special privileges the SS offered those under its protection. Scholars could avail themselves of research sources in politically volatile regions inaccessible to other researchers, and in some cases they could continue working in their chosen field while being exempted from military service. Quellmalz justified his prolonged absence from the State Institute to the education ministry by explaining that this was a unique opportunity to collect material and study the culture of a previously inaccessible German enclave, and that the RFK had arranged for his release from military service to continue with the work. 54 Erich Schenk, head of the musicology department in Vienna, saw an opportunity to exploit the SS presence in Italy and proposed a collaboration between his department (along with its existing research center in Florence) and the Ahnenerbe to investigate "Germanic remnants" in Italian music from the sixth century to the sixteenth century. 55 Even though his main research interests and that of his Florence center were the origins of the classical style, he framed his proposal in terms that would appeal to Himmler's Germanic interests. The Ahnenerbe was initially interested, owing to Himmler's "special interest in questions of Gregorian chant," but realized that Schenk wanted only to forge a relationship with the SS to take advantage of its political influence in Italy. 56
From the SS perspective, musicology was important because it promised to realize the SS desire for comprehensiveness. The interest in musicology, in other words, was probably part of a grander scheme to amass total control over German intellectual life, competing with the education ministry, the propaganda ministry, and especially the Rosenberg Bureau. Although prior investigations into the goals of the Ahnenerbe do not explore the musicology connection in detail, many of their conclusions can apply to musicology. Anke Oesterle, relying largely on Kater's work, looked specifically at the relationship between the SS and folklorists to conclude that a prime motivation for SS interest in the humanities was sheer competition with Rosenberg for greater spheres of influence and intellectual prestige. In the course of a few years, the Ahnenerbe gave the appearance of being more flexible and allowing for more intellectual freedom (particularly after Himmler placed its direction in the hands of a renowned scholar, Walter Wüst) in order to attract as many reputable scholars as possible. 57
Yet a mere desire for total control fails to account fully for the SS-musicology bond, particularly when we compare musicologists' activities with those of other humanities scholars in the Ahnenerbe. According to the list of its objectives in occupied areas and in northern Italy, the SS generally sought not only to plunder but also to establish a working relationship with indigenous populations, carrying out the "cultural-political" tasks of fostering cooperation and "educating" ethnic German natives to the National Socialist worldview. But Oesterle's analysis of folklorists indicates that they ignored the "cultural-political" part of their assignment and concentrated on acquiring material objects. Folklorists, in short, used their work in South Tyrol to rationalize their greed for Italian cultural property with alleged scholarly pursuits. 58
Musicologists, by contrast, showed themselves to be far more serious about the "cultural-political" tasks of the venture. Their South Tyrolean campaign involved the feverish collection and documentation of melodies and folk practices. Musicologists came into close contact with the natives and exploited their presence to spread the gospel of Germanization to the South Tyroleans. Quellmalz and Bose lectured on folk music to capacity crowds throughout the region, another staff member led folk dancing courses, and the entire group ran a week-long folk-music retreat in the summer of 1941. It was by virtue of the "national-political" (volkspolitisch) importance of these tasks that Quellmalz was relieved of some of his military service, with the understanding that he could be called upon at any time to carry out SS assignments of "cultural propaganda" in the occupied territories. 59 For the SS, musicologists were more than just diligent scholars who could broaden the scope of the Ahnenerbe and lend intellectual credibility to Himmler's operation. In musicologists the SS found a commitment that extended beyond detailed research into the application of their findings as consultants and administrators in the Germanization of the expanding Reich.
That musicologists demonstrated more commitment to the so-called "national-political" (volkspolitisch) or "cultural-political" (kulturpolitisch) goals of the SS than the folklorists relates back to the special nature of musicology as a newcomer to the academy, preserving its ties to music practice. These differences are revealed most clearly in the approaches to folk-music research, an area in which musicologists demonstrated an emotional investment and a drive to bridge the gap between theory and practice. For many musicologists of this generation, the earliest exposure to folk music was through extracurricular involvement with the Youth Music Movement as leaders and consultants. 60 By some of their later admissions, they had felt restricted by traditional subject areas forced upon them, while the amateur music movement pursued its own agenda. 61 Müller-Blattau, for example, confessed that as a student of the "strict science" of historical musicology before World War I, he was baffled by the gap between scholarship and practice. His experiences as a soldier reawakened in him the importance of communal singing of folk songs for building camaraderie, nostalgia, and patriotism. He and his generation resolved to reform musicology, closing the gap with music making and raising folk music to a respectable subject worthy of study, and the National Socialist revolution finally made this possible. 62
When musicologists grew more interested in folk music, they were inspired by the current movements in amateur music practice as well as their disappointment with existing methodologies. 63 In their view, the nonmusicologists who had dominated folk-song research had neglected the "song" factor, paying far more attention to text than to melody. The scholarly study of folk song had for too long been the exclusive domain of Germanists and later folklorists who subjected their material to strict philological treatment and sterile classification. They had also forgotten the "folk" factor, producing meaningless work because it did not originate in an intimate relationship with the communities producing the music. 64
After 1933, those who outlined the tasks, goals, and achievements of musicology in the new state highlighted the importance of folk music for the entire discipline. 65 The education ministry's establishment of a department of German folk music in the State Institute made it possible to realize the plans to reform the discipline that Müller-Blattau had articulated, by consolidating resources in one location and by indicating the state's support for work in that direction. By the time Kurt Huber (best known as a martyr executed for his involvement with the "White Rose" student resistance movement) became director of the institute's folk music division in March 1937, he had been vocal in promoting a methodology that would reveal the "German folk-soul" (deutsche Volksseele) and would make folk music accessible to the public. The scholar, in his view, bore the responsibility of dictating the "purity" of folk song by weeding out destructive, parasitic obscenities and sentimentalities found in ballads, cabaret, and popular songs. 66 Other musicologists who were simultaneously involved in practical activities followed suit, promoting an "applied" science of folk music research that would involve musicologists in education, adult education, and the everyday music making of state, party, public, and private institutions. 67
The central research facility in Berlin laid the scholarly groundwork for the serious study of German folk music, and the SS-Ahnenerbe provided the means for field research that would allow musicologists to conduct their work along the lines they desired: establishing an intimate relationship with the originating communities, amassing large amounts of material, and ultimately processing that material for the practical use of the growing number of amateur, state, party, and military musical groups.
The significance of folk music as conceived by the SS, it must be noted, had its own peculiar emphasis. While Himmler was known to have a special interest in folk songs, the SS's concerns were part of a larger scheme to define the Germanic race, and the focus on folk music was arrived at only later as the most efficient means toward that end, after investing in such obscure historical projects as the reconstruction of the lur.
Setting out with a vague goal of determining the musical manifestations of the Germanic race, the initial plans for musicological research within the SS centered on forming a research staff to investigate "Nordic" music, a commission that remained unstaffed. 68 In the course of the war, the terminology shifted to concentrate on "Indo-germanic" music, and the SS organizers decided, somewhat arbitrarily, that "only folk music could contribute to this area" (DAS, 194). 69 Himmler appointed Quellmalz, a folk music expert, as the new director of the Research Center for Indo-Germanic/Germanic Music (Forschungsstätte für indogermanisch-deutsche Musik), with plans to extend future folk music research into Scandinavia, Holland, and Belgium. 70 A comprehensive overview of folk music, alleged to be a pure manifestation of Germanic music, would hold the key to compiling a musical picture of the collective Germanic race, and the concentrated effort in the South Tyrolean enclave followed the corollary that ethnic German enclaves had managed to preserve purer manifestations of their Germanness in their efforts to ward off encroaching foreign influences.
Despite the wartime concentration on folk music, the Ahnenerbe did not entirely ignore historical pursuits. As late as 1942 it established a precedent by encouraging research on topics dating earlier than the year 1300. 71 Even projects so seemingly remote from SS aims as Schottländer's work on ancient Greek notation were deemed relevant, for they were part of a process of thoroughly scrutinizing the early history of Europe to detect any traits which could, by any stretch of the imagination, be interpreted as Germanic. The ultimate goal of the SS, after purifying the German population of all undesirable elements, was to create an entire Germanic cult with its own rituals and history, and to draw up a comprehensive plan for the correct education and indoctrination of the racially purified nation. In order to do so, one needed to prove the early existence of such a race and create a history for it. While Himmler developed a cult for the Germanic race, music historians in his employment scrutinized relics for traces of prehistoric music practice, medieval sources for indications of "Germanic" influences among the various versions of Gregorian chant, and folk music for the simple elements of "ur-German music," with the goal of bringing the essence of the Germanic race to life through music. Himmler's fabled interest in Gregorian chant was therefore part of a plan to demonstrate the long existence of a Germanic race through documentation, unlike the more speculative folk-music approach. 72
The SS preoccupation with uncovering and reviving artifacts and rituals of the remote Germanic past can be regarded as a bizarre culmination of the pervasive sentiments of nostalgia and nationalism--both of which had corresponding effects on music practice and music scholarship, and both of which grew out of romanticism and gained momentum after the turn of the century. Postwar Germany was especially consumed by concerns that created a longing for harmony, national unity, and for "simpler" times: the insecurity of living in a society that had been split into dozens of political and social factions, the degradation and loss of national pride following the military defeat, the fears of economic distress, the threat of poverty, and encroaching foreign capitalist interests.
Nostalgia and the glorification of folk culture, a central feature of romanticism, overlapped with the drive toward German unification in 1871 and the creation of a concept of German nationhood. The German Youth Movement then arose around 1900 in response to rapid industrialization of the late nineteenth century, the depersonalized nature of urban-industrial society, and the perceived threat of socialism and the labor movements. Bourgeois youths took to roaming the countryside, conjuring up fantasies of Germany's medieval past, and seeking camaraderie through extracurricular cultural activities. 73 The Youth Music Movement, its musical counterpart, similarly rejected an existing culture dominated by individualism, "art for art's sake," the cult of genius, and public musical institutions that promoted these bourgeois ideals--concerts, operas, and the music profession in general. They searched for an "objective" music that could bond the entire "people's community" (Volksgemeinschaft) and set out to discover a "communal music culture" (Gemeinschaftsmusikkultur) that would exploit the "community-building power of music" (gemeinschaftsbildende Kraft der Musik). 74
Nostalgia and a desire for national unity spread beyond the Youth Music Movement into the growing amateur movement, politics, and the sentiments of musicologists. Scholars such as Schünemann, Gurlitt, Schrade, and Müller-Blattau, to name a few, openly expressed their belief that music could smooth over differences, that communal music making could heal the wounds dividing German society, and that music education was the means toward this end. 75 Many agreed that the music of the nineteenth century had become too subjective and alienated from the Volk, and this alienation could be linked to the many ills of modern society, such as technology and materialism. 76 The time had come for music once again to be in service to the Volk, as it had been in preindustrial times, and its return could be facilitated through the cultivation of folk music and the encouragement of amateur participation. 77
The draw to the past was fueled not only by musicologists' intensive historical training, but also by their utter confusion with regard to trends in music of the present. Even those who made a valiant attempt to come to terms with modern composition found themselves at a loss to comprehend it. 78 By 1933 musicologists seemed to lose interest in the burning issues of modern music, probably because, as the literature indicates, such burning issues had simply been extinguished. While Mersmann had once described Schoenberg's alienation from the public as "the burden of the prophet" and looked forward with anticipation to the creations of Haba and Krenek, by 1932 Moser was dismissing Schoenberg and his school as eccentric zealots whose time had passed. 79
The cooperation between the SS and musicology transcended mutual exploitation for immediate practical gains. This cooperation was founded on a deeper understanding that grew out of the shared goals of the SS, the Nazi state, and the guardians of German Kultur. More than other scholars, however, German musicologists came to be regarded as the guardians of Germany's most prized legacy. In 1939, in a commemorative volume for Hitler's fiftieth birthday, Friedrich Blume described his own field in the following terms: "German musicology has the task of protecting one of the noblest commodities of German culture. Music has always been the most vital and most characteristic expression of the German spirit. . . . The heritage of German music dictates [musicology's] commission." 80
Music had long been regarded as the crowning achievement of the German nation, and musicologists had by this time become so firmly committed to understanding the history and practice of German music, and more recently to discovering "untainted" manifestations in "primitive" folk music, that they could conceivably share in the state's belief that music was "the most German of the arts." For the Nazi state, the full rehabilitation of German identity, severely damaged after World War I, relied on the preservation of musical institutions as well as constant reminders of the history of German musical superiority. For the SS, the establishment of a Germanic cult would similarly rely heavily on music as the purest expression of the Germanic soul and one of the most consistent demonstrations of the strength of Germanic race in the face of adversities. To achieve these ends, the cooperation of musicologists was indispensable.
Pamela M. Potter Associate Professor of Musicology at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, is currently completing a book on musicology and society in the Weimar Republic (forthcoming, Yale University Press).
Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English are the author's.
1. See Alan Cowell, "Professor Unmasked as Former SS Officer," The New York Times, 1 June 1995, sec. A1, 4; and Alan Cowell, "Unmaskings: Is That Herr Professor or Hauptsturmführer?" The New York Times, 4 June 1995, sec. 4, 2.
2. See Michael H. Kater, Das "Ahnenerbe" der SS 1935-1945: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturpolitik des Dritten Reiches, (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1974); hereafter abbreviated DAS.
3. For a discussion of music's role in defining the German nation, see Celia Applegate, "What is German Music? Reflections on the Role of Art in the Creation of a Nation," German Studies Review: Special Issue, German Identity (winter 1992): 21-32; and Sanna Pedersen, "On the Task of the Music Historian: The Myth of the Symphony after Beethoven," Repercussions 2 (fall 1993): 5-30. In 1928, one music historian boasted that despite the war and inflation, Germany had managed to maintain approximately fifty opera houses and "perhaps one hundred fifty orchestras of rank," while world-famous conductors were "rebuilding our value as a nation since 1918" with the richness of free-lance musical offerings in one hundred string quartets, fifty piano trios, twenty-five chamber music groups with winds, at least fifteen oratorio quartets and madrigal groups, smaller vocal groups and countless solo singers--"this," he wrote, "is a fool-proof measurement of the level of German musical culture."  in Hans Joachim Moser, Geschichte der deutschen Musik [Stuttgart: Cotta, 1928], 3: 467, 469-70.)
4. The Wagner cult was in a state of decline after 1926, and Hitler, a long-time admirer of Wagner and frequent guest at Bayreuth, became the chief benefactor of the Bayreuth Festival to keep it alive; see Hubert Kolland, "Wagner-Rezeption im deutschen Faschismus," in Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongreß Bayreuth 1981, eds. Christoph-Hellmut Mahling and Sigrid Weismann (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1984), 501. Each year, Hitler purchased tens of thousands of marks worth of tickets, he contributed RM 50,000 for each new production, and in 1940 he provided for half a million marks to keep the festival running; see Fred K. Prieburg, Musik im NS-Staat (Frankfurt: Fischer, 1982), 307. When Winifred wanted to suspend the festival when the war broke out, Hitler averted its closure by designating it a war festival, opening it up to soldiers and thereby facilitating government subsidies; see Michael Karbaum, Studien zur Geschichte der Bayreuther Festpiele (1876-1976) (Regensburg: Bosse, 1976), 91-93. The Berlin Philharmonic, after more than a decade of financial struggle and failed attempts to come under the protection of the Berlin, Prussian, or Reich governments, finally found a sympathetic ear in the Nazi government, and became a Reich Orchestra (Reichsorchester) in 1933 under the sponsorship of the propaganda minister; see my "The Nazi 'Seizure' of the Berlin Philharmonic, or the Decline of a Bourgeois Musical Institution," in Cultural Policy of the National Socialist Regime, ed. Glenn Cuomo (New York: St. Martin's Press, in press).
5. See Bernd Sponheuer, "Musik aus einer 'kulturellen und physischen Insel': Musik als Überlebensmittel im Jüdischen Kulturbund 1933-1941," in Musik in der Emigration 1933-1945: Vorgeschichte--Vertreibung--Rückwirkung, ed. Horst Weber (Stuttgart: Verlag J. B. Metzler, 1994), 108-35.
6. See Eckhard John, "Musik und Konzentrationslager: Eine Annäherung," Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 48 : 1-36.
7. Fritz Ringer's compelling argument designates Weimar professors as Germany's degenerating "mandarin intellectuals," and describes them as a class that achieved its high social position from educational achievements rather than from inherited land or acquired capital. They reached their peak during the transition between agrarian and industrial economies, at which time they dictated the mission of the nation and state in terms of its intellectual and spiritual life and saw themselves as the spiritual nobility of the nation. This had empowered them to resist any interference from ruling parties and insist on the preservation of the academic freedom and self-government granted to them. See Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), 3-13.
8. The Vernunftrepublikaner (pragmatic Republicans) were a small minority, while the apolitical "silent majority" longed for the glorious days of the Kaiser and resented a system that had grown out of a lost war. They associated the Republic with the current overcrowded universities, a perceived decline in scholarship, and the economic disaster of hyperinflation that accompanied the Republic's early years and reduced their own standard of living; see Helmut Heiber, Universität unterm Hakenkreuz. Teil I: Der Professor im Dritten Reich (Munich: K. G. Saur, 1991), 32, 35-39. Most assumed the persona of the unpolitical intellectual, characterized by Thomas Mann in his essay "Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen": the culture bearers of the German nation who held themselves above the workings of politics, dedicated themselves to scientific objectivity, and defended German Kultur against the invasion of western Zivilisation. See Wolfgang Abendroth, "Die deutschen Professoren und die Weimarer Republik," in Hochschule und Wissenschaft im Dritten Reich, ed. Jörg Tröger (Frankfurt: Campus, 1986), 12, 17-18; and Walter Laqueur, Weimar: A Cultural History 1918-1933 (New York: Putnam, 1974), 188.
9. See Ringer, Decline, 228-9. Becker, himself a university professor, understood the problems inside the university and wanted only to modernize the oligarchy without dismantling it, but the majority of professors saw his suggestions as the unacceptable mixing of scholarship with politics and a reprehensible attempt at "democratizing" the university. One historian argues that Becker's suggestions never came close to undermining academic freedom or self-rule, but universities were so staunchly reactionary as to thwart even those measures that might have improved the functioning of the institution; see Hans Peter Bleuel, Deutschlands Bekenner: Professoren zwischen Kaiserreich und Diktatur (Munich: Scherz, 1968), 162-6.
10. According to Freidrich Blume, the older mathematical study of the science of music had died out in German universities by the eighteenth century, and a new approach evolved from the appointment of the university music director into a systematic training in musicianship in combination with music history. Most of the earliest musicologists either received their training in other humanities disciplines or in practical music, and most universities delayed accepting musicology as an academic discipline. When musicology proved itself a worthy academic pursuit, a split developed between those who remained close to music practice and those who "locked themselves up in ivory towers." In Blume's assessment, this ideological split in the academic community has never been resolved and the role of music in the German university has never been clearly defined. See Friedrich Blume, "Musicology in German Universities," Current Musicology 9 : 52-64.
11. Around the turn of the century, Hermann Kretzschmar advocated that musicology's first responsibility was to music and musicians, not other sciences (Hermann Kretzschmar, Musikalische Zeitfragen [Leipzig: C. F. Peters, 1903], 79), and the pressures of the Weimar era caused musicologists to give new consideration to Kretzschmar's admonition. Most notably, Arnold Schering criticized the growing gulf between contemporary musical scholarship and composition, a product of musicology's tendency to bury itself in the past; see Arnold Schering, "Musikwissenschaft und Kunst der Gegenwart," Bericht über den I. Musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress der Deutschen Musikgesellschaft in Leipzig (Leipzig: Breitkopf und Härtel, 1926), 13-14.
12. Toward the end of World War I, more than sixty new periodicals dedicated to music education, folk music, and amateur music organizations appeared. Even though many did not outlive their first issue, the burgeoning of publishing activity represents a heightened concern with the cultivation of music for and by the public.
13. See Johannes Wolf, "Musikwissenschaft und musikwissenschaftlicher Unterricht," in his Festschrift Hermann Kretzschmar zum 70. Geburtstag (Leipzig: Peters, 1918), 174-9; Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 6 December 1918, 531-3. Georg Schünemann published a history of German music education and concludes with practical suggestions for current times; see Georg Schünemann, Geschichte der deutschen Schulmusik (Leipzig: Kistner und Siegel, 1927). Ernst Bücken edited a collection of essays for music educators and stressed the practical importance of musicology for the education of the musician; see Ernst Bücken, "Die Musikerziehung auf der Universität, Einführung in die Ziele der Musikwissenschaft," in Handbuch der Musikerziehung, ed. Ernst Bücken (Potsdam: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion, 1931), 324-5. Hans Joachim Moser and Hans Albrecht offered practical suggestions for regulating music in elementary schools and private instruction (Hans Joachim Moser, "Zum Musikunterricht und den Volksschulen," Die Musik 20 [June 1928]: 669-70, and Hans Albrecht, "Zur inneren Lage im Privat-Musikunterricht," Die Musik 20 [June 1928]: 671-2).
14. See Mersmann, "Volk und Musik," Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 22 November 1918, 511-3; and Egon Wellesz, "Die sozialen Grundlagen der gegenwärtigen Musikpflege," Der Friede, 18 April 1919, 300-1.
15. The Socialist Party had sponsored recreational organizations as early as the 1890s to promote a workers' culture distinct from that of the bourgeoisie, but the choral groups of the workers' movement gradually became less politically engaged and more musically ambitious as their numbers increased. By 1928, many groups had become virtually indistinguishable from their bourgeois counterparts, and, in an attempt to raise their musical standards, enlisted professional conductors and included middle-class members. See W. L. Guttsman, Workers' Culture in Weimar Germany: Between Tradition and Commitment (New York: Berg, 1990), 4, 61, 155, 158-76.
16. res have been derived from Leo Kestenburg, Jahrbuch der deutschen Musikorganisationen 1931 (Berlin: Max Hesse, 1931).
17. The Youth Music Movement drew many of its ideas from the writings of Ernst Kurth, and musicologists such as Moser and Karl Hasse got caught up in some of its more controversial issues, such as the problems of leadership and criticism of its "pseudoaesthetic"; see Hans Joachim Moser, "Noch ein Wort zur Musikalischen Jugendbewegung," Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 7 May 1926, 381-2, and the response by Karl Hasse, "Zur Frage der Führung in der Jugendmusik," Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 11 June 1926, 527-8. Schünemann declared the need to encourage the revival of private music making not only because this activity had always been responsible for German musical superiority, but also because of its economic benefits for the music industry and the publishing industry; see Georg Schünemann, "Die Lage der Hausmusik," Die Musik 24 (May 1932): 561-4. Eugen Schmitz advocated that private music making should regain the prominence it once enjoyed, despite the difficulties since the war caused by the high prices of musical instruments and printed music. He suggested that cheaper instruments, such as the guitar and the clavichord, be mass produced to replace the more expensive lute and piano, and that the paper shortage be circumvented by state intervention, driving up the prices of "useless" entertainment music and keeping the prices of art music at a minimum; see Eugen Schmitz, "Die Zukunft der Hausmusik," Hochland 17 (May 1920): 254-6.
18. See my "German Musicology and Early Music Performance, 1918- 1933," in Music and Performance during the Weimar Republic, ed. Bryan Gilliam (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 94-106, 195-9.
19. Hermann Abert contended that World War I had contributed to the awareness that there was much to be done in the area of German music: "indeed, the war has confronted us with a whole series of new tasks, especially those of national character, and reminded us that a great deal of neglected work beckons in our own house, work that we had passed over in favor of international relations, not always to the advantage of our national music culture." (The original reads: "ja der Krieg hat uns auch auf diesem Gebiete vor eine ganze Reihe neuer Aufgaben, vor allem nationalen Charakters gestellt, und uns daran erinnert, daß im eigenen Hause noch sehr viel ungetane Arbeit harrt, an der wir früher zugunsten internationaler Beziehungen und nicht immer zum Vorteil unserer nationaler Musikkultur vorübergegangen sind," in "Aufruf zur Gründung der Deutschen Musikgesellschaft," 1 December 1917, Adolf Sandberger Papers, file Ana 431, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Munich.) Hans Engel noted that even in bad economic times, one could always count on support from cities, counties, and communities; see Hans Engel, "Organisationsfragen der Musikwissenschaft," Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft 14 (February 1932): 272-6.
20. See my "The Deutsche Musikgesellschaft, 1918-1938," Journal of Musicological Research 11 : 151-9. A survey of the listings of works on music published annually in the Jahrbuch der Musikbibliothek Peters reveals a heightened concentration on German music history, especially in the 1930s, and the tables of contents of the recognized scholarly journals yield even more striking statistics: the Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, which ran from 1918 to 1925, devoted at least half of its articles to German music history, and in the Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft, studies on Germany tended to outnumber all other studies by at least fifty percent from the 1920-21 volume through the 1932-33 volume.
21. See my "Deutsche Musikgesellschaft," 159-62, 165-72; and my "Wissenschaftler im Zwiespalt: Die Düsseldorfer Tagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Musikwissenschaft 1938," in Entartete Musik: Eine kommentierte Rekonstruktion, eds. Albrecht Dümling and Peter Girth (Düsseldorf: Service-Druck Kleinherne, 1988).
22. In 1933, Heinrich Husmann recommended the establishment of a central agency for the expertise of young scholars to serve the Volk; see Husmann, "Musikkultur und Volksbildung," Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 9 June 1933, 309-10. In 1935, Siegfried Goslich opened a report by a student group with a quote from Hitler and the recognition that "the penetration of the entire life of our Volk with National Socialist ideology has awakened the feeling of obligation to come to terms with the new situation in the younger generation of musicologists." (The original reads: "Die Durchdringung unseres gesamten Volkslebens mit der nationalsozialistischen Weltanschauung hat in der jungen Generation der Musikwissenschaft das Gefühl der Verpflichtung zu einer Auseinandersetzung mit der neuen Gegebenheiten wachgerufen," in Siegfried Goslich, "Studium und Beruf des jungen Musikwissenschaftlers," Die Musik 27 [January 1935]: 283.) Fellerer came up with additional suggestions for the state to use the skills of musicologists, arguing that if musicology is to be bound to the Volk, it must apply itself to practical areas and not leave them open to dilettantes; see Karl Gustav Fellerer, "Praktische Musikwissenschaft," Zeitschrift für Musik 103 (January 1936): 27-31, his "Entrumpelung und Musikwissenschaft," Die Musik 30 (November 1937): 100-1; and his "Historische und systematische Musikwissenschaft," Die Musik 29 (February 1937): 340-3.
23. For example, Alfred Morgenroth, the consultant in charge of musicological affairs in the Reich Music Chamber (the propaganda ministry organization that all cultural professionals were required to join), listed jobs that the ministry could provide for those with musicological training and endorsed a state examination that would open up other career opportunities. See Richard Petzoldt, "Heutige Berufsziele der Musikwissenschaft," Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 10 July 1935, 467-8.
24. The collection of essays was never published and is in the Moser Papers, Musikabteilung, Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, with a provisional title of Die deutsche Musik und ihre Nachbarn.
25. Georg Schünemann, director of the music division of the State Library and Extraordinarius in Berlin from 1939, served simultaneously as director of the German Musical Institute for Foreigners (Deutsches Musikinstitut für Ausländer) under the aegis of the propaganda ministry; see Schünemann to Dekan, 7 July 1938, Schünemann file, Universitätsarchiv Berlin. Siegfried Goslich served in the Reich Music Chamber (Reichsmusikkammer) as a folk music consultant (see file NS 15/189, Bundesarchiv Koblenz), but he was more active in his capacity as music consultant (Musikreferent) in the German Labor Front; he provided a report on its activities to both editions of Wolfgang Stumme, ed., Musik im Volk: Grundfragen der Musikerziehung (Berlin: Vieweg, 1934 and 1939). Gotthold Frotscher also held several consulting positions alongside his appointment to the Berlin musicology faculty, such as musicology consultant in the Central Cultural Bureau (Hauptkulturamt) of the propaganda ministry and music consultant for the Reichsjugendführung (Frotscher file, Berlin Document Center).
26. The prohibition of certain Jewish and foreign works, combined with the increased number of "German" musical establishments resulting from military expansion, had caused the supply of available repertoire to lag behind. The Reichsstelle was to commission new works, especially operettas, and to rework old compositions to render them more "appropriate." See Hans Joachim Moser, "Von der Tätigkeit der Reichsstelle für Musikbearbeitungen," in Jahrbuch der deutschen Musik 1943, ed. Hellmuth von Hase (Berlin: Max Hesse, 1943), 78-82.
27. See "Betrifft: Hauptstelle Musik--Aufgaben und Arbeiten laut Schreiben des Reichsleiters vom 14.5.1940," file NS 15/189, Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
28. For the Rosenberg mission, see Reinhold Bollmus, Das Amt Rosenberg und seine Gegner. Zum Machtkampf im nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftssystem (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1970), 145-51; see also files NS 15/21, NS 15/24, NS 15/99, Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
29. See Karl Dietrich Bracher, The German Dictatorship, trans. Jean Steinberg (New York: Praeger, 1970), 351-2.
30. For a more detailed discussion, see Kater, Das "Ahnenerbe," 17-37.
31. Himmler appointed the highly regarded Munich professor Walther Wüst, whom he named president, and the respectable folklorist Joseph Otto Plaßmann, who edited one of the journals; see Kater, Das "Ahnenerbe," 38-46, 58-65.
32. See Sievers to Reichsführer-SS Persönlicher Stab, 16 February 1940, Bose file, Berlin Document Center; and Ahnenerbe to Heinitz, 14 January 1943, Heinitz file, Berlin Document Center.
33. See Alfred Einstein, Geschichte der Musik (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1922), 14; Moser, Lehrbuch der Musikgeschichte (Berlin: Hesse, 1936), 15; and Richard Eichenauer, Musik und Rasse (Munich: Lehmann, 1937), 74-93.
34. The lur was featured in a special music issue of Alfred Rosenberg's Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte (Georg Karstädt, "Entwicklung und musikalische Bedeutung der altgermanischen Bronzeluren," Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte 12 [July 1941]: 596-604).
35. See Bose to Himmler, 23 February 1937, file NS 21717, Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
36. See Sievers to Wüst, 24 March 1938, Müller-Blattau file, Berlin Document Center; Sievers to Widukind Verlag, 4 April 1938, Müller-Blattau file; and Widukind Verlag to Sievers, 11 April 1938, Müller-Blattau file.
37. See Sievers to Vieweg Verlag, 24 August 1938; and "Betr.: Müller-Blattau," n.d., Müller-Blattau file.
38. See Plaßmann-Moser correspondence, September 1938-June 1940, Moser file.
39. See [Trathnigg] to Moser, 22 September 1938, Moser file; Hans Joachim Moser, "Sudetendeutsche Musik," Germanien 10 (November 1938): 361-8; [Plaßmann] to Moser, 21 October 1939, Moser file; and Hans Joachim Moser, "Aus Danzigs musikalischer Vergangenheit," Germanien 12 (January 1940): 18-23.
40. See Hans Joachim Moser, "Sudetendeutsche Musik," in Deutsches Land kehrt heim: Ostmark und Sudetenland als germanischer Volksboden, eds. J. O. Plaßmann and G. Trathnigg (Berlin: Ahnenerbe-Stiftung, 1939), 128-35; and Hans Joachim Moser, "Österreichs Musik und Musiker," Germanien 11 (April 1939): 161-8, reprinted in Plaßmann and Trathnigg, Deutsches Land kehrt heim, 84-91.
41.  Auch einer über die musikalische Kulturbrücke zu Skandinavien würde durchaus möglich sein" (Moser to Plaßmann, 2 May 1940, Moser file).
42. By contrast, musicologists working with Rosenberg spent most of their energy in plundering as the war progressed.
43. A member of the SS Central Security Office in Poland took notice of a sound archive in Warsaw, and notified Himmler of its existence and its importance for musicological knowledge; see Sicherheitspolizei to Reichsführer SS, August 1940, Quellmalz file, Berlin Document Center.
44. See Sievers to Reichsführer-SS Persönlicher Stab, 16 February 1940, Bose file.
45. See Bose to Sievers, 22 February 1940, Bose file.
46. See Quellmalz to REM, 15 October 1940, Quellmalz file.
47. See Kater, Das "Ahnenerbe," 159-63.
48. See "Bericht über den Abschluß der Arbeiten der Gruppe Volksmusik in der Deutschen Kulturkommission Südtirol," 11 December 1942, file NS 21/220, Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
49. See Quellmalz to Sievers, 25 January 1941, Quellmalz file; and Sievers to Quellmalz, 27 October 1942, Quellmalz file.
50. See Quellmalz to Kallmeyer Verlag, 1 June 1943, Bundesarchiv Koblenz; Quellmalz to Reichssicherheitshauptamt, 12 June 1943, Bundesarchiv Koblenz; and Kallmeyer to Quellmalz, 3 August 1943 and 18 October 1943, Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
51. See Kater, Das Ahnenerbe, 74.
52. See Sievers to Reichsführer-SS Persönlicher Stab, 15 March 1939, Schottländer file, Berlin Document Center; Sievers to Schottländer, 15 March 1939, Schottländer file; and Sievers to Schottländer, 17 April 1939, Schottländer file.
53. See Bose to Weisthor, 26 June 1937, Bundesarchiv Koblenz. He was awaiting approval from the education ministry to teach courses in Musical Race Studies (Musikalische Rassenkunde), and hoped that Himmler might put in a good word for him. The Ahnenerbe considered his request (Weisthor to Wolff, 1 July 1937, Bose file), but decided that, owing to his young age and lack of a Habilitation, he should not be given a full position or benefit from Himmler's intervention on his behalf to the education ministry; see Wüst to Reichsführer-SS Persönlicher Stab, 22 July 1937, Bose file, and Sievers to Galke, 31 May 1938, Bose file.
54. See Quellmalz to Seiffert, 20 February 1941, Quellmalz file. Similarly, Himmler's office impressed upon the education ministry the patriotic importance of the project and the necessity to release Quellmalz from his obligations to the ministry while continuing to pay his regular salary, a condition with which the education ministry was not happy to comply; see RFK to REM and Reichsfinanzministerium, 26 March 1941, Quellmalz file.
55. See Schenk to Sievers, 29 August 1942, Schenk file, Berlin Document Center.
56. The original reads: "Der Reichsführer-SS hat ein besonderes Interesse an den Fragen des gregorianischen Chorals und hat das 'Ahnenerbe' deshalb beauftragt, sich damit zu befassen" (Sievers to Erich Schenk, 7 September 1942, Schenk file; and Sievers to Quellmalz, 2 October 1942, Schenk file). Also see Sievers to Schenk, 26 October 1942, Schenk file; Sievers to Wüst, 18 November 1942, Schenk file; and Schenk to Sievers, 26 November 1942, Schenk file.
57. See Anke Oesterle, "The Office of Ancestral Heritage and Folklore Scholarship," in The Nazification of an Academic Discipline: Folklore in the Third Reich, ed. and trans. James R. Dow and Hannjost Lixfeld (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 205-7, 212, 214, 217.
58. See Oesterle, "The Office of Ancestral Heritage," 211-2, 218, 225-7, 230-2.
59. See "Bericht über den Abschluß der Arbeiten der Gruppe Volksmusik in der Deutschen Kulturkommission Südtirol," 11 December 1942, Bundesarchiv Koblenz; Quellmalz to Seiffert, 20 February 1941, Quellmalz file; Quellmalz to Albrecht, 26 January 1943, Quellmalz file; Quellmalz, "Arbeitsbericht der Abteilung II: Volksmusik, im Staatlichen Institut für Deutsche Musikforschung," 31 March 1944, 8; and Quellmalz to Stumme (Hauptkulturamt), 20 April 1944, Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
60. Joseph Müller-Blattau, Walther Lipphardt, Hans Mersmann, and Wilhelm Ehmann were noted for their active participation in the Youth Music Movement, and as the movement grew, more musicologists began to take part in conferences, performances, retreats and publications. In 1926, a Youth Movement conference featured lectures by Friedrich Blume, Hans Mersmann, Wilibald Gurlitt, and Hans Joachim Moser; in 1927, Moser, Gurlitt, and Heinrich Besseler gave lectures and performances at the national retreat for group leaders in Lichtenthal; and Moser participated in three more such events in 1929. See Die Deutsche Jugendmusikbewegung in Dokumenten ihrer Zeit von den Anfängen bis 1933 (Wolfenbüttel: Möseler, 1980), 168-70, 393, 748, 752, 895, 1009, 1016-8.
61. Kurt Huber, in outlining his plans for the structure of the folk music division of the Staatliches Institut, regarded the development of folk music research as the task of a new generation, referring to the early influence of the Youth Music Movement on that generation of musicologists that inspired them to explore "national music research" when their time came; see Kurt Huber, "Der künftige Aufbau der Volksmusikforschung," in Deutsche Wissenschaft Erziehung und Volksbildung: Amtsblatt des Reichsministeriums für Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung und der Unterrichtsverwaltung der Länder 3 : 127.
62. See Joseph Müller-Blattau, "Gegenwartsfragen der Musikwissenschaft," Musik und Volk 4 (December-January 1936-37): 83-84.
63. See Hans Mersmann, "Gegenwartsfragen der Volksliedkunde," Musik und Volk 3 (June-July 1936): 222-7.
64. See Wolfgang Suppan, "Volksgesang, Volksmusik, Volkstanz," in Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart; and Wolfgang Suppen, Volkslied (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1966), 8-10.
65. See Rudolf Gerber, "Die Aufgaben der Musikwissenschaft im Dritten Reich," Zeitschrift für Musik 102 (June-July 1935): 497- 501; Ernst Bücken, "Aufgaben und Ziele der deutschen Musikwissenschaft," Allgemeine Musikzeitung, 9 February 1938, 66.
66. See Kurt Huber, "Wege und Ziele neuer Volksliedforschung und Volksliedpflege," Deutsche Zeitschrift 48 (August-September 1935); Kurt Huber, "Der Aufbau deutscher Volksliedforschung," Deutsche Musikkultur 1 (June-July 1936): 65-73.
67. See Siegfried Goslich, "Ist alle Volksmusik wertvoll?," Der Musikerzieher 38 (February 1942): 65-67; Siegfried Goslich, "'Volksmusik' als Wertbegriff," Deutsche Musikkultur : 283- 91; Wilhelm Ehmann, "Volksmusik und Musikwissenschaft," Musik in Jugend und Volk 1 (1937-38): 193-6; Gotthold Frotscher, "Aufgabe und Weg der musikalischen Volkskunde," Musik in Jugend und Volk 4 : 66-71; and Alfred Quellmalz, "Die Bedeutung der Volksliedkunde für die Musikerziehung," in Stumme, Musik im Volk, 235-44. Gotthold Frotscher was music consultant for the Reichsjungendführung, Siegfried Goslich was a consultant in the Reichsmusikkammer, Wilhelm Ehmann was the music director and liaison with state and party music activities at the Freiburg university, and Alfred Quellmalz was Huber's successor.
68. The staff was to be called the Research Center for Musicology with Special Attention to Nordic Music (Forschungsstätte für Musikwissenschaft mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Nordischen Musik). Bose's name appears as "Mitarbeiter" (staff member) under a space left blank for the name of a director. The document lists Himmler as "Kurator" (curator) and Wüst as "Präsident" (president), which would place the date of the document no earlier than March 1937 and no later than January 1939; see Kater, Das "Ahnenerbe," 58ff., 91ff.
69. The original reads: "das auf diesem Gebiet allein die Volksmusik einen Beitrag leisten könne" (Sievers memo, 4 February 1942, Captured German Documents § 19, O. 511, Library of Congress; quoted in Kater, Das "Ahnenerbe," 194).
70. See Quellmalz to Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle, 18 January 1944, Bundesarchiv Koblenz; and Quellmalz, "Arbeitsbericht der Abteiling II," Bundesarchiv Koblenz.
71. Sievers offered Schenk the option to embark on a small-scale operation of collecting photocopies of chant sources and sources of Germanic music only up to the end of the thirteenth century; see Sievers to Schenk, 26 October 1942, Schenk file.
72. In his keynote address at the first musicological meeting in the Third Reich, Friedrich Blume singled out the comparative study of Gregorian chant as the best source for isolating specific traits of the Germanic race in music. The speech was published as "Musik und Rasse," Die Musik 30 : 736-48, and Blume then developed it into a lengthier essay and published it as Das Rasseproblem in der Musik. Entwurf zu einer Methodologie musikwissenschaftlicher Rasseforschung (Wolffenbüttel: Kallmeyer, 1939).
73. See Peter Stachura, The German Youth Movement 1900-1945 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1981), 13-21, 54-5; and Walter Laqueur, Young Germany: A History of the German Youth Movement (New York: Basic Books, 1962), 12-14.
74. Dorothea Kolland, Die Jugendmusikbewegung: "Gemeinschaftsmusik"--Theorie und Praxis (Stuttgart: J. B. Metzler, 1979), 12-13, 29-32.
75. See Georg Schünemann, "Gegenwartsfragen der Musikerziehung," Jahrbuch der Musikbibliothek Peters : 25-31; Leo Schrade, "Über das Bildungsethos in der Musikerziehung," Deutsche Tonkünstlerzeitung, 5 July 1931, 157-9; Gurlitt, "Zur heutigen Musikerziehung," Deutsche Tonkünstlerzeitung, 1930; and Müller-Blattau, "Grundsätzliches zur Musikerziehung," Die Musikerziehung 5 (January 1928): 3-12.
76. See Fritz Jöde, "Musik und Volk," Deutsches Volkstum : 139-43; Alfred Orel, "Das Musikschaffen in unserer Zeit," Literarischer Handweiser 62 (October 1925): 1-4; and Hermann Unger, "Volksbildnerische Aufgaben der Musik," Österreichische Rundschau 17 (September 1921): 950-2.
77. See Hans Mersmann, "Volk und Musik"; and Hans Joachim Moser, "Die Stellung der Musik im deutschen Gesitesleben der Gegenwart," Deutsches Musikjahrbuch : 123-6.
78. Schering sadly admitted that the musical meaning of expressionist composition still eluded him and others, and failed to provide the "joy of living" that music always provided (Schering, "Die expressionistische Bewegung in der Musik," in Einführung in die Kunst der Gegenwart [Leipzig: E. A. Seemann, 1919], 161). Hans Mersmann commented on a decline in the emotional content of music even in the works of Strauss and Mahler; see Hans Mersmann, Musik der Gegenwart (Berlin: Julius Brand, 1927), 12-13.
79. See Hans Mersmann, Musik der Gegenwart, 54-55, 62-63. Moser concluded that Schoenberg and his school had now found themselves in a dead end, and their chance to have a lasting impact on musical development had been lost to more promising younger contemporaries and the growth of amateur performance. Krenek, one of the up and coming, had matured from "cacophanist in the good graces of atonality" to show a "fortunate return to 'comprehensible' music." (The original reads: "Gewiß hat Krenek, in seinem 'Orpheus' noch Kakaphonist von Atonalitätsgnaden, seit einigen Jahren einen erfreulichen Rücken zur 'verständlichen' Musik angetreten . . . ," in Hans Joachim Moser, "Die Musik im Gefüge dieser Zeit," Deutsche Rundschau 233 [December 1932]: 185- 6.)
80. The original reads: "Die deutsche Musikwissenschaft hat eines der edelsten Güter der deutschen Kultur zu hüten. Von je ist die Musik eine der lebendigsten und eigenartigsten Prägungen des deutschen Geistes gewesen. Das deutsche Volk hat sich und seinem Schicksal in der Musik seit Jahrhunderten eine 'Siegesallee' großartigster Denkmale gesetzt.  Das Erbe der deutschen Musik diktiert seinen Auftrag" (Friedrich Blume, "Deutsche Musikwissenschaft," in Deutsche Wissenschaften. Dem Führer und Reichskanzler zum 50 Geburtstag [Leipzig: Peters, 1939], 16).


---
layout: post
title: "Social Capital's Ed-Tech Portfolio"
date: 2017-05-19 11:25:00 +0000
tags:
image: https://s3.amazonaws.com/hackedu/2017-03-01-money.jpg
imagecredits: https://www.flickr.com/photos/chrisdlugosz/3403776466
---
In light of the news this week that Marc Mezvinsky is joining Social Capital, I thought I’d detail the investment firm’s ed-tech portfolio. (Yes, that’s the Marc Mezvinsky who is married to Chelsea Clinton.)
Social Capital’s education investments include:
- CreativeLive (online training)
- BetterUp (corporate coaching)
- Guild Education (online career training)
- Apprennet (online learning)
- CommonBond (student loans)
- Schoold (college counseling app)
- Descomplica (online career training)
- NoRedInk (online grammar worksheets)
- AdmitSee (college applications)
- FreshGrade (gradebook)
- GetSet (high school dropout prevention)
- Remind (messaging)
- Uclass (content repository for school districts)
- InstaEdu (tutoring)
- Treehouse (learn-to-code company)
- Lore (learning management system)


{% extends "layout.html" %} {% block title %} HOME {% endblock %} {% block main %}
I am Frank. Try to make a webpage for myself.
Hi, there!
Not yet done!


Sociables
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Chi-Square Difference Testing Using the Satorra-Bentler Scaled Chi-Square with Results from Mplus
I was working on a project for which I need to run around 50 sets of comparisons of nested models. For the non-normal continuous data I was working with, I used the MLR as estimation method. Mplus unfortunately won’t compute the chi-square difference test using MLR chi-square. Following their guide here http://www.statmodel.com/chidiff.shtml, I therefore wrote these functions to automate my analysis. Although these functions were written for my own analysis using MLR, the same functions could also be used for MLM (Satorra-Bentler) and WLSM chi-square. Below is the guide.
Required packages are dplyr, MplusAutomation, plyr.
1. Load these functions into your R: outFile, SumChiSq, diffTestMLR
outFile <- function(test.dir, models = c("lessRestrictive", "restrictive"), list.of.files){
dir.create(test.dir)
new.folder <- paste0(test.dir, models, collapse='')
dir.create(new.folder)
file.copy(list.of.files, new.folder)
}
SumChiSq <- function(diff.dir){
library(plyr)
library(dplyr)
library(MplusAutomation)
allOutput <- readModels(diff.dir, recursive=TRUE)
justSummaries <- do.call("rbind.fill",sapply(allOutput,"[", "summaries"))
justSummaries %>%
select(Filename,
#Observations,
ChiSqM_Value,
ChiSqM_DF, ChiSqM_ScalingCorrection)
}
diffTestMLR <- function(lessRestrictive.dir, restrictive.dir){
lessRestrictive <- SumChiSq(lessRestrictive.dir)
restrictive <- SumChiSq(restrictive.dir)
#Scaled χ2 = (F0c0 - F1c1)(d0 - d1)/(c0d0 - c1d1)
# F0 = The χ2 value from the constrained model.
# F1 = The χ2 value from the freely estimated model.
# c0 = The scaling factor from the constrained model.
# c1 = The scaling factor from the freely estimated model.
# d0 = The degrees of freedom from the constrained model.
# d1 = The degrees of freedom from the freely estimated model.
old_names <- c("Filename", "ChiSqM_Value", "ChiSqM_DF", "ChiSqM_ScalingCorrection")
new_namesf0 <- c("Filename", "F0", "d0", "c0")
new_namesf1 <- c("Filename", "F1", "d1", "c1")
restrictive2 <- restrictive %>%
rename_at(vars(old_names), ~ new_namesf0)
lessRestrictive2 <- lessRestrictive %>%
rename_at(vars(old_names), ~ new_namesf1)
sumChiSq2 <- merge(restrictive2, lessRestrictive2， by="Filename")
sumChiSq2 <- sumChiSq2 %>%
mutate(df = d0 - d1) %>%
mutate(ScaledChiSq = (F0*c0 - F1*c1)*(d0 - d1)/(c0*d0 - c1*d1))
sumChiSq2$p_value <- pchisq(sumChiSq2$ScaledChiSq, sumChiSq2$df, lower.tail=FALSE)
print(list('lessRestrictive:' = lessRestrictive, 'restrictive:' = restrictive, 'diffTestMLR:' = sumChiSq2))
}
2. Example
What you need to do first is specifying a test directory, the list of files for your nested models, and model type (restrictive or less restrictive). outFile will create a directory for the difftest, copy the Mplus outputs to the specific model type directories you choose.
test.dir <- './diffTest/'
list.of.files1 <- c("./MplusCode/STEP1/tap3/tap3.out", "./MplusCode/STEP1/vlmta3/vlmta3.out")
outFile(test.dir, "lessRestrictive", list.of.files1)
test.dir <- './diffTest/'
list.of.files2 <- c("./MplusCode/STEP2/tap3/tap3.out", "./MplusCode/STEP2/vlmta3/vlmta3.out")
outFile(test.dir, "restrictive", list.of.files2)
SumChiSq will output the chi-square statistics under the diff test directory
diffTestMLR will output the diff test results when restrictive models and less restrictive models are specified. You could skip the outFile, use diffTestMLR function directly if you don’t have many comparisons.
For example:
lessRestrictive.dir <- './diffTest/lessRestrictive'
restrictive.dir <- './diffTest/Restrictive'
diffTestMLR(lessRestrictive.dir, restrictive.dir)
## Reading model: ./diffTest/lessRestrictive/tap3.out
## Reading model: ./diffTest/lessRestrictive/vlmta3.out
## Reading model: ./diffTest/Restrictive/tap3.out
## Reading model: ./diffTest/Restrictive/vlmta3.out
## $`lessRestrictive:`
## Filename ChiSqM_Value ChiSqM_DF ChiSqM_ScalingCorrection
## 1 tap3.out 4.037 6 1.1284
## 2 vlmta3.out 3.985 6 1.2297
##
## $`restrictive:`
## Filename ChiSqM_Value ChiSqM_DF ChiSqM_ScalingCorrection
## 1 tap3.out 4.713 8 1.0955
## 2 vlmta3.out 4.237 8 1.1661
##
## $`diffTestMLR:`
## Filename F0 d0 c0 F1 d1 c1 df ScaledChiSq p_value
## 1 tap3.out 4.713 8 1.0955 4.037 6 1.1284 2 0.60969171 0.7372370
## 2 vlmta3.out 4.237 8 1.1661 3.985 6 1.2297 2 0.04143464 0.9794958


My name is Grif, and I live in Boston with my partner Katherine. What else?
- I serve as the executive director at Peer 2 Peer University.
- I co-organized Whose University Is It?
- I am a former fellow at the Berkman Klein Center.
- I am keeping a newsletter in 2020 called But It Is Known.


Interfaces
NewField
RecordAccepter
RecordFilter
RecordFilterAppender
RecordFilterChain
RecordFilterValidatorAppender
RecordPipelineAppender
RecordReader
RecordReaderFactory
RecordStreamBuilder
RecordWriter
RecordWriterFactory
Restriction
UnmatchedRecord |


This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsizeThis pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
testing
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
This pane limited to a range of 100 to 300 pixels wide with the minAsize / maxAsize properties of the plugin..
testing
testing
testing
testing
testing
testing
testing


These select one of 26 modulation sources for the amplitude of the {_sweep} generators. The "+" and "\-" lever options use only one side of the lever.
The "delay" choices use a dedicated delay envelope generator, so that one doesn't have to waste a full-featured {_envelope} on this simple function. The delay envelope goes from \-1 {_unit} when the key is pressed to +1 unit after the delay time, and then stays there until the next key press. However, the negative side is chopped off, so there is no sweep for the first half of the delay time.
The "pitch" choice is primarily useful with a low mod depth, so that the amplitude doesn't start at \-1 and go through zero, but instead starts at some low positive value and rises to 1, for a more subtle variation across the keyboard. A negative mod depth causes it to vary in the opposite direction.
These are contained in the {Sweep_amplitude_cluster Sweep amplitude clusters} within the {Sweep_section}.
These are contained in the SWEEP section of the right panel, under the following parameter number:
| {sw-12.png height=48} |
These appear in the display as Swp Ampl Mod Select.
These are accessed via the following {_NRPN NRPNs}:
| A | 1,9 | |
| B | 2,9 |
| MIDI | display | ||
| 0 | +lever 1 | (default) | |
| 1 | +lever 2 | ||
| 2 | lever 1 | ||
| 3 | lever 2 | ||
| 4 | \-lever 1 | ||
| 5 | \-lever 2 | ||
| 6 | pedal 1 | ||
| 7 | pedal 2 | ||
| 8 | \+pedal 1 | (bipolar pedal only) | |
| 9 | \+pedal 2 | (bipolar pedal only) | |
| 10 | \-pedal 1 | (bipolar pedal only) | |
| 11 | \-pedal 2 | (bipolar pedal only) | |
| 12 | ribbon | ||
| 13 | pitch | ||
| 14 | velocity | ||
| 15 | pressure | ||
| 16 | envelope 1A | ||
| 17 | envelope 2A | ||
| 18 | envelope 1B | ||
| 19 | envelope 2B | ||
| 20 | 850ms delay | ||
| 21 | 1.3s delay | ||
| 22 | 2.6s delay | ||
| 23 | 3.8s delay | ||
| 24 | 5.1s delay | ||
| 25 | 6.4s delay |


Adelaide is the capital of South Australia and lies approximately 400nm north west of Melbourne.
Position 34°47′27″S,138°27′31″E (river entrance)
To clear in at Adelaide, contact the Outer Harbour control tower on VHF Ch 16 and proceed to a berth as instructed.
For full details of clearance requirements, see Australia/Formalities.
Last updated January 2014.
There are several marinas here, as well as three yacht clubs. Some in the Outer Harbour and other up the river, in the Inner Harbour. They all lie about 5 miles(8km) north of the city centre.
The North Haven Harbour, which houses several marinas, lies half a mile south of the Outer Harbour entrance.
Glenelg lies about 3 miles south west of the centre of the city.
There is also a marina 40 miles south of the city at the Wirrina Cove Resort, but it is not possible to clear in here.
Last updated January 2014.


You can now swap your old SIFT for cheaper to transfer SIFT and trade it fee-free at Zapple.
Read MoreThere is a trading update once per day. Only closed trades are reported.
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If you'd like to get in contact with us directly you can e-mail<EMAIL_ADDRESS>If you'd like to hear more from us then please take a moment to subscribe to our newsletter. We promise we won't fill your inbox with messages but due to the anonymity of the blockchain we cannot directly reach SIFT-holders other than through social media, forums, our website and our newsletter. Any major updates, information about dividend payments and upcoming votes will be sent to our mailing list.