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In an adverbial complex sentence the subordinate clause denotes some one of the following adverbial relations: purpose (2193), cause (2240), result (2249), condition (2280), concession (2369), time (2383), comparison (2462).
An adverbial sentence is introduced by a relative conjunction denoting purpose, cause, result, etc.
Final clauses denote purpose and are introduced by ἵνα, ὅπως, ὡς in order that, that (Lat. ut); negative ἵνα μή, ὅπως μή, ὡς μή, and μή alone, lest (Lat. ne).
a. Also by ὄφρα , strictly while, until, in Epic and Lyric; and ἕως in Epic (2418). ἵνα is the chief final conjunction in Aristophanes, Herodotus, Plato, and the orators. It is the only purely final conjunction in that it does not limit the idea of purpose by the idea of time (like ὄφρα and ἕως), or of manner (like ὅπως and ὡς); and therefore never takes ἄν (κέν), since the purpose is regarded as free from all conditions (2201 b). ὅπως is the chief final conjunction in Thucydides, and in Xenophon (slightly more common than ἵνα). ὡς often shows the original meaning in which way, how, as (cp. 2578, 2989). It is rare in prose, except in Xenophon, and does not occur on inscriptions; rare in Aristophanes, but common in tragedy, especially in Euripides. μή is very rare in prose, except in Xenophon and Plato ( μὴ οὐ is very rare in Homer and in Attic: X. M. 2.2.14).
b. In order that no one is ἵνα (etc.) μηδείς or μή τις, in order that . . . never is ἵνα (etc.) μήποτε or μή ποτε, and in order that . . . not is μηδέ after μή.
Final clauses were developed from original coördination.
bury me with all speed; let me pass the gates of Hadesθάπτε με ὅττι τάχιστα· πύλᾱς Ἀίδᾱο περήσω
and I entreat thee by the gods | do not forsake usκαί σε πρὸς . . . θεῶν ἱκνοῦμαι μὴ προδοὺς ἡμᾶς γένῃ
A final clause stands in apposition to τούτου ἕνεκα or διὰ τοῦτο expressed or understood. Thus, ἐκκλησίᾱν τούτου ἕνεκα ξυνήγαγον ὅπως ὑπομνήσω I have convened an assembly for this reason that I may remind you T. 2.60. Here τούτου ἕνεκα might be omitted.
The verb of a final clause stands in the subjunctive after an introductory primary tense, in the optative (sometimes in the subjunctive, 2197) after a secondary tense.
γράφω ἵνα ἐκμάθῃς I write (on this account) that you may learn.
γράφω ἵνα μὴ ἐκμάθῃς I write (on this account) that you may not learn.
ἔγραψα ἵνα ἐκμάθοις (or ἐκμάθῃς) I wrote (on this account) that you might learn.
ἔγραψα ἵνα μὴ ἐκμάθοις (or ἐκμάθῃς) I wrote (on this account) that you might not learn.
remain behind that we may consider your case alsoκατάμενε ἵνα καὶ περὶ σοῦ βουλευσώμεθα
a king is chosen, not that he may care for his own interest however nobly, but that those who choose him may prosper through himβασιλεὺς αἱρεῖται οὐχ ἵνα ἑαυτοῦ καλῶς ἐπιμελῆται, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα καὶ οι᾽ ἑλόμενοι δι᾽ αὐτὸν εὖ πρά̄ττωσι
you call in physicians in order that he may not dieπαρακαλεῖς ἰ̄ᾱτροὺς ὅπως μὴ ἀποθάνῃ
he sent guards along in order that they might guard him from the rough parts of the countryὅπως ἀπὸ τῶν δυσχωριῶν φυλάττοιεν αὐτόν
and with these words on his lips he stood up in order that what was needful might not be delayed but be done at onceκαὶ ἅμα ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀνέστη ὡς μὴ μέλλοιτο ἀλλὰ περαίνοιτο τὰ δέοντα
haste not to be rich lest thou soon become poorμὴ σπεῦδε πλουτεῖν μὴ ταχὺς πένης γε´νῃ
After a secondary tense, the subjunctive may be used in place of the optative.
a. In the narration of past events, the subjunctive sets forth a person's previous purpose in the form in which he conceived his purpose. Thus (τὰ πλοῖα) Ἀβροκόμᾱς . . . κατέκαυσεν ἵνα μὴ Κῦρος διαβῇ Abrocomas burned the boats in order that Cyrus might (may) not cross X. A. 1.4.18. Here the thought of A. was ‘I will burn the boats that Cyrus may not cross’ (ἵνα μὴ διαβῇ), and is given in a kind of quotation.
N.—Thucydides and Herodotus prefer this vivid subjunctive; the poets, Plato, and Xenophon, the optative. In Demosthenes, the subjunctive and optative are equally common.
b. When the purpose (or its effect) is represented as still continuing in the present. See the example in 2195. This use is closely connected with a.
c. After τί οὐ, τί οὖν οὐ, and the aorist indicative: τί οὖν οὐχὶ τὰ μὲν τείχη φυλακῇ ἐχυρὰ ἐποιήσαμεν ὅπως ἄν (2201) σοι σᾶ ᾖ κτλ.; why then do we not make your walls strong by a garrison that they may be safe for you, etc.? X. C. 5.4.37. Here the sentence with ἐποιήσαμεν is practically equivalent to one with ποιήσωμεν.
The alternative construction of final clauses with subjunctive or optative is that of implicit indirect discourse (2622). The subjunctive is always possible instead of the optative. Observe that the subjunctive for the optative is relatively past, since the leading verb is past.
After a secondary tense both subjunctive and optative may be used in the same sentence.
ναῦς οἱ Κορίνθιοι . . . ἐπλήρουν ὅπως ναυμαχίᾱς τε ἀποπειρἁ̄σωσι . . ., καὶ τὰ̄ς ὁλκάδας αὐτῶν ἦσσον οι<*> ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ Ἀθηναῖοι κωλύ̄οιεν ἀπαίρειν the Corinthians manned . . . ships both to try a naval battle and that the Athenians at Naupactus might be less able to prevent their transports from putting out to sea T. 7.17.
a. In some cases, especially when the subjunctive precedes, the subjunctive may express the immediate purpose, the realization of which is expected; while the optative expresses the less immediate purpose conceived as a consequence of the action of the subjunctive or as a mere possibility.
The optative is very rare after a primary tense except when that tense implies a reference to the past as well as to the present.
they have gone away that they might not suffer punishmentοἴχονται ἵνα μὴ δοῖεν δίκην
ὅπως with the subjunctive sometimes takes ἄν in positive clauses.
tell me now this very thing, that I may learnτοῦτ᾽ αὐτὸ νῦν δίδασχ᾽, ὅπως ἂν ἐκμάθω
you will guide us in order that we may knowἄξεις ἡμᾶς ὅπως ἂν εἰδῶμεν
a. ὡς and ὄφρα with ἄν or κέ occur in poetry, especially in Homer. ὡς ἄν (first in Aeschylus) is very rare in Attic prose, but occurs eight times in Xenophon; as
but that you may learn, hear me in turnὡς δ᾽ ἂν μάθῃς . . ., ἀντάκουσον
b. ἄν (κέ) does not appreciably affect the meaning. Originally these particles seem to have had a limiting and conditional force (1762): ὡς ἄν in whatever way, that so (cp. so = in order that so) as in “Teach me to die that so I may Rise glorious at the awful day” (Bishop Ken), and cp. ὡς with ὅτῳ τρόπῳ in
I came to the Pythian shrine that I might learn in what way I might avenge my fatherἱ̄κόμην τὸ Πῡθικὸν μαντεῖον, ὡς μάθοιμ᾽ ὅτῳ τρόπῳ πατρὶ δίκᾱς ἀροίμην
ὡς ἄν and ὅπως ἄν with the optative occur very rarely in Attic prose (in Xenophon especially), and more frequently after secondary than after primary tenses.
he gave money to Antalcidas in order that, if a fleet were manned, the Athenians might be more disposed to peaceἔδωκε χρήματα Ἀνταλκίδᾳ ὅπως ἂν πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ . . . οἵ τε Ἀθηναῖοι . . . μᾶλλον τῆς εἰρήνης προσδέοιντο
a. Homer has a few cases of ὡς ἄν (κέ) and ὄφρ᾽ ἄν (κέ); ἵνα κεν once ( μ 156). Hdt. has ὡς ἄν, ὅκως ἄν rarely.
b. After primary tenses the optative with ἄν is certainly, after secondary tenses probably, potential. Its combination with the final conjunction produces a conditional relative clause in which the relative and interrogative force of ὅπως and ὡς comes to light. With ὅπως ἄν the final force is stronger than with ὡς ἄν. In the example quoted above, πληρωθέντος ναυτικοῦ represents the protasis (εἰ ναυτικὸν πληρωθείη) to ἂν προσδέοιντο.
The future indicative is used, especially in poetry, after ὅπως (rarely after ὡς, ὄφρα, and μή) in the same sense as the subjunctive.
οὐδὲ δι᾽ ἓν ἄλλο τρέφονται ἢ ὅπως μαχοῦνται nor are they maintained for any other single purpose than for fighting (lit. how they shall fight) X. C. 2.1.21, σῑγᾶθ᾽, ὅπως μὴ πεύσεταί (fut.) τις . . . γλώσσης χάριν δὲ πάντ᾽ ἀπαγγείλῃ (subj.)
keep silence, lest some one hear and report all this for the sake of talkτάδε
The principal clause is sometimes omitted.
to begin with thisἵν᾽ ἐκ τούτων ἄρξωμαι
By assimilation of mood, final clauses may take a past tense of the indicative without ἄν (2185 c) or the optative without ἄν (2186 c.)
Equivalents of a Final Clause.—The common methods of expressing purpose may be illustrated by the translations (in Attic) of they sent a herald to announce:
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα ἵνα (ὅπως) ἀπαγγέλλοιτο (2196).
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα ὅστις (ὃς) ἀπαγγελεῖται (2554).
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα ἀπαγγελοῦντα (2065), ἀπαγγέλλοντα (rare, 2065).
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα ὡς ἀπαγγελοῦντα (2086 c).
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα ἀπαγγέλλειν (rare in prose, 2009).
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα τοῦ ἀπαγγέλλειν (2032 e, often in Thucydides).
ἔπεμψαν κήρῡκα ὑπὲρ (ἕνεκα) τοῦ ἀπαγγέλλειν (2032 g).
For ὥστε denoting an intended result, see 2267.
Two types of object (substantival) clauses are closely connected in construction with final clauses.
1. Object clauses after verbs of effort.
2. Object clauses after verbs of fearing.
Both stand in apposition to a demonstrative expressed or implied.
οὐδένα δεῖ τοῦτο μηχανᾶσθαι, ὅπως ἀποφεύξεται πᾶν ποιῶν θάνατον no man ought to contrive (this) how he shall escape death at any cost P. A. 39a,
to contrive how he might bring home the bodyμηχανᾶσθαι ὅκως τὸ σῶμα . . . κομιεῖ
he was afraid that he could not escapeἐφοβεῖτο . . . μὴ οὐ δύναιτο . . . ἐξελθεῖν
Connection of Final with Object Clauses.—(1) Final clauses proper denote a purpose to accomplish or avert a result, which purpose is set forth in a definite action. (2) Object clauses after verbs of effort consider means to accomplish or avert a result; the action of the subordinate clause is the object purposed. Such clauses are incomplete final clauses, because, though the purpose is expressed, the action taken to effect the purpose is not expressed. (3) Object clauses after verbs of fearing deprecate an undesired result or express fear that a desired result may not be accomplished. According to the form of expression employed, the construction of these three kinds of clauses may differ in varying degree or be identical. Thus compare these usages of Attic prose:
(1) παρακαλεῖ ἰ̄ᾱτρὸν ὅπως μὴ ἀποθάνῃ (common)
παρακαλεῖ ἰ̄ᾱτρὸν ὅπως μὴ ἀποθανεῖται (occasionally)
παρακαλεῖ ἰ̄ᾱτρὸν μὴ ἀποθάνῃ (rare)
he summons a physician in order that he may not die.
(2) ἐπιμελεῖται ὅπως μὴ ἀποθανεῖται (common)
ἐπιμελεῖται ὅπως μὴ ἀποθάνῃ (occasionally)
he takes care that he shall not die.
ὅρᾱ μὴ ἀποθάνῃς (occasionally) see to it that you do not die.

Object clauses after verbs of effort are introduced by ὅπως, rarely by ὡς (Herodotus, Xenophon), scarcely ever by ἵνα. The negative is μή.
Verbs of effort include verbs denoting to take care or pains, to strive.
ἐπιμελοῦμαι, μέλει μοι, μελετῶ, φρουρῶ, πρόνοιαν ἔχω, βουλεύομαι, μηχανῶμαι, παρασκευάζομαι, προθῡμοῦμαι, πρά̄ττω, πάντα ποιῶ ( ποιοῦμαι ), σπουδάζω , etc.
a. The same construction follows certain verbs of will signifying to ask, command, entreat, exhort , and forbid, and which commonly take the infinitive (αἰτῶ, δέομαι, παραγγέλλω, ἱκετεύω, δια- or παρακελεύομαι, ἀπαγορεύω, etc.).
b. Some verbs take, by analogy, but in negative clauses only, the construction either of verbs of effort or of verbs of fearing. These verbs signify to see to a thing: ὁρῶ, σκοπῶ ( -οῦμαι ), ἐσκεψάμην, σκεπτέον ἐστί, τηρῶ; to be on one's guard: εὐλαβοῦμαι, φροντίζω, φυλάττω ( -ομαι ). See 2220.
These verbs may take μή with the infinitive. εὐλαβοῦμαι and φυλάττομαι take the infinitive when they mean to guard against doing something.
Object clauses after verbs of effort take the future indicative with ὅπως after primary and secondary tenses (rarely the optative after secondary tenses, 2212).
ἐπιμελοῦμαι ὅπως ταῦτα ποιήσει I take care that he shall do this.
ἐπιμελοῦμαι ὅπως μη` ταῦτα ποιήσει I take care that he shall not do this.
ἐπεμελούμην ὅπως ταῦτα ποιήσει (ποιήσοι) I took care that he should do this.
ἐπεμελούμην ὅπως μὴ ταῦτα ποιήσει (ποιήσοι) I took care that he should not do this.
if it is necessary to fight, we must prepare to fight bravelyεἰ ἀνάγκη ἐστὶ μάχεσθαι, τοῦτο δεῖ παρασκευάσασθαι ὅπως ὡς κράτιστα μαχούμεθα
see to this, that they not only make speeches but also are able to show some proofσκοπεῖσθε τοῦτο, ὅπως μὴ λόγους ἐροῦσιν μόνον . . . ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔργον τι δεικνύειν ἕξουσιν
it seems to me that we must consider how we shall depart in the greatest security and how we shall procure our provisionsκαὶ ὅπως τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἕξομεν
it is needful that thou proveδεῖ σε ὅπως δείξεις
After secondary tenses the future optative occasionally occurs.
he took care that they should never be without food or drinkἐπεμέλετο ὅπως μήτε ἄσῑτοι μήτε ἄποτοί ποτε ἔσοιντο
a. The future optative occurs especially in Xenophon, and represents a thought that was originally expressed by the future indicative. Here the indicative would present the thought vividly, i.e. as it was conceived in the mind of the subject.
ὅπως and ὅπως μή with the future indicative may be used without any principal clause, to denote an urgent exhortation or a warning. Originally the ὅπως clause depended on σκόπει (σκοπεῖτε), ὅρᾱ (ὁρᾶτε) see to it; but the ellipsis was gradually forgotten and the construction used independently.
be men worthy of the freedom which you possessὅπως οὖν ἔσεσθε ἄνδρες ἄξιοι τῆς ἐλευθερίᾱς ἧς ἧς κέκτησθε
but don't tell anybody thisὅπως δὲ τοῦτο μὴ διδάξεις μηδένα
Verbs of effort sometimes have the construction of final clauses, and take, though less often, ὅπως with the present or second aorist subjunctive or optative (cp. 2196). The subjunctive may be used after secondary tenses.
ἔπρᾱσσεν . . . ὅπως πόλεμος γένηται he tried to bring it about that war should be occasioned T. 1.57,
see to it that it does not prove that you acquiesce in what you do not really thinkὅρᾱ . . . ὅπως μὴ παρὰ δόξαν ὁμολογῇς
a. The object desired by the subject of a verb of effort is here expressed by the same construction as is the purpose in the mind of the subject of a final clause.
ἄν is sometimes added to ὅπως with the subjunctive to denote that the purpose is dependent on certain circumstances.
I will endeavour to make it my care that the soldiers deliberate about continuing the warὅπως ἂν . . . οἱ στρατιῶται περὶ τοῦ στρατεύεσθαι βουλεύωνται, τούτου πειρἁ̄σομαι ἐπεμέλεσθαι
plans must be made for his escapeμηχανητέον ὅπως ἂν διαφύγῃ
ὡς and ὡς ἄν with subjunctive and optative and ὅπως ἄν with the optative occur in Xenophon, ὡς ἄν and ὅπως ἄν with the optative being used after primary and secondary tenses. Hdt. has ὅκως ἄν after secondary tenses. The optative with ὡς ἄν and ὅπως ἄν is potential.
After verbs meaning to consider, plan , and try ὄπως or ὡς with the subjunctive (with or without κέ) or optative is used by Homer, who does not employ the future indicative in object clauses denoting a purpose. Thus,
consider how thou mayest slay the suitorsφράζεσθαι . . . ὅππως κε μνηστῆρας . . . κτείνῃς
try that thou mayest come to thy native landπείρᾱ ὅπως κεν δὴ σὴν πατρίδα γαῖαν ἵκηαι
Verbs of will or desire signifying to ask, command, entreat, exhort , and forbid, which usually have an infinitive as their object, may take ὅπως (ὅπως μή) with the future indicative (or optative) or the subjunctive (or optative). The ὅπως clause states both the command, etc. and the purpose in giving it. Between take care to do this and I bid you take care to do this the connection is close. Cp. impero, postulo with ut (ne).
they urge him to take revengeδιακελεύονται ὅπως τῑμωρήσεται
he will entreat you that he may not suffer punishmentδεήσεται δ᾽ ὑ̄μῶν ὅπως . . . δίκην μὴ δῷ
they begged the Lacedaemonians that the decree might be changedΛακεδαιμονίων ἐδέοντο τὸ ψήφισμ᾽ ὅπως μεταστραφείη
you forbade me to give this answerἀπηγόρευες ὅπως μὴ τοῦτο ἀποκρινοίμην
Dawes' Canon.—The rule formulated by Dawes and afterwards extended (that the first aorist subjunctive active and middle after ὅπως, ὅπως μή, and οὐ μή is incorrect and should be emended) is applicable only in the case of verbs of effort. After these verbs the future is far more common than subjunctive or optative (except in Xenophon), and some scholars would emend the offending sigmatic subjunctives where they occur in the same sentence with second aorists (as And. 3.14) or even where the future has a widely different form (as ἐκπλευσεῖται, subj. ἐκπλεύσῃ, cp. X. A. 5.6.21).
Verbs of caution (2210 b, 2224 a) have, in negative clauses, the construction either of
a. Verbs of effort, and take ὅπως μή with the future indicative:
taking care that I do not departεὐλαβούμενοι ὅπως μὴ . . . οἰχήσομαι
beware lest they revolt from theeὅρᾱ ὅκως μή σευ ἀποστήσονται
b.
a. μή clauses denote a fear that something may or might happen; μὴ οὐ clauses denote a fear that something may not or might not happen. Observe that the verb is negatived by οὐ and not by μή, which expresses an apprehension that the result will take place. μή is sometimes, for convenience, translated by whether; but it is not an indirect interrogative in such cases.
The construction of μή after verbs of fearing has been developed from an earlier coördinate construction in which μή was not a conjunction (that, lest) but a prohibitive particle. Thus, δείδω μή τι πάθῃσιν ( Λ 470) I fear lest he may suffer aught was developed from I fear + may he not suffer aught (1802); φυλακὴ δέ τις . . . ἔστω, μὴ λόχος εἰσέλθῃσι πόλιν ( Θ 521) but let there be a guard, lest an ambush enter the city, where the clause μὴ—εἰσέλθῃσι meant originally may an ambush not enter. Here μή expresses the desire to avert something (negative desire).
a. When μή had become a pure conjunction of subordination, it was used even with the indicative and with the optative with ἄν. Some scholars regard μή with the indicative as standing for ἆρα μή (hence an indirect interrogative). Observe that the character of μή after verbs of fearing is different from that in final clauses, though the construction is the same in both cases.
For the use of the subjunctive, without a verb of fearing, with μή, see 1801, 1802; with μὴ οὐ see 1801, with οὐ μή see 1804.
Verbs and expressions of fear are: φοβοῦμαι, δέδοικα or δέδια, ταρβῶ, τρῶ and πέφρῑκα (mostly poetical); δεινός εἰμι, δεινόν ἐστι, δέος ἐστί, φοβερός εἰμι, φοβερόν ἐστι, etc.
a. Sometimes it is not actual fear that is expressed but only apprehension, anxiety, suspicion, etc. These are the verbs and expressions of caution: ὀκνῶ, ἀθῡμῶ, ἀπιστῶ, ἀπιστίᾱν ἔχω (παρέχω), ὑποπτεύω, ἐνθῡμοῦμαι, αἰσχύ̄νομαι (rare), κίνδῡνός ἐστι, προσδοκίᾱ ἐστί. Here belong also, by analogy, ὁρῶ, σκοπῶ, ἐννοῶ, εὐλαβοῦμαι, φροντίζω, φυλάττω (-ομαι), which admit also the construction of verbs of effort (2210 b).
Object clauses after verbs of fear and caution take the subjunctive after primary tenses, the optative (or subjunctive, 2226) after secondary tenses.
φοβοῦμαι μὴ γένηται I fear it may happen.
φοβοῦμαι μὴ οὐ γένηται I fear it may not happen.
ἐφοβούμην μὴ γένξιτο (or γένηται) I feared it might happen.
ἐφοβούμην μὴ οὐ γένοιτο (regularly γένηται) I feared it might not happen.
I am afraid lest we may forget the way homeδέδοικα μὴ . . . ἐπιλαθώμεθα τῆς οἴκαδε ὁδοῦ
he is afraid lest he suffer the severest punishmentφοβεῖται μὴ . . . τὰ ἔσχατα πάθῃ
the Greeks were seized with fear lest they might advance against their flank and cut them downἔδεισαν οἱ ῞ Ελληνες μὴ προσάγοιεν πρὸς τὸ κέρας καὶ . . . αὐτοὺς κατακόψειαν
we fear you are not to be depended onδέδιμεν μὴ οὐ βέβαιοι ἦτε
a. The aorist is very common after μή. After secondary tenses Hom. usually has the optative.
b. μὴ οὐ with the optative is rare and suspicious (X. A. 3.5.3).
After secondary tenses, the subjunctive presents the fear vividly, i.e. as it was conceived by the subject. Cp. 2197.
ἐφοβοῦντο μή τι πάθῃ they feared lest she might (may) meet with some accident X. S. 2. 11, ἐφοβήθησαν μὴ καὶ ἐπὶ σφῖς ὁ στρατὸς χωρήσῃ they became fearful that the army might (may) advance against themselves too T. 2.101. So when the fear extends up to the present time:
I was struck with fear and even now I am in a state of agitation lest some of you may disregard meἐφοβήθην . . . καὶ νῦν τεθορύβημαι μή τινες ὑ̄μῶν ἀγνοήσωσί με
The optative after a primary tense is rare and suspected (I 245, Hdt. 7.103, S. Aj. 279).
The subjunctive and optative after μή (or ὅπως μή) may denote what may prove to be an object of fear (future ascertainment).
I am afraid lest it prove to be bestδέδοικα μὴ ἄριστον ᾖ
The future is rare with verbs of fearing after μή.
φοβοῦμαι δὲ μή τινας ἡδονὰ̄ς ἡδοναῖς εὑρήσομεν ἐναντίᾱς and I apprehend that we shall find some pleasures opposite to other pleasures P. Phil. 13a. So with verbs of caution:
see to it lest each one of us may have need of many handsὅρᾱ μὴ πολλῶν ἑκάστῳ ἡμῶν χειρῶν δεήσει
a. The future optative seems not to occur except in X. H. 6.4.27, X. M. 1.2.7, P. Euth. 15d.
ὅπως μή with the subjunctive or optative is sometimes used instead of μή after verbs of fear and caution to imply fear that something will happen.
οὐ φοβεῖ . . . ὅπως μὴ ἀνόσιον πρᾶγμα τυγχάνῃς πρά̄ττων; are you not afraid that you may chance to be doing an unholy deed? P. Euth. 4e, ἡδέως γ᾽ ἄν (θρέψαιμι τὸν ἄνδρα),
I should gladly keep the man if I did not fear lest he might turn against meεἰ μὴ φοβοίμην ὅπως μὴ ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν με τράποιτο
ὅπως μή with the future indicative (as after verbs of effort) is sometimes used instead of μή with the subjunctive.
δέδοικα ὅπως μὴ . . . ἀνάγκη γενήσεται (v. l. γένηται) I fear lest a necessity may arise D. 9.75. The future optative occurs once (I. 17.22). On μή or ὅπως μή with verbs of caution, see 2220 a.
The potential optative with ἄν is rarely used after μή.
δεδιότες μὴ καταλυθείη ἂν (Mss. καταλυθείησαν)
fearful lest the people should be put downὁ δῆμος
Fear that something actually is or was is expressed by μή with the indicative (negative μὴ οὐ).
I fear that you need a beatingδέδοικα . . . μὴ πληγῶν δέει
but have a care that he was not speaking in jestἀλλ᾽ ὅρᾱ μὴ παίζων ἔλεγεν
we are afraid that we have failed of both objects at onceφοβούμεθα μὴ ἀμφοτέρων ἅμα ἡμαρτήκαμεν
have a care lest it does not rest with me to give an accountὁρᾶτε μὴ οὐκ ἐμοὶ . . . προσήκει λόγον δοῦναι
a. Contrast φοβοῦμαι μὴ ἀληθές ἐστιν I fear that it is true with φοβοῦμαι μὴ ἀληθὲς ᾖ I fear it may prove true (2228).
b. The aorist occurs in Homer:
I fear that all the goddess said was trueδείδω μὴ δὴ πάντα θεὰ̄ νημερτέα εἶπεν
In Indirect Questions.—Here the ideas of fear and doubt are joined. Thus, φόβος εἰ πείσω δέσποιναν ἐμήν (direct πείσω; 1916) I have my doubts whether I shall (can) persuade my mistress E. Med. 184, τὴν θεὸν δ᾽ ὅπως λάθω δέδοικα (direct πῶς λάθω; 1805) I am fearful how I shall escape the notice of the goddess E. I. T. 995,
I am afraid what to answerδέδοικα ὅ τι ἀποκρινοῦμαι
In Indirect Discourse with ὡς (rarely ὅπως) that.—Verbs of fearing may have the construction of verbs of thinking and be followed by a dependent statement. This occurs regularly only when the expression of fear is negatived. Thus,
do not fear that you will be at a loss for a husband for your daughterἀνδρὸς δὲ τῇ θυγατρὶ μὴ φοβοῦ ὡς ἀπορήσεις
With ὅτι (ὡς) Causal.—
he was afraid because the dream seemed to him to be from Zeusἐφοβεῖτο ὅτι ἀπὸ Διὸς . . . τὸ ὄναρ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ εἶναι
With a Causal Participle.—οὔτε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν . . . προδιδοὺς ἐφοβήθη nor was he terrified at having betrayed the Acropolis Lyc. 17.
With the Infinitive.—Verbs of fearing often take an object infinitive (present, future or aorist) with or without the article; and with or without μή (2741). Thus,
he will be afraid to injureφοβήσεται ἀδικεῖν
we are not afraid that we shall be beatenοὐ φοβούμεθα ἐλασσώσεσθαι
a. With the articular infinitive, φοβοῦμαι, etc. means simply I fear; with the infinitive without the article, φοβοῦμαι commonly has the force of hesitate, feel repugnance, etc. Cp. φοβοῦμαι ἀδικεῖν and φοβοῦμαι μὴ ἀδικεῖν; I fear to do wrong (and do not do it); φοβοῦμαι τὸ ἀδικεῖν I fear wrong-doing (in general, by myself or by another), like φοβοῦμαι τὴν ἀδικίᾱν.
With ὥστε of Result (after a verb of caution).—ἢν οὖν ἔλθωμεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς πρὶν φυλάξασθαι ὥστε μὴ ληφθῆναι if then we move against them before they take precautions (so as) not to be caught X. A. 7.3.35.
Causal clauses are introduced by ὅτι, διότι, διόπερ because, ἐπεί, ἐπειδή, ὅτε, ὁπότε since, ὡς as, since, because. The negative is οὐ.
a. Also by poetic οὕνεκα ( = οὗ ἕνεκα) and ὁθούνεκα ( = ὅτου ἕνεκα) because, εὖτε since (poetic and Ionic; also temporal), and by ὅπου since (Hdt. 1.68, X. C. 8.4.31, I. 4.186). Homer has ὅ or ὅ τε because.
b. ὡς frequently denotes a reason imagined to be true by the principal subject and treated by him as a fact (2241). ὅτι often follows διὰ τοῦτο, διὰ τόδε, ἐκ τούτου, τούτῳ. διότι stands for διὰ τοῦτο, ὅτι. ὅτε and ὁπότε usually mean when (cp. cum); as causal conjunctions they are rare, as ὅτε τοίνυν τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει since then this is the case, D. 1.1,
the present state of affairs is difficult since we are deprived of such generalsχαλεπὰ . . . τὰ παρόντα ὁπότ᾽ ἀνδρῶν στρατηγῶν τοιούτων στερόμεθα
Causal clauses denoting a fact regularly take the indicative after primary and secondary tenses.
ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑ̄μεῖς οὐ βούλεσθε συμπορεύεσθαι, ἀνάγκη δή μοι ἢ ὑ̄μᾶς προδόντα τῇ Κύ̄ρου φιλίᾳ χρῆσθαι κτλ. but since you do not wish to continue the march with me, I must either retain the friendship of Cyrus by renouncing you, etc. X. A. 1.3.5, ὃ δ᾽ ἐζήλωσας ἡμᾶς ὡς τοὺς μὲν φίλους . . . εὖ ποιεῖν δυνάμεθα . . ., οὐδὲ ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει but as to that which has excited your envy of us, our supposed ability (lit. because, as you think, we are able) to benefit our friends, not even is this so X. Hi. 6.12,
for he happened to be riding on a wagon from the fact that he had been woundedἐτύγχανε γὰρ ἐφ᾽ ἁμάξης πορευόμενος διότι ἐτέτρωτο
But causal clauses denoting an alleged or reported reason (implied indirect discourse, 2622) take the optative after secondary tenses.
(οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι)
the Athenians reviled Pericles on the ground that, though he was general, he did not lead them outτὸν Περικλέᾱ ἐκάκιζον ὅτι στρατηγὸς ὢν οὐκ ἐπεξάγοι
Cause may be expressed also by the unreal indicative with ἄν or the potential optative with ἄν.
since you would long ago have perished had it depended on yourselvesἐπεὶ διά γ᾽ ὑ̄μᾶς αὐτοὺς πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλειτε
ἐπεί may introduce a coördinate command (imperative S. El. 352, potential optative, P. G. 474b), wish (S. O. T. 661), or question (S. O. T. 390). Cp. the use of ὥστε, 2275. Sometimes, with the indicative, ἐπεί has the force of although (P. S. 187a).—A causal clause may have the value of γάρ with a coördinate main clause. So often in tragedy with ὡς in answers (S. Aj. 39; cp. X. C. 4.2.25).—A clause with ὅτε, apparently introducing a consequence, may give the reason for a preceding question ( Δ 32).
Cause may also be expressed by a relative clause (2555), by a participle (2064, 2085, 2086), by τῷ or διὰ τὸ with the infinitive (2033, 2034 b).
εἰ or εἴπερ, when it expresses the real opinion of the writer or speaker, may have a causal force, as ἐγὼ . . . ἥδομαι μὲν ὑφ᾽ ὑ̄μῶν τῑμώμενος, εἴπερ ἄνθρωπός εἰμι I am pleased at being honoured by you, since (lit. if indeed) I am a man X. A. 6.1.26.
Many verbs of emotion state the cause more delicately with εἰ (ἐά̄ν) if as a mere supposition than by ὅτι. The negative is μή or οὐ.
a. So with ἀγανακτῶ am indignant, ἄγαμαι am content, αἰσχρόν ἐστι it is a shame, αἰσχύ̄νομαι am ashamed, ἄχθομαι take hard, δεινόν ἐστι it is a shame, δεινὸν ποιοῦμαι am indignant, θαυμάζω am astonished, μέμφομαι blame, φθονῶ am jealous, etc. The if clause is usually indicative, sometimes an unreal indicative, a subjunctive, or a potential optative. Thus,
I am surprised if you will not help yourselvesθαυμάζω εἰ μὴ βοηθήσετε ὑ̄μῖν αὐτοῖς
I am grieved that I am thus unable to say what I meanἀγανακτῶ εἰ οὑτωσὶ̄ ἃ νοῶ μὴ οἷός τ᾽ εἰμι εἰπεῖν
indignant that they could not discover those who were plotting against their commonsδεινὸν ποιούμενοι εἰ τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας σφῶν τῷ πλήθει μὴ εἴσονται
it is a marvel you are telling if they could be undetectedτέρας λέγεις, εἰ . . . οὐκ ἂν δύναιντο λαθεῖν
b. After a past tense we have either the form of direct discourse or the optative, as in indirect discourse. Thus,
I kept wondering if any one could deal with his theoryἐθαύμαζον εἴ τι ἕξει τις χρήσασθαι τῷ λόγῳ αὐτοῦ
he added that it was a shame if a man who played the rôle of Xanthias should prove himself so noble mindedἐπεῖπεν . . . ὡς δεινὸν εἴη εἰ ὁ μὲν . . . Ξανθίᾱς ὑποκρῑνόμενος οὕτως . . . μεγαλόψῡχος γένοιτο
they pitied them in case they should be capturedᾤκτῑρον εἰ ἁλώσοιντο
These verbs admit also the construction with ὅτι.
do not be surprised that I take it hardμὴ θαυμάζετε ὅτι χαλεπῶς φέρω
Socrates was admired because he lived contentedlyἐθαυμάζετο ἐπὶ τῷ . . . εὐκόλως ζῆν
a. ὅτι after verbs of emotion really means that, not because.
A clause of result denotes a consequence of what is stated in the principal clause.
Result clauses are introduced by the relative word ὥστε (rarely by ὡς) as, that, so that. In the principal clause the demonstrative words οὕτως thus, τοιοῦτος such, τοσοῦτος so great, are often expressed. ὥστε is from ὡς and the connective τέ, which has lost its meaning.
a. To a clause with οὕτως, etc. Herodotus sometimes adds a clause either with τέ or without a connective, where Attic would employ ὥστε; cp. 3. 12.
There are two main forms of result clauses: ὥστε with the infinitive and ὥστε with a finite verb. With the infinitive, the negative is generally μή; with a finite verb, οὐ. On the use in indirect discourse and on irregularities, see 2759.
Consecutive ὡς occurs almost always with the infinitive (chiefly in Herodotus, Xenophon, Aeschylus, and Sophocles); with a finite verb occasionally in Herodotus and Xenophon. With the infinitive, the orators and Thucydides (except 7. 34) have ὥστε.
Consecutive ὥστε (ὡς) with a finite verb does not occur in Homer, who uses coördination instead (cp. δέ in A 10). Two cases of ὥς τε occur with the infinitive (I 42; ζ 21 may mean and so), where the infinitive might stand alone, since Homer uses the infinitive to denote an intended or possible result.
A clause with ὥστε and the infinitive is merely added to the clause containing the main thought in order to explain it. The consequence is stated without any distinction of time and only with difference of stage of action.
a. Since the infinitive expresses merely the abstract verbal idea, its use with ὥστε (as with πρίν) outside of indirect discourse cannot explicitly denote a fact. By its datival nature (1969), the infinitive is simply a complement to, or explanation of, the governing word. ὥστε is one of the means to reinforce this explanatory office of the infinitive. The origin of its use is suggested by the comparison with ὅσος sufficient for, οἷος capable of (2003) and the infinitive, which was not originally dependent on these words.
A clause with ὥστε and a finite verb contains the main thought, and is often so loosely connected with the leading verb as to be practically independent and coördinate. ὥστε may thus be simply introductory and take any construction found in an independent sentence. The consequence expresses distinctions of time and stage of action.
Result may also be expressed by relative clauses (2556).
A clause of result with ὥστε stating that something actually occurred as a fact must be expressed by the indicative.
A clause of result with ὥστε stating that something may occur in consequence of an intention, tendency, capacity, and in general in consequence of the nature of an object or action, is regularly expressed by the infinitive. When a consequence is stated without affirming or denying its actual occurrence, the infinitive is in place. The infinitive may therefore denote a fact, but does not explicitly state this to be the case; and is, in general, permissible in all cases where the attainment of the result is expected, natural, or possible, and its actual occurrence is not emphasized; as it is emphasized by the indicative.
a. ὥστε with the infinitive does not state a particular fact. The infinitive is preferred in clauses containing or implying a negative. ὥστε with the indicative is preferred after εἰς τοῦτο ἥκει and like phrases when affirmative (cp. 2265, 2266, 2274).
This difference may be illustrated by examples.
ἔχω τριήρεις ὥστε ἑλεῖν τὸ ἐκείνων πλοῖον I have triremes (so as) to catch their vessel X. A. 1.4.8 (ὥστε εἷλον would mean so that I caught with an essentially different meaning),
treating all in such a manner that they should be his friendsπάντας οὕτω διατιθεὶς ὥστε αὐτῷ εἶναι φίλους
I am treated by you in such a manner that I cannot even sup in my own countryοὕτω διάκειμαι ὑφ᾽ ὑ̄μῶν ὡς οὐδὲ δεῖπνον ἔχω ἐν τῇ ἐμαυτοῦ χώρᾳ
they made a loud noise by calling each other so that even the enemy could hear; consequently those of the enemy who were nearest actually fledκραυγὴν πολλὴν ἐποίουν καλοῦντες ἀλλήλους ὥστε καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀκούειν· ὥστε οἱ μὲν ἐγγύτατα τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἔφυγον
The infinitive with ὥστε denotes an anticipated or possible result; but the actual occurrence of the result is not stated, and is to be inferred only. The negative is μή, but οὐ is used when the ὥστε clause depends on a clause itself subordinate to a verb of saying or thinking (2269). Cp. 2759.
a. ὥστε with the infinitive means as to, so as to; but with a subject necessary in English it must often be translated by so that.
The infinitive with ὥστε is usually present or aorist, rarely perfect (e.g. D. 18.257). The future is common only in indirect discourse (D. 19.72).
ὥστε (ὡς) with the infinitive is used when its clause serves only to explain the principal clause. Thus,
(I) After expressions denoting ability, capacity , or to effect something.
πολλὰ πρά̄γματα παρεῖχον οἱ βάρβαροι . . . ἐλαφροὶ γὰρ ἦσαν, ὥστε καὶ ἐγγύθεν φεύγοντες ἀποφεύγειν the barbarians caused great annoyance; for they were so nimble that they could escape even though they made off after they had approached quite near X. A. 4.2.27, ὁ ποταμὸς τοσοῦτος βάθος ὡς μηδὲ τὰ δόρατα ὑπερέχειν the river of such a depth that the spears could not even project above the surface 3. 5. 7 (on τοσοῦτος ὅσος etc. see 2003),
they made such an uproar as to bring the taxiarchsτοσαύτην κραυγὴν . . . ἐποίησαν ὥστε . . . τοὺς ταξιάρχους ἐλθεῖν
a. The idea of effecting may be unexpressed: (Κλέαρχος) ἤλαυνεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Μένωνος ὥστ᾽ ἐκείνους ἐκπεπλῆχθαι Clearchus advanced against the soldiers of Menon so (i.e. by so doing he brought it about) that they were thoroughly frightened X. A. 1.5.13; cp. 2267. Several verbs of effecting take ὥστε when the result is intended and where the simple infinitive is common (2267 b).
(II) After a comparative with ἤ than.
they perceived that he possessed too little power to benefit his friendsᾔσθοντο αὐτὸν ἐλά̄ττω ἔχοντα δύναμιν ἢ ὥστε τοὺς φίλους ὠφελεῖν
the javelin throwers hurled their javelins too short a distance to reach the slingersοἱ ἀκοντισταὶ βραχύτερα ἠκόντιζον ἢ ὡς ἐξικνεῖσθαι τῶν σφενδονητ ῶν
a. ὥστε may here be omitted:
evils too great to be enduredκρείσσον᾽ ἢ φέρειν κακά
b. On positive adjectives with a comparative force, see 1063.
(III) After a principal clause that is negatived.
οὐκ ἔχομεν ἀργύριον ὥστε ἀγοράζειν τὰ ἐπιτήδεια we have no money (so as) to buy provisions X. A. 7.3.5,
no one ever reached such a degree of shamelessness as to dare to do anything of the sortοὐδεὶς πώποτ᾽ εἰς τοσοῦτ᾽ ἀναιδείᾱς ἀφί̄κετο ὥστε τοιοῦτόν τι τολμῆσαι ποιεῖν
(IV) After a principal clause that expresses a condition.
if I had not reached such a degree of madness as to desire to contend with manyεἰ μὴ εἰς τοῦτο μανίᾱς ἀφῑκόμην ὥστε ἐπιθῡμεῖν . . . πολλοῖς μάχεσθαι
(V) To express an intended result, especially after a verb of effecting, as ποιῶ, διαπρά̄ττομαι, etc.
πᾶν ποιοῦσιν ὥστε δίκην μὴ διδόναι they use every effort (so as) to avoid being punished P. G. 479c,
they stitched the skins so that the water should not touch the hayδιφθέρᾱς . . . συνέσπων ὡς μὴ ἅπτεσθαι τῆς κάρφης τὸ ὕδωρ
a. The infinitive here expresses only the result, while the idea of purpose comes only from the general sense and especially from the meaning of the leading verb. ἵνα μή in the above examples would express only purpose.
b. A clause of intended result is often used where ὅπως might occur in an object clause after a verb of effort (2211); as μηχανὰ̄ς εὑρήσομεν ὥστ᾽ ἐς τὸ πᾶν σε τῶνδ᾽ ἀπαλλάξαι πόνων we will find means (so as) to free thee entirely from these troubles A. Eum. 82. The infinitive alone, denoting purpose, is here more usual.
(VI) To state a condition or a proviso (on condition that, provided that).
Philistides would have given a large sum on condition of his holding Oreusπολλὰ μὲν ἂν χρήματ᾽ ἔδωκε Φιλιστίδης ὥστ᾽ ἔχειν Ὠρεόν
they gave their promise on the condition that they should sail outὑπῑσχνοῦντο ὥστε ἐκπλεῖν
A result clause with ὥστε and the indicative, dependent on an infinitive in indirect discourse, and itself quoted, takes the infinitive, and usually retains the negative of the direct form.
they said that the soldiers reached such a degree of daintiness as to be unwilling to drink wine unless it had a strong bouquetἔφασαν τοὺς στρατιώτᾱς εἰς τοῦτο τρυφῆς ἐλθεῖν ὥστ᾽ οὐκ ἐθέλειν πἱ̄νειν, εἰ μὴ ἀνθοσμίᾱς εἴη
So even when the principal verb takes ὅτι, as
let him consider that he was then so far advanced in years that he would have died soon afterwardsἐννοησάτω ὅτι οὕτως ἤδη τότε πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίᾱς ἦν ὥστ᾽ . . . οὐκ ἂν πολλῷ ὕστερον τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον
a. The future infinitive here represents the future indicative:
he thinks that you have already reached such a degree of simplicity as to allow yourselves to be persuaded even of thisοἴεται ὑ̄μᾶς εἰς τοσοῦτον εὐηθείᾱς ἤδη προβεβηκέναι ὥστε καὶ ταῦτα ἀναπεισθήσεσθαι
b. ὥστε with the optative in indirect discourse is very rare (X. H. 3.5.23, I. 17.11).
ἄν with the infinitive expressing possibility, and representing either a potential indicative or a potential optative, occasionally follows ὥστε (ὡς).
a. Not in indirect discourse: καί μοι οἱ θεοὶ οὕτως ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἐσήμηναν ὥστε καὶ ἰδιώτην ἂν γνῶναι (= ἰδιώτης ἔγνω ἄν or γνοίη ἄν) ὅτι τῆς μοναρχίᾱς ἀπέχεσθαί με δεῖ and the gods declared to me so clearly in the sacrifices that even a common man could understand that I must keep aloof from sovereignty X. A. 6.1.31, ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἤδη ἔσομαι ὡς μηδὲν ἂν ἔτι κακὸν παθεῖν ( = οὐδὲν ἂν ἔτι πάθοιμι) I shall soon be safe from suffering any further evil X. C. 8.7.27. The difference in meaning is very slight between the construction with the potential optative and that with the infinitive with ἄν representing the potential optative.
N.—Rarely in other cases. Thus, τὰ δὲ ἐντὸς οὕτως ἐκαίετο ὥστε . . . ἥδιστα ἂν ἐς ὕδωρ ψῡχρὸν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ῥί̄πτειν ( = ἔρρῑπτον, 2304) but their internal parts were inflamed to such a degree that they would have been most glad to throw themselves into cold water (had they been permitted) T. 2.49.
b. In indirect discourse: ἆρ᾽ οὖν δοκεῖ τῳ ὑ̄μῶν ὀλιγώρως οὕτως ἔχειν χρημάτων Νῑκόδημος ὥστε παραλιπεῖν ( = παρέλιπεν) ἄν τι τῶν τοιούτων; does it seem to any one of you that Nicodemus so despised money that he would have neglected any agreement of the sort? Is. 3.37.
ὥστε is often used with the infinitive when the infinitive without ὥστε is regular or more common.
a. So with many verbs, especially of will or desire. Thus, ἔπεισαν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ὥστε ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐκ Πύλου Μεσσηνίους they prevailed upon the Athenians (so as) to withdraw the Messenians from Pylus T. 5.35, δεηθέντες . . . ἑκάστων ἰδίᾳ ὥστε ψηφίσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον having begged each privately (so as) to vote for the war 1. 119,
I brought it about so that it seemed best to him to desist from warring against meἐποίησα ὥστε δόξαι τούτῳ τοῦ πρὸς ἐμὲ πολέμου παύσασθαι
N.—Such verbs are: ἀπέχομαι, δέομαι ask, διαπρά̄ττομαι, διδάσκω, δικαιῶ, δύναμαι, ἐθέλω, εἴργω, ἐλπίδα τινὰ ἔχω, ἐπαγγέλλομαι, ἐπαίρω, ἔχω am able, θέσφατόν τί τινι ἱκνεῖται, a phrase with καθίσταμαι, ξυγχωρῶ, παραδίδωμι, πείθω (and παρασκευάζω ῀ πείθω), πέφῡκα, ποιῶ, προθῡμοῦμαι, προτρέπομαι, φυλάττομαι (2239), ψηφίζομαι.
b. When the infinitive is the subject:
for it concerned me exceedingly to knowπάνυ γάρ μοι ἐμέλησεν ὥστε εἰδέναι
N.—So with ἔστι, γίγνεται, etc., δόξαν when it was decreed, συνέβη (Thuc.), συνέπῑπτε, συνήνεικε (Hdt.), προσήκει. Cp. 1985.
c. With adjectives, especially such as are positive in form but have a comparative force and denote a deficiency or the like (1063); as ἡμεῖς γὰρ ἔτι νέοι ὥστε τοσοῦτον πρᾶγμα διελέσθαι for we are still too young to decide so important a matter P. Pr. 314b. So with ἰδιώτης, ὀλίγος, ψῡχρός, γέρων; and with ἱκανός, ἀδύνατος (and with δύνασθαι).
On the absolute infinitive with ὡς (less often with ὥστε) see 2012.
Any form used in simple sentences may follow ὥστε (rarely ὡς) with a finite verb. ὥστε has no effect on the mood of a finite verb.
a. ὡς is found especially in Xenophon.
ὥστε so that with the indicative states the actual result of the action of the leading verb. This is especially common in narrative statements with the aorist tense. The negative is οὐ.
an immense amount of snow fell so that it buried both the arms and the menἐπιπί̄πτει χιὼν ἄπλετος ὥστε ἀπέκρυψε καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους
they reached such a pitch of insolence that they persuaded you to expel himεἰς τοσοῦτον ὕβρεως ἦλθον ὥστ᾽ ἔπεισαν ὑ̄μᾶς ἐλαύνειν αὐτόν
I consider that it is the case that the cities will revolt from himνομίζω οὕτως ἔχειν ὡς ἀποστήσονται αὐτοῦ αἱ πόλεις
a. So when ὥστε introducing an independent sentence practically has the force of οὖν, τοίνυν, τοιγαροῦν and so therefore, consequently. Thus
and on the next day he did not come; consequently the Greeks were anxiousκαὶ εἰς μὲν τὴν ὑστεραίᾱν οὐχ ἧκεν· ὥσθ᾽ οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐφρόντιζον
and so I kept asking myselfὥστ᾽ ἐμὲ ἐμαυτὸν ἀνερωτᾶν
With an imperative, a hortatory or prohibitory subjunctive, or an interrogative verb, a clause with ὥστε is coördinate rather than subordinate, and ὥστε has the force of καὶ οὕτως.
and so be not afraidὥστε θάρρει
and so do not wonderὥστε . . . μὴ θαυμάσῃς
ὥστε (ὡς) occurs rarely with the participle (instead of the infinitive) by attraction to a preceding participle (And. 4.20, X. C. 7.5.46, D. 10.40, 58. 23).
ὥστε (ὡς) may be used with a past tense of the indicative with ἄν (potential indicative and unreal indicative).
τοιοῦτόν τι ἐποίησεν ὡς πᾶς ἂν ἔγνω ὅτι ἀσμένη ἤκουσε she made a movement so that every one could recognize that she heard the music with pleasure X. S. 9. 3,
everything was clearly visible from it, so that Cleon could not have escaped his notice in setting out with his forceκατεφαίνετο πάντα αὐτόθεν ὥστε οὐκ ἂν ἔλαθεν αὐτὸν ὁρμώμενος ὁ Κλέων τῷ στρατῷ
ὥστε (ὡς) is used rarely with the optative without ἄν (by assimilation to a preceding optative) and with the potential optative with ἄν.
εἴ τις τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν σὴν οὕτω θεραπεύσειεν ὥστε φιλεῖν αὐτὴν μᾶλλον ποιήσειεν ἑαυτὸν ἢ σέ κτλ. if some one should pay such attention to your wife as to make her love him better than yourself X. C. 5.5.30 (cp. 2266),
you are so far unworthy of compassion that you would be detested most justly of all menτοσούτου δεῖς ἐλέου τινὸς ἄξιος εἶναι ὥστε μῑσηθείης ἂν δικαιότατ᾽ ἀνθρώπων
ἐφ᾽ ᾧ and ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε on condition that, for the purpose of take the infinitive or (less often) the future indicative, and may be introduced, in the principal clause, by the demonstrative ἐπὶ τούτῳ. Negative μή.
having been chosen for the purpose of compiling lawsαἱρεθέντες ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε συγγράψαι νόμους
we release you, on this condition however, that you no longer search after wisdomἀφί̄εμέν σε, ἐπὶ τούτῳ μέντοι, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε μηκέτι . . . φιλοσοφεῖν
they made an agreement on condition that they should depart from the Peloponnesus under a truce and never set foot on it againξυνέβησαν ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε ἐξίᾱσιν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου ὑπόσπονδοι καὶ μηδέποτε ἐπιβήσονται αὐτῆς
a. These constructions do not occur in Homer. The future indicative is used by Herodotus and Thucydides on the analogy of relative clauses equivalent to consecutive clauses. These authors also use ἐπὶ τοῖσδε for ἐπὶ τούτῳ.
A condition is a supposition on which a statement is based. A conditional sentence commonly consists of two clauses:
The protasis: the conditional, or subordinate, clause, expressing a supposed or assumed case (if).
The apodosis: the conclusion, or principal clause, expressing what follows if the condition is realized. The truth or fulfilment of the conclusion depends on the truth or fulfilment of the conditional clause.
a. The protasis has its name from πρότασις, lit. stretching forward, that which is put forward (in logic, a premiss); the apodosis, from ἀπόδοσις, lit. giving back, return; i.e. the resuming or answering clause.
The protasis usually precedes, but may follow, the apodosis.
The protasis is introduced by εἰ if.
a. Homer has also αι᾽, which is an Aeolic (and Doric' form.
With the subjunctive mood, ει᾽ commonly takes ἄν (Epic εἴ κε or εἴ κεν , not ἐά̄ν ).
a. There are three forms, ἐά̄ν, ἤν, ἄ̄ν. ἐά̄ν is the ordinary form in Attic prose and inscriptions; ἤν appears in Ionic and in the older Attic writers (the tragic poets and Thucydides); ἄ̄ν, generally in the later writers (sometimes together with ἐά̄ν), very rarely in Attic inscriptions. In Plato ἄ̄ν is commoner than ἐά̄ν. Xenophon has all three forms.
b. ἤν is from εἰ ¨ ἄν, ἄ̄ν from η᾽ (another form of εἰ) + ἄν. The etymology of ἐά̄ν is uncertain: either from η᾽ ¨ ἄν or from εἰ ¨ ἄ̄ν.
The particle ἄν is used in the apodosis: (1) with the optative, to denote possibility (cp. 1824); (2) with the past tenses of the indicative, to denote either the non-fulfilment of the condition (1786) or, occasionally, repetition (1790).
The apodosis may be introduced by δέ or ἀλλά, less often by αὐτάρ. See under Particles. νῦν δέ as it is, as it was corrects a supposition contrary to fact. The apodosis sometimes has τότε, τότε δή, οὕτως (Hom. τῷ) comparable to Eng. then, in that case in the conclusion of conditional sentences.
The negative of the protasis is μή because the subordinate clause expresses something that is conceived or imagined. μή negatives the conditional clause as a whole. On οὐ adherescent in protasis, see 2698.
The negative of the apodosis is οὐ, in case the principal clause states the conclusion as a fact on the supposition that the protasis is true; μή, when the construction requires that negative (2689).
The indicative, subjunctive, and optative moods, and the participle may stand in protasis and apodosis. The imperative and infinitive may be used in the apodosis. The future optative is not used in conditional sentences except in indirect discourse. The tenses in conditional sentences, except unreal conditions, have the same force as in simple sentences.
Instead of a formal conditional sentence the two members may be simply coördinated, the protasis having the form of an independent clause.
σμῑκρὸν λαβὲ παράδειγμα, καὶ πάντα εἴσει ἃ βούλομαι take an insignificant example, and you will know what I mean P. Th. 154c, πρά̄ττεταί τι τῶν ὑ̄μῖν δοκούντων συμφέρειν· ἄφωνος Αἰσχίνης something is going on (of a kind) that seems to be to your advantage. Aeschines is dumb. D. 18.198. Cp. “Take with you this great truth, and you have the key to Paul's writings” (Channing); “Petition me, perhaps I may forgive” (Dryden). Cp. 1839.
Conditional sentences may be classified according to form or function (i.e. with reference to their meaning). Classified according to form, all conditional sentences may be arranged with regard to the form of the protasis or of the apodosis.
Protasis: εἰ with the indicative.
ἐά̄ν (rarely εἰ) with the subjunctive.
εἰ with the optative.
Apodosis: with ἄν, denoting what would (should) be or have been.
without ἄν, not denoting what would (should) be or have been.
Greek possesses a great variety of ways to join protasis and apodosis, but certain types, as in English, are more common than others and have clear and distinct meanings. In the case of some of the less usual types the exact shade of difference cannot be accurately known to us; as indeed to the Greeks themselves they were often used with no essential difference from the conventional types. In the following classification only the ordinary forms are given.
This is the only functional distinction that characterizes all conditional sentences. Here are included also 2292, 2295, 2296.
Protasis: a primary tense of the indicative.
Apodosis: any form of the simple sentence.
εἰ ταῦτα ποιεῖς, καλῶς ποιεῖς if you do this, you do well.
Protasis: a secondary tense of the indicative.
Apodosis: any form of the simple sentence.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίεις, καλῶς ἐποίεις if you were doing this, you were doing well, εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησας, καλῶς ἐποίησας if you did this, you did well.
a. Protasis: ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive.
Apodosis: any form expressing future time.
ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς (ποιήσῃς), καλῶς ποιήσεις if you do this, you will do well.
b. Protasis: εἰ with the future indicative.
Apodosis: any form expressing future time.
εἰ ταῦτα ποιήσεις, πείσει if you do this, you will suffer for it.
c. Protasis: εἰ with the optative.
Apodosis: ἄν with the optative.
εἰ ταῦτα ποιοίης (ποιήσειας), καλῶς ἂν ποιοίης (ποιήσειας) if you should (were to) do this, you would do well.
Only one class of conditional sentences distinctly expresses non-fulfilment of the action.
Protasis: εἰ with the imperfect indicative.
Apodosis: ἄν with the imperfect indicative.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίεις, καλῶς ἂν ἐποίεις if you were (now) doing this, you would be doing well; if you had been doing this, you would have been doing well.
Protasis: εἰ with the aorist indicative.
Apodosis: ἄν with the aorist indicative.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησας, καλῶς ἂν ἐποίησας if you had done this, you would have done well.
N.—Greek has no special forms to show that an action is or was fulfilled, however clearly this may be implied by the context. Any form of conditional sentence in which the apodosis does not express a rule of action may refer to an impossibility.
A particular condition refers to a definite act or to several definite acts occurring at a definite time or at definite times.
A general condition refers to any one of a series of acts that may occur or may have occurred at any time.
General conditions are distinguished from particular conditions only in present and past time, and then only when there is no implication as to the fulfilment of the action. General conditions have no obligatory form, as any form of condition may refer to a rule of action or to a particular act; but there are two common types of construction:
Protasis: ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive.
Apodosis: present indicative.
ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς (ποιήσῃς), σὲ ἐπαινῶ if ever you do this, I always praise you.
Protasis: εἰ with the optative.
Apodosis: imperfect indicative.
εἰ ταῦτα ποιοίης (ποιήσειας), σὲ ἐπῄνουν if ever you did this, I always praised you.
But equally possible, though less common, are:
εἰ ταῦτα ποιεῖς, σὲ ἐπαινῶ and εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίεις, σὲ ἐπῄνουν.
In this Grammar the ordinary types of conditional sentences are classified primarily according to time. The Homeric and other more usual variations from the ordinary forms are mentioned under each class, the less usual Attic variations are mentioned in 2355 ff. The following table shows the common usage:
| TIME | FORM | PROTASIS | APODOSIS |
| Simple | ει᾽ with present or perfect | present or perfect indic- | |
| indicative | ative or equivalent | ||
| Unreal | ει᾽ with imperfect indicative | imperfect indicative with | |
| PRESENT | ἄν | ||
| General | ἐά̄ν with subjunctive | present indicative or | |
| equivalent | |||
| Simple | ει᾽ with imperfect, aorist, or | imperfect, aorist, or plu- | |
| pluperfect indicative | perfect indicative | ||
| Unreal | ει᾽ with aorist or imperfect | aorist or imperfect indic- | |
| PAST | indicative | ative with ἄν | |
| General | ει᾽ with optative | imperfect indicative or | |
| equivalent | |||
| More Vivid | ἐά̄ν with subjunctive | fut. indic. or equivalent | |
| FUTURE | Emotional | ει᾽ with future indicative | fut. indic. or equivalent |
| Less Vivid | ει᾽ with optative | ἄν with optative |
Simple present or past conditions simply state a supposition with no implication as to its reality or probability. The protasis has the indicative, the apodosis has commonly the indicative, but also any other form of the simple sentence appropriate to the thought.
εἰ ταῦτα ποιεῖς, καλῶς ποιεῖς if you do this, you do well.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησας, καλῶς ἐποίησας if you did this, you did well.
a. This form of condition corresponds to the logical formula if this is so, then that is so; if this is not so, then that is not so; if A = B, then C = D. The truth of the conclusion depends solely on the truth of the condition, which is not implied in any way. In these conditions something is supposed to be true only in order to draw the consequence that something else is true.
b. The conditional clause may express what the writer knows is physically impossible. Even when the supposition is true according to the real opinion of the writer, this form of condition is employed. In such cases εἴπερ is often used for εἰ. Both εἰ and εἴπερ sometimes have a causal force (2246); cp. si quidem and quia.
c. The simple condition is particular or general. When the protasis has εἴ τις and the apodosis a present indicative, the simple condition has a double meaning referring both to an individual case and to a rule of action. When a present general condition is distinctly expressed, ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive is used (2337.)
There are many possible combinations of present and past conditions with different forms of the protasis and apodosis. Protasis and apodosis may be in different tenses, and present and future may be combined.
The apodosis may be the simple indicative or any other form of the simple sentence appropriate to the thought.
a. Simple Indicative: εἰ τοῦτ᾽ ἔχει καλῶς, ἐκεῖνο αἰσχρῶς if this is excellent, that is disgraceful Aes. 3.188, εἰ μὲν (Ἀσκληπιὸς)
if Asclepius was the son of a god, he was not covetous; if he was covetous, he was not the son of a godθεοῦ ἦν, οὐκ ἦν αἰσχροκερδής· εἰ δ᾽ αἰσχροκερδής, οὐκ ἦν θεοῦ
in truth you do possess a noble art, if indeed you do possess itἦ καλὸν . . . τέχνημα ἄρα κέκτησαι, εἴπερ κέκτησαι
b. Indicative with ἄν (unreal indicative, 1786):
and yet, if indeed his present charge against me is true, he would have had more reason for prosecuting Hyperides than he now has for prosecuting my clientκαίτοι τότε . . . τὸν Ὑπερείδην, εἴπερ ἀληθῆ μου νῦν κατηγορεῖ, μᾶλλον ἂν εἰκότως ἢ τόνδ᾽ ἐδίωκεν
even if they steal everything else, they should have restored thisτοῦτο, εἰ καὶ τἄλλα πάντ᾽ ἀποστεροῦσιν . . . ἀποδοῦναι προσῆκεν
c. Subjunctive of exhortation or prohibition (cp. the indicative δεῖ or χρή with the infinitive, 1807):
but let us return to the point whence we digressed, if it is agreeable to youὅθεν δὲ ἀπελίπομεν ἐπανέλθωμεν, εἴ σοι ἡδομένῳ ἐστίν
d. Optative of wish (cp. the indicative ἐλπίζω):
may I perish most vilely, if I do not love Xanthiasκάκιστ᾽ ἀπολοίμην, Ξανθίᾱν εἰ μὴ φιλῶ
e. Potential optative: θαυμάζοιμ᾽ ἂν εἰ οἶσθα I should be surprised if you know P. Pr. 312c. The potential optative (or indicative with ἄν, above b) sometimes suggests an inference (cp. the indicative δοκεῖ and inf. with ἄν). Thus, εἰ μὲν γὰρ τοῦτο λέγουσιν, ὁμολογοίην ἂν ἔγωγε οὐ κατὰ τούτους εἶναι ῥήτωρ for if they mean this, I must admit (it seems to me that I must admit) that I am an orator, but not after their style P. A. 17b (cp. τοῦτό γέ μοι δοκεῖ καλὸν εἶναι, εἴ τις οἷός τ᾽ εἴη παιδεύειν ἀνθρώπους this seems to me a fine thing, if any one should be able to train men 19 e), εἰ γὰρ οὗτοι ὀρθῶς ἀπέστησαν, ὑ̄μεῖς ἂν οὐ χρεὼν ἄρχοιτε<*> for if they were right in revolting, you must be wrong in holding your empire T. 3.40 (cp. οὐκ ἄρα χρὴ ὑ̄μᾶς ἄρχειν).
f. Imperative (cp. the indicative κελεύω order, ἀπαγορεύω forbid):
if any one objects, let him speakεἴ τις ἀντιλέγει, λεγέτω
If the protasis expresses a present intention or necessity, the future indicative may be used.
εἰ δὲ καὶ τῷ ἡγεμόνι πιστεύσομεν ὃν ἂν Κῦρος διδῷ, τί κωλύ̄ει καὶ τὰ ἄκρα ἡμῖν κελεύειν Κῦρον προκαταλαβεῖν; but if we are going to trust any guide that Cyrus may give us, what hinders our also ordering Cyrus to occupy the heights in advance in our behalf? X. A. 1.3.16, αἶρε πλῆκτρον, εἰ μαχεῖ raise your spur if you mean (are going) to fight Ar. Av. 759. The future here has a modal force and expresses something besides futurity; hence it is equivalent to μέλλεις μαχεῖσθαι (1959), but not to ἐὰ̄ν μάχῃ (2323) or to εἰ μαχεῖ (a threat, 2328), both of which refer to future time. The periphrasis with μέλλω and the present or future infinitive is more common in prose.
In present and past unreal conditions the protasis implies that the supposition cannot or could not be realized because contrary to a known fact. The apodosis states what would be or would have been the result if the condition were or had been realized.
The protasis has ει᾽ with the imperfect, aorist, or pluperfect indicative; the apodosis has ἄν with these past tenses. The protasis and apodosis may have different tenses. Unreal conditions are either particular or general.
The imperfect refers to present time or (sometimes) to a continued or habitual past act or state. The imperfect may be conative.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίεις, καλῶς ἂν ἐποίεις if you were (now) doing this, you would be doing well , or if you had been doing this, you would have been doing well.
The implied opposite is a present (ἀλλ᾽ ου᾽ ποιεῖς but you are not doing this) or an imperfect (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐποίεις but you were not doing this).
The imperfect of past time emphasizes the continuance of the action.
The aorist refers to a simple occurrence in the past.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησας, καλῶς ἂν ἐποίησας if you had done this, you would have done well.
The implied opposite is an aorist (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐποίησας but you did not do this).
The (rare) pluperfect refers to an act completed in past or present time or to the state following on such completion.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐπεποιήκης, καλῶς ἂν ἐπεποιήκης if you had finished doing this (now or on any past occasion), you would have done well.
The implied opposite is a perfect (ἀλλ᾽ ου᾽ πεποίηκας but you have not done this) or a pluperfect (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπεποιήκης but you had not done this).
a. The pluperfect is used only when stress is laid on the completion of the act or on the continuance of the result of the act, and generally refers to present time. In reference to past time, the aorist is generally used instead of the pluperfect.
In reference to past time, the imperfect or aorist is used according as either tense would be used in an affirmative sentence not conditional. The pluperfect is commonly used when the perfect would have been used of present time.
In the form of the protasis and the apodosis of unreal conditions there is nothing that denotes unreality, but, in the combination, the unreality of the protasis is always, and that of the apodosis generally, implied. The past tenses of the indicative are used in unreal conditions referring to present time, because the speaker's thought goes back to the past, when the realization of the condition was still possible, though at the time of speaking that realization is impossible.
Same Tenses in Protasis and Apodosis.—a. Imperfect of present time:
but they would not be able to do this, if they were not also following a temperate dietταῦτα δὲ οὐκ ἂν ἐδύναντο ποιεῖν, εἰ μὴ καὶ διαίτῃ μετρίᾳ ἐχρῶντο
b. Imperfect of past time:
accordingly he would not have ruled over islands, if he had not possessed also some naval forceοὐκ ἂν οὖν νήσων . . . ἐκράτει, εἰ μή τι καὶ ναυτικὸν εἶχεν
c. Aorist of past time:
Agasias would not have done this, if I had not ordered himοὐκ ἂν ἐποίησεν Ἀγασίᾱς ταῦτα, εἰ μὴ ἐγὼ αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσα
Different Tenses in Protasis and Apodosis.—a. Imperfect and Aorist: εἰ μὲν πρόσθεν ἠπιστάμην, οὐδ᾽ ἂν συνηκολούθησά σοι if I had known this before, I would not even have accompanied you X. A. 7.7.11.
N.—With an imperfect of present time in the protasis, εἶπον ἄν, ἀπεκρῑνάμην ἄν and like verbs, denote an act in present time (I should at once say). Thus, εἰ μὴ πατὴρ ἦσθ᾽, εἶπον ἄν σ᾽ οὐκ εὖ φρονεῖν if thou wert not my father, I would say (would have said) thou wast unwise S. Ant. 755. Often in Plato, as εἰ μὲν οὖ<*> σύ με ἠρώτᾱς τι τῶν νῦν δή, εἶπον ἄν κτλ. if now you were asking me any one of the questions with which we are now dealing, I should say etc., P. Euth. 12d, cp. P. G. 514d, X. A. 7.6.23.
b. Imperfect and Pluperfect:
and everything else would have been effected consistently with what I have said, if my advice had been followedκαὶ τἄλλ᾽ ἂν ἅπαντ᾽ ἀκολούθως τούτοις ἐπέπρᾱκτο, εἴ τις ἐπείθετό μοι
c. Aorist and Imperfect: εἰ μὴ ὑ̄μεῖς ἤλθετε, ἐπορευόμεθα ἂν ἐπὶ βασιλέᾱ if you had not come, we should now be marching against the king X. A. 2.1.4.
d. Aorist and Pluperfect: εἰ ἐγὼ πάλαι ἐπεχείρησα πρά̄ττειν τὰ πολῑτικὰ πρά̄γματα, πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλη if I had long ago essayed to meddle with politics, I should long ago have perished P. A. 31d, εἰ μία ψῆφος μετέπεσεν, ὑπερώριστ᾽ ἄν if one vote had been transferred to the other side, he would have been transported across the borders (and now be in exile) Aes. 3.252.
e. Pluperfect and Imperfect:
the State would inflict punishment, if it had been wrongedἡ πόλις ἐλάμβανεν ἂν δίκην, εἴ τι ἠδίκητο
f. Pluperfect and Aorist: οὐκ ἂν παρέμεινα, εἰ ἐλελύμην I should not have stayed, if I had been free Ant. 5.13.
Homeric Constructions.—In Homer the imperfect in unreal conditions refers only to past time. The apodosis may have κέ or ἄν with the optative.
a. The present unreal condition with εἰ with the optative in the protasis and ἄν with the optative in the apodosis (in form like a less vivid future condition in Attic) is very rare ( Ψ 274). In B 80, Ω 220 we have a combination of a past protasis (imperfect or aorist indicative) with present apodosis (with κέν and the optative).
b. Past unreal conditions have, in the protasis, the imperfect or aorist indicative; in the apodosis, either the imperfect or aorist indicative with ἄν or κέ or the aorist or present optative with κέ. Thus, καί νύ κεν ἔνθ᾽ ἀπόλοιτο . . . Αἰνείᾱς, εἰ μὴ ἄρ᾽ ὀξυ` νόησε . . . Ἀφροδί̄τη and here Aeneas had perished, if Aphrodite had not quickly observed him E 311.
Unreal conditions with ἄν and the optative in apodosis (cp. 2311) in Attic are rare and some are suspected. Either the common reading is at fault (X. M. 3.5.8), or we have a simple condition with a potential optative (2300 e), as in And. 1.57, L. 6.39, I. 4.102. In εἰ μὲν τοίνυν τοῦτ᾽ ἐπεχείρουν λέγειν . . . , οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως ἐπιτῑμήσειέ μοι if now I were attempting to say this, there would be no one who would not censure me with good reason (D. 18.206) the implied conclusion is οὐκ ἂν ἦν ὅστις κτλ.
a. The optative in protasis and apodosis occur in E. Med. 568 (present unreal). Hdt. uses the potential optative occasionally (e.g. 7. 214) where English uses a past expression.
ἄν may be omitted in the apodosis of an unreal condition when the apodosis consists of an imperfect indicative denoting unfulfilled obligation, possibility, or propriety. Such are the impersonal expressions ἔδει, χρῆν, ἐξῆν, εἰκὸς ἦν, καλὸν ἦν, etc., with the infinitive, the action of which is (usually) not realized.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίει, ἔδει (ἐξῆν) αἰτιᾶσθαι αὐτόν if he were doing this (as he is not), one ought to (might) blame him.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησε, ἔδει (ἐξῆν) αἰτιά̄σασθαι (or αἰτιᾶσθαι) αὐτόν if he had done this (as he did not), one ought to (might) have blamed him.
a. Here ἔδει and ἐξῆν are auxiliaries and the emphasis falls on the infinitive. The impersonal verb has the effect of a modifying adverb denoting obligation, possibility, or propriety: thus ἔδει αἰτιᾶσθαι αὐτόν is virtually equivalent to δικαίως ἂν ᾐτιᾶτο, and εἰκὸς ἦν αἰτιά̄σασθαι αὐτόν to εἰκότως ἂν ᾐτιά̄θη he would properly have been blamed.
b. ἔδει, χρῆν, etc., may be used in simple sentences (1774 ff.) without any protasis either expressed or implied. But a protasis may often be supplied in thought.
The present infinitive generally expresses what would necessarily, possibly, or properly be done now. The aorist, and sometimes the present, infinitive expresses what would necessarily, possibly, or properly have been done in the past.
a. Present infinitive of present time:
if some of them on growing older had perceived that I ever gave them any bad counsel when they were young, they ought of course now to rise up in person and accuse meχρῆν δήπου, εἴτε τινὲς αὐτῶν πρεσβύτεροι γενόμενοι ἔγνωσαν ὅτι νέοις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς ἐγὼ κακὸν πώποτέ τι ξυνεβούλευσα, νῡνὶ̄ αὐτοὺς ἀναβαίνοντας ἐμοῦ κατηγορεῖν
b. Present infinitive of past time: εἴ τινα (προῖκα) ἐδίδου, εἰκὸς ἦν καὶ τὴν δοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν παραγενέσθαι φασκόντων μαρτυρεῖσθαι if he had given any dowry, that which was actually delivered would naturally have been attested by those who claimed to have been present Is. 3.28.
c. Aorist infinitive of past time: εἰ ἐβούλετο δίκαιος εἶναι περὶ τοὺς παῖδας, ἐξῆν αὐτῷ . . . μισθῶσαι τὸν οἶκον if he had wished to be just in regard to the children, he might properly have let the house L. 32.23.
With the same impersonal expressions, ἄν is regularly used when the obligation, possibility, or propriety, and not the action of the verb dependent on ἔδει, etc., is denied. Here the main force of the apodosis falls on the necessity, possibility, or propriety of the act.
εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίει, ἔδει (ἐξῆν) ἂν αι᾿τιᾶσθαι αὐτόν if he were doing this (as he is not), it would be necessary (possible) to blame him; but, as the case now stands, it is not necessary (possible). Thus, εἰ μὲν ἠπιστάμεθα σαφῶς ὅτι ἥξει πλοῖα . . . ἄγων ἱκανά, οὐδὲν ἂν ἔδει ὧν μέλλω λέγειν if we knew for certain that he would return with a sufficient number of vessels, there would be no need to say what I am going to say (but there is need) X. A. 5.1.10, ταῦτα εἰ μὲν δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν ἐπάσχομεν, στέργειν ἂν ἦν ἀνάγκη τὴν τύχην if we had suffered this because of our weakness, we should have (necessity would compel us) to rest content with our lot L. 33.4.
With ἄν, it is implied that the obligation does (or did) not exist; without ἄν, it is implied that the action of the dependent infinitive is (or was) not realized. Thus the first sentence in 2315, without ἄν, would mean: if he were doing this (as he is not), one ought to blame him; but, as the case now stands, one does not blame him.
ἐβουλόμην, or ἐβουλόμην ἄν, with the infinitive may stand in the apodosis. Cp. 1782, 1789.
ἄν is regularly omitted in an apodosis formed by the imperfect of μέλλω and the infinitive (usually future) to denote an unfulfilled past intention or expectation (cp. the Lat. future participle with eram or fui). Cp. 1895 a, 1960.
ἦ μάλα δὴ Ἀγαμέμνονος . . . φθί̄σεσθαι κακὸν οἶτον ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν ἔμελλον, εἰ μὴ . . . ἔειπες in sooth I was like to have perished in my halls by the evil fate of Agamemnon, hadst thou not spoken ν 383 (periturus eram, nisi dixisses).
ἄν may be omitted with the aorist of κινδῡνεύω run a risk when the emphasis falls on the dependent infinitive.
εἰ μὴ δρόμῳ μόλις ἐξεφύγομεν εἰς Δελφούς, ἐκινδῡνεύσαμεν ἀπολέσθαι if we had not escaped with difficulty to Delphi by taking to our heels, we ran the risk of perishing ( = we should probably have perished: ἂν ἀπωλόμεθα) Aes. 3.123. Contrast
if they had mustered in larger force at this time, a large part of the troops would have been in danger of being destroyedεἰ μέντοι τότε πλείους συνελέγησαν, ἐκινδύ̄νευσεν ἂν διαφθαρῆναι πολὺ τοῦ στρατεύματος
Some expressions containing a secondary tense of the indicative without ἄν, and not followed by a dependent infinitive, are virtually equivalent to the apodosis of an unreal condition.
τούτῳ δ᾽ ει᾽ μὴ ὡμολόγουν ἃ οὗτος ἐβούλετο, οὐδεμιᾷ ζημίᾳ ἔνοχος ἦν but if they had not acknowledged to him what he wished, he would have been (lit. was) liable to no penalty L. 7.37.
a. Imperfects (not impersonal) without ἄν are often emended, as ᾐσχῡνόμην μέντοι (some editors μέντἄν), εἰ ὑπὸ πολεμίου γε ὄντος ἐξηπατήθην I should, however, be ashamed, if I had been deceived by any one who was an enemy X. A. 7.6.21. Cp. “Tybalt's death was woe enough, if it had ended there” (Shakesp.). Cases like 1895 a do not belong here.
Future conditions set forth suppositions the fulfilment of which is still undecided. There are two main forms of future conditions:
More Vivid Future conditions.
Less Vivid Future conditions.
A variety of the first class is the Emotional Future (2328).
Future conditions may be particular or general (2293, 2294).
The difference between the More Vivid Future and the Less Vivid Future, like the difference between if I (shall) do this and if I should do this, depends on the mental attitude of the speaker. With the Vivid Future the speaker sets forth a thought as prominent and distinct in his mind; and for any one or more of various reasons. Thus, he may (and generally does) regard the conclusion as more likely to be realized; but even an impossible (2322 c) or dreaded result may be expressed by this form if the speaker chooses to picture the result vividly and distinctly. The More Vivid Future is thus used whenever the speaker clearly desires to be graphic, impressive, emphatic, and to anticipate a future result with the distinctness of the present.
The Less Vivid Future deals with suppositions less distinctly conceived and of less immediate concern to the speaker, mere assumed or imaginary cases. This is a favourite construction in Greek, and is often used in stating suppositions that are merely possible and often impossible; but the form of the condition itself does not imply an expectation of the speaker that the conclusion may possibly be realized. The difference between the two forms, therefore, is not an inherent difference between probable realization in the one case and possible realization in the other. The same thought may often be expressed in either form without any essential difference in meaning. The only difference is, therefore, often that of temperament, tone, or style.
a. ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive and εἰ with the optative are rarely used in successive sentences. In most such cases the difference lies merely in the degree of distinctness and emphasis of the expression used; but where the speaker wishes to show that the conclusion is expected or desired, he uses ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive rather than the other form. Thus, εἰ οὖν ἴδοιεν καὶ νῲ καθάπερ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ μὴ διαλεγομένους, ἀλλὰ νυστάζοντας καὶ κηλουμένους ὑφ᾽ αὑτῶν δι᾽ ἀ̄ργίᾱ<*> τῆς διανοίᾱς, δικαίως ἂν καταγελῷεν· . . . ἐὰ̄ν δ᾽ ὁρῶσι διαλεγομένους . . ., τάχ᾽ ἂν δοῖεν ἀγασθέντες if now they should see that we, like the many, are not conversing at noon-day but slumbering and charmed by them because of the indolence of our thoughts, they would rightly laugh at us; but if they see us conversing, they will, perhaps, out of admiration make us gifts P. Phae. 259a.
b. Cases of both forms in successive sentences are I 135, Hdt. 8.21, 9. 48; P. Cr. 51d, Ph. 105 b, Phae. 259 a, Pr. 330 c-331 a, D. 4.11, 18. 147-148. In D. 18.178 both the desired and the undesired alternative have ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive.
c. Impossibilities may be expressed by ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive. Thus, τί οὖν, ἂ̄ν εἴπωσιν οἱ νόμοι; what, then, if the laws say? P. Cr. 50c; cp. P. Eu. 299b, R. 610 a, 612 b (opt. in 359 c, 360 b), Ar. Aves 1642, E. Or. 1593, Phoen. 1216. Cp. 2329 a.
More vivid future conditions have in the protasis ἐά̄ν (ἤν, ἄ̄ν) with the subjunctive; in the apodosis, the future indicative or any other form referring to future time.
ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς (ποιήσῃς), καλῶς ποιήσεις if you do this, you will do well.
This form of condition corresponds to the use of shall and will in conditional sentences in older English (“if ye shall ask . . . I will do it”: St. John). Modern English substitutes the present for the more exact future in ordinary future conditions of this class; and often uses shall in the protasis with an emotional force. The English present subjunctive, although somewhat rarely used in the modern language, corresponds more nearly to the Greek subjunctive (“if she be there, he shall not need”: Beaumont and Fletcher).—Since if you do this may be expressed in Greek by ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς or εἰ ταῦτα ποιήσεις (2328), and by εἰ ταῦτα ποιεῖς (2298), the difference in meaning is made clear only by the apodosis. The form ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς in vivid future conditions must be distinguished from the same form in present general conditions (if ever you do this, 2337). ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτά σοι δοκῇ, ποίει may be particular or general: if (or if ever) this seems good to you, do it.
The present subjunctive views an act as continuing (not completed); the aorist subjunctive as simply occurring (completed). Neither tense has any time of itself. The aorist subjunctive may mark the action of the protasis as completed before the action of the principal clause (cp. the Lat. future perfect). Ingressive aorists (1924) retain their force in the subjunctive.
The apodosis of the more vivid future condition is the future indicative or any other form of the simple sentence that refers to future time.
a. Future Indicative:
if you seek well, you shall findἐὰ̄ν ζητῇς καλῶς, εὑρήσεις
if we have money, we shall have friendsἐὰ̄ν δ᾽ ἔχωμεν χρήμαθ᾽, ἕξομεν φίλους
I shall be grateful, if you listenχάριν γε εἴσομαι, ἐὰ̄ν ἀκούητε
for if we take this, they will not be able to remainἢν γὰρ τοῦτο λάβωμεν, οὐ δυνήσονται μένειν
b. Primary Tenses of the indicative other than the future. Present (1879):
if thou art slain, yon boy escapes deathἢν θάνῃς σύ, παῖς ὅδ᾽ ἐκφεύγει μόρον
c. Subjunctive of exhortation, prohibition, or deliberation, and with μή (μὴ οὐ) of doubtful assertion (1801). Thus, μηδ᾽ ἄ̄ν τι ὠνῶμαι, ἔφη, ἢν πωλῇ νεώτερος τριά̄κοντα ἐτῶν, ἔρωμαι, ὁπόσου πωλεῖ; even if I am buying something, said he, am I not to ask ‘what do you sell it for?’ if the seller is under thirty years of age? X. M. 1.2.36, κἂ̄ν φαινώμεθα ἄδικα αὐτὰ ἐργαζόμενοι, μὴ οὐ δέῃ ὑπολογίζεσθαι κτλ. and if we appear to do this unjustly, I rather think it may not be necessary to take notice, etc. P. Cr. 48d.
d. Optative of wish, or potential optative with ἄν (‘something may happen’ instead of ‘something will happen’). Thus, ἤν σε τοῦ λοιποῦ ποτ᾽ ἀφέλωμαι χρόνου, . . .
if ever in the future I take them away from you, may I perish most vilely!κάκιστ᾽ ἀπολοίμην
e. Imperative, or infinitive for the imperative (2013):
if you choose war, do not come here again without your armsἢν πόλεμον αἱρῆσθε, μηκέτι ἥκετε δεῦρο ἄνευ ὅπλων
but if you can find anything better from any quarter, try to communicate it to me tooσὺ δ᾽, ἄ̄ν τι ἔχῃς βέλτῑόν ποθεν λαβεῖν, πειρᾶσθαι καὶ ἐμοὶ μεταδιδόναι
Homeric Constructions.—a. εἰ alone without κέ or ἄν with the subjunctive with no appreciable difference from εἴ κε (ἄν): εἴ περ γάρ σε κατακτάνῃ, οὔ σ᾽ . . . κλαύσομαι for if he slay thee, I shall not bewail thee X 86. This construction occurs in lyric and dramatic poetry, and in Hdt., as δυστάλαινα τἄ̄ρ᾽ ἐγώ, εἴ σου στερηθῶ wretched indeed shall I be, if I am deprived of thee S. O. C. 1443. In Attic prose it is very rare and suspected (T. 6.21).
b. Subjunctive with κέ in both protasis and apodosis (the anticipatory subjunctive, 1810): εἰ δέ κε μὴ δώῃσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν αὐτὸς ἕλωμαι and if he do not give her up, then will I seize her myself A 324.
c. εἴ (αἴ) κε with the future in protasis (rare): σοὶ . . . ὄνειδος ἔσσεται, εἴ κ᾽ Ἀχιλῆος . . . ἑταῖρον . . . κύνες ἑλκήσουσιν it will be a reproach unto thee, if the dogs drag the companion of Achilles P 557. Some read here the subjunctive.
Emotional Future Conditions.—When the protasis expresses strong feeling, the future indicative with εἰ is commonly used instead of ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive, and may often be rendered by hall. The protasis commonly suggests something undesired, or feared, or intended independently of the speaker's will; the apodosis commonly conveys a threat, a warning, or an earnest appeal to the feelings. The apodosis is generally expressed by the future indicative, but other forms of 2326 are possible.
if thou speakest thus, thou wilt be hated by meεἰ ταῦτα λέξεις, ἐχθαρεῖ μὲν ἐξ ἐμοῦ
for thou wilt slay me if thou shalt thrust me out of the landἀποκτενεῖς γάρ, εἴ με γῆς ἔξω βαλεῖς
if we keep the field thus, we shall not be able to fightεἰ ὧδε στρατευσόμεθα, οὐ δυνησόμεθα μάχεσθαι
I should become most wretched, were I to be driven unjustly into exileεἰ φυγὰς ἀδίκως καταστήσομαι
a. When εἰ with the future indicative is directly contrasted with ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive, the former usually presents the unfavourable, the latter the favourable, alternative. Thus,
ἢν μὲν γὰρ ἐθέλωμεν ἀποθνῄσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, εὐδοκιμήσομεν . . ., εἰ δὲ φοβησόμεθα τοὺς κινδύ̄νους, εἰς πολλὰ̄ς ταραχὰ̄ς καταστήσομεν ἡμᾶς αὐτούς if we are (shall be) willing to die for the sake of justice, we shall gain renown; but if we are going to fear dangers, we shall bring ourselves into great confusion I. 6.107. Cp. X. C. 4.1.15, Ar. Nub. 586-591, L. 27.7, I. 12.237, 15. 130, 17. 9, D. 8.17, 18. 176, 27. 20-22. Both constructions are rarely used in successive clauses with out any essential difference (X. Ap. 6). ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive, when used in threats or warnings, is a milder form of statement than εἰ with the future (Hdt. 1.71). An unfavourable alternative may thus be expressed by ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive (A 135-137, Hdt. 3.36, Aes. 3.254).
b. εἰ with the future indicative may have a modal force like that of δεῖ or μέλλω (am to, must) with the infinitive: βαρεῖα (κήρ), εἰ τέκνον δαΐξω hard is fate, if I must slay my child A. Ag. 208. The future of present intention (2301) is different.
Less vivid future conditions (should . . . would conditions) have in the protasis εἰ with the optative, in the apodosis ἄν with the optative.
εἰ ταῦτα ποιοίης, καλῶς ἂν ποιοίης or εἰ ταῦτα ποιήσειας, καλῶς ἂν ποιήσειας if you should do this, you would do well.
thou wouldst be unendurable shouldst thou be prosperousεἴης φορητὸς οὐκ ἄν, εἰ πρά̄σσοις καλῶς
I should be in the state of having committed a dreadful deed, if I were to desert my postδεινὰ ἂν εἴην εἰργασμένος, . . . εἰ λίποιμι τὴν τάξιν
a. Anything physically impossible may be represented as supposable, hence this construction may be used of what is contrary to fact. Thus,
the dead would speak if gifted with a voiceφαίη δ᾽ ἂν ἡ θανοῦσά γ᾽ ει᾽ φωνὴν λάβοι
Conditional sentences of this class arose partly from optatives of wish (1814, 1815), partly from potential optatives (1824). Cp. εἴθ᾽ ὧς ἡβώοιμι . . . τῷ κε τάχ᾽ ἀντήσειε μάχης . . . Ἕκτωρ would that I were thus young . . . in that case Hector would soon find his combat H 157; see also ξ 193.
The present optative views an action as continuing (not completed); the aorist optative, as simply occurring (completed). (The future optative is never used except to represent a future indicative in indirect discourse.) The perfect (rare) denotes completion with resulting state. In Hdt. 7.214 it is used vaguely of the past: εἰδείη μὲν γὰρ ἂν . . . ταύτην τὴν ἀτ ραπὸν Ὀνήτης, εἰ τῇ χώρᾳ πολλὰ ὡμῑληκὼς εἴη for Onetes might know of this path . . . if he had been well acquainted with the country.
English would is equivocal, being used either in the translation of ἄν with the optative or of ἄν with the past indicative (2302). Thus, cp. εἴ τίς σε ἤρετο . . ., τί ἂν ἀπεκρἰ̄νω; if any one had asked you . . ., what would you have replied? with εἰ οὖν τις ἡμᾶς . . . ἔροιτο . . ., τί ἂν αὐτῷ ἀποκρῑναίμεθα; if then some one should (were to) ask us . . ., what would (should) we reply to him? P. Pr. 311b, d. If I were may be used to translate both εἰ with the optative and εἰ with the past indicative. English shows examples of were in the protasis followed by would, shall, will, is (was, etc.). Were occurs also in apodosis (“should he be roused out of sleep to-night, it were not well”: Shelley).
The apodosis has the optative without ἄν in wishes.
if I should give the advice that seems best to me, may many blessings fall to my lotεἰ μὲν συμβουλεύοιμι ἃ βέλτιστά μοι δοκεῖ, πολλά μοι καὶ ἀγαθὰ γένοιτο
On the optative with εἰ followed by other forms of the apodosis, see 2359.
Homeric Constructions.—a. In the protasis, εἴ κε (εἰ ἄν) with the optative with the same force as εἰ alone. This use is exclusively Homeric. Thus, οὐ μὲν γάρ τι κακώτερον ἄλλο πάθοιμι, οὐδ᾽ εἴ κεν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποφθιμένοιο πυθοίμην for I could not suffer anything worse, not even if I should learn of my father's death T 321. On εἰ ἄν in Attic, see 2353.
b. In the apodosis, a primary tense of the indicative: the present ( η 52), the future (I 388), the future with κέ ( μ 345: but this may be the aorist subjunctive).
c. In the apodosis, the hortatory subjunctive ( Ψ 893), the subjunctive with ἄν or κέ ( Λ 386).
d. In the apodosis, the optative without ἄν not in a wish, but with the same force as the optative with ἄν. See T 321 in a.
e. For κέ with the optative in the apodosis where we should expect, in Homeric and Attic Greek, a past indicative with ἄν (κέ) in an unreal condition, see 2311 b.
General conditions refer indefinitely to any act or series of acts that are supposed to occur or to have occurred at any time; and without any implication as to fulfilment.
The if clause has the force of if ever (whenever), the conclusion expresses a repeated or habitual action or a general truth.
Any simple or unreal condition of present or past time, or any future condition, may refer to a customary or frequently repeated act or to a general truth. But for the present and past only (when nothing is implied as to fulfilment) there are two forms of expression: either a special kind of conditional sentence or (less frequently) the simple condition, as regularly in English and in Latin:
Present. Protasis: ἐά̄ν (= ἐά̄ν ποτε) with the subjunctive; apodosis: the present indicative (2337).
Protasis: εἰ ( = εἴ ποτε) with the present indicative; apodosis: the present indicative (2298 c, 2342).
Past. Protasis: εἰ with the optative; apodosis: the imperfect indicative (2340).
Protasis: εἰ with the imperfect; apodosis: the imperfect (2298 c, 2342).
a. By reason of the past apodosis, the optative in the protasis refers to the past. Only in this use (and when the optative in indirect discourse represents a past indicative) does the optative refer distinctly to the past.
b. The present subjunctive and optative view the action as continuing (not completed); the aorist subjunctive and optative, as simply occurring (completed). The tenses of the protasis have no time of themselves, but usually the action of the present is relatively contemporaneous with, the action of the aorist relatively antecedent to, the action of the main verb.
c. The indicative forms in the protasis are more common in temporal and relative sentences. Observe that it is the character of the apodosis alone which distinguishes the special kind of general condition from the two forms of future conditions.
Present general conditions have, in the protasis, ἐά̄ν (ἤν, ἄ̄ν) with the subjunctive; in the apodosis, the present indicative or an equivalent. ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς (ποιήσῃς), σὲ ἐπαινῶ if ever you do this, I always praise you. The conclusion holds true of any time or of all time.
but if death draws near, no one wishes to dieἢν δ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἔλθῃ θάνατος, οὐδεὶς βούλεται θνῄσκειν
the fool laughs even if there is nothing to laugh atγελᾷ δ᾽ ὁ μῶρος, κἄ̄ν τι μὴ γελοῖον ᾖ
The gnomic aorist is equivalent to the present indicative in apodosis. ἢν δέ τις τούτων τι παραβαίνῃ, ζημίᾱν αὐτοῖς ἐπέθεσαν but if any one ever transgresses any one of these regulations, they always impose punishment upon them (him) X. C. 1.2.2.
Homer and Pindar prefer εἰ to ἐά̄ν or εἴ κε (A 81); and this εἰ is sometimes found in Attic poetry (S. Ant. 710). ἄν is more often absent in general conditions than in vivid future conditions.
Past general conditions have, in the protasis, εἰ with the optative; in the apodosis, the imperfect indicative or an equivalent. εἰ ταῦτα ποιοίης (ποιήσειας), σὲ ἐπῄνουν if ever you did this, I always praised you.
εἴ πού τι ὁρῴη βρωτόν, διεδίδου if ever he saw anything to eat anywhere, he always distributed it X. A. 4.5.8,
but if any one even made an objection, he was promptly put to deathεἰ δέ τις καὶ ἀντείποι, εὐθὺς . . . ἐτεθνήκει
a. The optative is here sometimes called the iterative optative. This mood has however no iterative force in itself, the idea of repetition being derived solely from the context. In Homer the iterative optative after εἰ (found only Ω 768) is an extension of the iterative optative in temporal clauses where this use originated.
The iterative imperfect or aorist with ἄν (1894, 1933): εἰ δέ τις αὐτῷ περί του ἀντιλέγοι . . ., ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἐπανῆγεν ἂν πάντα τὸν λόγον if ever any one opposed him on any matter, he would always bring the entire discussion back to the main point X. M. 4.6.13, εἴ τις αὐτῷ δοκοίη . . . βλᾱκεύειν, ἐκλεγόμενος τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔπαισεν ἄν if ever any one seemed to be lagging, he would always pick out the likely man and strike him X. A. 2.3.11. These cases are not to be confused with the apodoses of unreal conditions.
Present: protasis, εἰ with the present; apodosis, the present. Past: protasis, εἰ with the imperfect; apodosis, the imperfect.
The protasis usually has εἴ τις, εἴ τι (cp. ὅστις, ὅ τι) with the indicative, as εἴ τις δύο ἢ καί τι πλείους ἡμέρᾱς λογίζεται, μάταιός ἐστιν if ever any one counts upon two or even perchance on more days, he is rash S. Tr. 944,
we are tolerant in our public life, not being angry at our neighbour if he acts as he likesἐλευθέρως δὲ . . . πολῑτεύομεν . . ., οὐ δι᾽ ὀργῆς τὸν πέλας, εἰ καθ᾽ ἡδονήν τι δρᾷ, ἔχοντες
The same period may show different forms of conditional sentences according to the exigency of the thought.
this very same thing then Philip would have done, if he had seen any one of these men being punished; and will do so now, if he sees itταὐτὸ τοίνυν τοῦτ᾽ ἂν ἐποίησε Φίλιππος, εἴ τινα τούτων εἶδε δίκην δόντα, καὶ νῦν, ἂ̄ν ἴδῃ, ποιήσει
Substitutions for the Protasis.—For the protasis with εἰ there may be substituted a participle, often in the genitive absolute (2067, 2070), an adverb, a prepositional phrase, a relative clause (2560), or some other single word or phrase. The present participle represents the imperfect, as the perfect represents the pluperfect.
πῶς δῆτα δίκης οὔσης (= εἰ δίκη ἐστίν) ὁ Ζεὺς οὐκ ἀπόλωλεν τὸν πατέρ᾽ αὑτοῦ δήσᾱς; how, pray, if there is any justice, has Zeus not perished since he bound his own father? Ar. Nub. 904, οὐ γὰρ ἦν μοι δήπου βιωτὸν τοῦτο ποιήσαντα (= εἰ ἐποίησα) for of course life had not been worth living if I had done this D. 21.120, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐβλήθη ἀτρεμίζων καὶ μὴ διατρέχων (= εἰ ἠτρέμιζε καὶ μὴ διέτρεχε) for he would not have been hit if he had been keeping quiet and not running across Ant. 3. β. 5, δικαίως ἂν ἀπέθανον I should justly (i.e. if I had met with my deserts) have been put to death D. 18.209, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἀρκοῦν ἂν ἐδόκει εἶναι for myself (i.e. if I had to decide) it would seem to be sufficient T. 2.35, διά γε ὑ̄μᾶς αὐτοὺς (= εἰ ὑ̄μεῖς αὐτοὶ μόνοι ἦτε)
if you had been left to yourselves, you would have perished long agoπάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλειτε
should they be victorious they would kill no one, but if defeated no one would be leftοὐδεὶς ἂν λειφθείη
for thus they would be most courageous in regard to attacking the enemyγὰρ πρὸς τὸ ἐπιέναι τοῖς ἐναντίοις εὐψῡχότατοι ἂν εἶεν
nor should I justly come to any troubleοὐδ᾽ ἂν δικαίως ἐς κακὸν πέσοιμί τι
a. Sometimes the protasis has to be supplied from what precedes (example in 1825); or from a main clause with ἀλλά, which follows: οὐδέ κεν αὐτὸς ὑπέκφυγε κῆρα μέλαιναν· ἀλλ᾽ Ἥφαιστος ἔρυτο (= εἰ μὴ ἔρυτο) nor would he himself have escaped black fate; but Hephaestus guarded him E 23 (cp. X. A. 3.2.24-25).
Verb of the Protasis Omitted.—The verb of the protasis is usually omitted when the apodosis has the same verb. The protasis is often introduced by εἴ τις, εἴ ποτε, εἴπερ (ποτέ).
εἴ τις καὶ ἄλλος ἀνήρ, καὶ Κῦρος ἄξιός ἐστι θαυμάζεσθαι if any other man (is worthy to be admired), Cyrus, too, is worthy to be admired X. C. 5.1.6, φημὶ δεῖν . . . τῷ πολέμῳ προσέχειν, εἴπερ ποτέ (ἔδει), καὶ νῦν I say that we must now, if ever, apply ourselves to the war D. 1.6.
So with certain special phrases:
a. εἰ μή (if not) except: οὐ γὰρ . . . ὁρῶμεν εἰ μὴ ὀλίγους τούτους ἀνθρώπους for we do not see any except a few men yonder X. A. 4.7.5,
for I could never have discovered aright things celestial, except by suspending the intellectοὐ γὰρ ἄν ποτε ἐξηῦρον ὀρθῶς τὰ μετέωρα πρά̄γματα, εἰ μὴ κρεμάσᾱς τὸ νόημα
b. εἰ μὴ εἰ (if not if, unless if) except if: ἐπρά̄χθη τε οὐδὲν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔργον ἀξιόλογον, εἰ μὴ εἴ τι πρὸς τοὺς περιοίκους τοὺς αὐτῶν ἑκάστοις and nothing noteworthy was done on their part except it might be (lit. except if there was done) something between each of them and his neighbours T. 1.17. Here εἰ μὴ is adverbial.
c. εἰ μὴ διά (if not on account of) except for: (οὐ) Μιλτιάδην . . . εἰς τὸ βάραθρον ἐμβαλεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ εἰ μὴ διὰ τὸν πρύτανιν, ἐνέπεσεν ἄν; did they not vote to throw Miltiades into the pit, and except for the prytan would he not have been thrown there? P. G. 516e. With εἰ μὴ διά the ellipsis (which was not conscious to the Greeks) is to be supplied by the negatived predicate of the main clause (here οὐκ ἐνέπεσεν).
d. εἰ δὲ μή (but if not = si minus, sin aliter) otherwise, in alternatives, introduces a supposition opposed to something just said: ἀπῄτει τὰ τῶν Καλχηδονίων χρήματα· εἰ δὲ μή, πολεμήσειν ἔφη αὐτοῖς he demanded back the property of the Calchedonians; otherwise (i.e. if they should not restore it: εἰ μὴ ἀποδοῖεν) he said that he should make war upon them X. H. 1.3.3.
N. 1.—εἰ δὲ μή often occurs even where the preceding clause is negative and we expect εἰ δέ, as
do not do this; but if you do, you will have the blameμὴ ποιήσῃς ταῦτα· εἰ δὲ μὴ . . . αἰτίᾱν ἕξεις
N. 2.—εἰ δὲ μή is used where (after a preceding ἐά̄ν) we expect ἐὰ̄ν δὲ μή, as ἐὰ̄ν μέν τι ὑ̄μῖν δοκῶ ἀληθὲς λέγειν, ξυνομολογήσατε· εἰ δὲ μή, ἀντιτείνετε if I seem to you to speak the truth, agree with me; otherwise, oppose me P. Ph. 91c.
N. 3.—The verb of the apodosis of the first of the alternatives is often omitted: ἐὰ̄ν μὲν ἑκὼν πείθηται (scil. καλῶς ἕξει): εἰ δὲ μὴ . . . εὐθύ̄νουσιν ἀπειλαῖς if he willingly obeys (it will be well); otherwise they straighten him by threats P. Pr. 325d.
On ὡς εἰ in comparative conditional clauses see 2484.
In the Homeric εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε come now, well! εἰ probably has the force of an interjectional or demonstrative adverb (cp. Lat. eia age). Thus, εἰ δ᾽ ἄγε τοι κεφαλῇ κατανεύσομαι come now! I will nod assent to thee with my head A 524.
Omission of the Protasis.—The potential optative, and the indicative, with ἄν stand in independent sentences; in many cases a protasis may be supplied either from the context or generally; in other cases there was probably no conscious ellipsis at all; and in others there was certainly no ellipsis. Cp. 1785, 1825.
ποῦ δῆτ᾽ ἂν εἶεν οἱ ξένοι; where, pray (should I inquire) would the strangers be found to be? S. El. 1450, ἀριθμὸν δὲ γράψαι . . . οὐκ ἂν ἐδυνάμην ἀκριβῶς but to give the number accurately I should not be able (if I were trying) T. 5.68, δεινὸν οὖν ἦν ψεύσασθαι it had been terrible to break my word (if it had been possible) D. 19.172.
The apodosis may be expressed in a participle or infinitive with or without ἄν as the construction may require; cp. 1846, 1848.
αἰτεῖ αὐτὸν εἰς δισχῑλίους ξένους καὶ τριῶν μηνῶν μισθόν, ὡς οὕτως περιγενόμενος (= περιγενοίμην) ἂν τῶν ἀντιστασιωτῶν he asked him for pay for two thousand mercenaries and for three months, stating that thus he would get the better of his adversaries X. A. 1.1.10. (Here οὕτως represents the protasis, 2344.) οὐδενὸς ἀντειπόντος διὰ τὸ μὴ ἀνασχέσθαι ἂν τὴν ἐκκλησίᾱν no one spoke in opposition because the assembly would not have suffered it (= εἰ ἀντεῖπε, οὐκ ἂν ἠνέσχετο ἡ ἐκκλησίᾱ) X. H. 1.4.20, εἰ (Τεγέᾱ)
they thought that, if Tegea too should come over to them, they would have the whole of the Peloponneseσφίσι προσγένοιτο, νομίζοντες ἅπᾱσαν ἂν ἔχειν Πελοπόννησον
Verb of the Apodosis Omitted.—The verb of the apodosis is often omitted, and especially when the protasis has the same verb (cp. 2345). Here a potential optative with ἄν is represented by ἄν alone (1764 a, 1766 a). Thus, εἰ δή τῳ σοφώτερός του φαίην εἶναι, τούτῳ ἄν (φαίην εἶναι) if I should say that in any respect I am wiser than any one, (I should say) in this P. A. 29b. Also in other cases, as τί δῆτ᾽ ἄν (λέγοις), ἕτερον εἰ πύθοιο Σωκράτους φρόντισμα; what then would (you say), if you should hear another excogitation of Socrates? Ar. Nub. 154. On ὥσπερ εἰ, ὥσπερ ἂν εἰ, ὡς εἰ, see 1766 a, 2478, 2484.
Omission of the Apodosis.—a. When the conclusion is it is well (καλῶς ἔχει) or the like, it is often omitted. So often when the second of alternative opposing suppositions is expressed by εἰ δὲ μή (2346 d, N. 3). Cp. “yet now, if thou wilt forgive this sin, —: and if not, blot me . . . out of thy book” (Exodus 32. 32).
b. When we should introduce the conclusion by know that or I tell you: εἰ καὶ οἴει με ἀδικοῦντά τι ἄγεσθαι, οὔτε ἔπαιον οὐδένα οὔτε ἔβαλλον if you possibly think that I was taken for some wrong-doing, know that I neither struck nor hit any one X. A. 6.6.27. Here the apodosis might be introduced by σκέψασθε, ἐνθῡμήθητε, etc.
c. Sometimes when the protasis is merely parenthetical:
it was the gold—wouldst thou only tell the truth—that slew my childὁ χρῡσός, εἰ βούλοιο τἀ̄ληθῆ λέγειν, ἔκτεινε τὸν ἐμὸν παῖδα
d. In passionate speech for rhetorical effect (aposiopēsis, 3015): εἴ περ γάρ κ᾽ ἐθέλῃσιν Ὀλύμπιος ἀστεροπητὴς ἐξ ἑδέων στυφελίξαι· ὁ γὰρ πολὺ φέρτατός ἐστιν for if indeed the Olympian lord of the lightning will to thrust us out from our habitations, thrust us he will; for he is by far the most powerful A 581.
e. There is properly no omission of an apodosis after clauses with εἰ, εἰ γάρ, εἴθε, etc., in wishes (see 1816). In such clauses it is often possible to find an apodosis in an appended final clause:
if only some one of the gods were to make me winged so that I might come to the city of twin rivers!ποτανὰ̄ν εἴ μέ τις θεῶν κτίσαι, διπόταμον ἵνα πόλιν μόλω
εἰ and ἄν both in Protasis.—The potential optative with ἄν or the unreal indicative with ἄν, standing as the apodosis in the conditional clause with εἰ, is the apodosis of another protasis expressed or understood.
a. Potential Optative.—ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γε μηδὲ δοῦλον ἀκρατῆ δεξαίμεθ᾽ ἄν, πῶς οὐκ ἄξιον αὐτόν γε φυλάξασθαι τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι; and yet indeed if we would not accept even a slave who was intemperate, how is it not right for a man (the master) to guard against becoming so himself? X. M. 1.5.3. Here δεξαίμεθα is the protasis with εἰ; and also, with ἄν, the apodosis to an understood protasis (e.g. if we should think of so doing). The verb of the protasis may be contained in a participle, as εἰ δὲ μηδεὶς ἂν ὑ̄μῶν ἀξιώσειε ζῆν ἀποστερούμενος τῆς πατρίδος, προσήκει κτλ. but if no one of you should think life worth having if he were to be deprived of his country, it is right, etc. I. 6.25. Such clauses form simple present conditions (if it is true that we would accept, etc.). The verb following the compressed condition stands usually in the present, at times in the future, indicative. X. C. 3.3.55: θαυμάζοιμι ἂν . . . εἰ ἂν ὠφελήσειε is an exception.
b. Unreal Indicative.—εἰ τοίνυν τοῦτο ἰσχῡρὸν ἦν ἂν τούτῳ τεκμήριον . . ., κἀ̄μοὶ γενέσθω τεκμήριον if then this would have been strong evidence for him (if he had been able to bring it forward), let it be evidence for me too D. 49.58. This is a present condition (if it is true that this would, etc.) except in so far as the unexpressed protasis refers to the past. Such conditions may also be past.
N. 1.—The real protasis is: if it is (or was) the case that something could now (or hereafter) be (or could have been), it follows that.
N. 2.—In some of these cases, εἰ has almost the force of ἐπεί since (D. 49.58).
ει᾽, ἐά̄ν, on the chance that.—εἰ or ἐά̄ν may set forth the motive for the action or feeling expressed by the apodosis, and with the force of on the chance that, in case that, in the hope that, if haply.
After primary tenses in the apodosis, we have εἰ with the indicative or ἐά̄ν (πως) with the subjunctive; after secondary tenses, εἰ with the optative or, occasionally, ἐά̄ν (πως) with the subjunctive. Homer has sometimes the optative after primary tenses. The reference is to the future as in final clauses.
The protasis here depends, not on the apodosis proper, but on the idea of purpose or desire suggested by the thought. The accomplishment of the purpose may be desired or not desired, and by the subject either of the apodosis or of the protasis.
νῦν αὖτ᾽ ἐγχείῃ πειρήσομαι, αἴ κε τύχωμι but now I will make trial with my spear on the chance (in the hope) that I may hit thee E279, ἄκουσον καὶ ἐμοῦ, ἐά̄ν σοι ἔτι ταὐτὰ δοκῇ listen to me too on the chance (in the hope) that you may still have the same opinion P. R. 358b,
going into Asia to the king in the hope that somehow they might persuade himπορευόμενοι ἐς τὴν Ἀσίᾱν ὡς βασιλέᾱ, εἴ πως πείσειαν αὐτόν
N.—This use is to be distinguished from that of εἰ ἄρα if perchance, εἰ μὴ ἄρα unless perchance (often ironical).
a. This construction should be distinguished from cases like
they planned to get out, if they might make their way by forceἐπιβουλεύουσιν . . . ἐξελθεῖν . . ., ἢν δύνωνται βιάσασθαι
b. Homer uses this construction as an object clause in dependence on οἶδα, εἶδον, or on a verb of saying. Thus τίς δ᾽ οἶδ᾽, εἴ κέν οἱ σὺν δαίμονι θῡμὸν ὀρί̄νω παρειπών; who knows if, perchance, with God's help I may rouse his spirit by persuasion? O 403 (i.e. the chances of rousing his spirit, if haply I may), ἐνίσπες, εἴ πως . . . ὑπεκπροφύγοιμι Χάρυβδιν tell me if haply I shall (might) escape Charybdis μ 112. Here the apodosis is entirely suppressed. Observe that this construction is not an indirect question.
In addition to the ordinary forms of correspondence between protasis and apodosis (2297), Greek shows many other combinations expressing distinct shades of feeling. Most of these combinations, though less frequent than the ordinary forms, are no less “regular.” Shift of mental attitude is a known fact of all speech, though the relation of cause to effect must not be obscured. A speaker or writer, having begun his sentence with a protasis of one type, may alter the course of his thought: with the result that he may conclude with an apodosis of another form, in some cases even with an apodosis “unsymmetrical” with the protasis and logically dependent upon a protasis that is only suggested by the form actually adopted. Since either protasis or apodosis may choose the form of expression best suited to the meaning, the student should beware of thinking that conditional sentences invariably follow a conventional pattern, departure from which is to be counted as violation of rule. Some combinations are less usual than others: most of the more common variations from the ordinary type have been mentioned under the appropriate sections, and are here summarized (2356-2358). Special cases are considered in 2359-2365.
The optative with ἄν (the potential optative) may be used as the apodosis of
εἰ with the indicative in Simple Present and Past conditions (2300 e),
εἰ with the past indicative in Unreal conditions in Homer (rarely in Attic, 2312),
εἰ with the future indicative in Emotional Future conditions (2328),
εἰ with the optative in Less Vivid Future conditions (2329). In Present conditions (2353): εἰ λέγοιμ᾽ ἄν supposing I would say, whereas εἰ λέγοιμι means supposing I should say.
ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive in More Vivid Future conditions (2326 d).
a. When the protasis is a future indicative or a subjunctive, the optative with ἄν sometimes seems to be merely a mild future and to have no potential force. Thus, ἢν οὖν μάθῃς μοι τὸν ἄδικον τοῦτον λόγον, οὐκ ἂν ἀποδοίην οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὀβολὸν οὐδενί if then you learn this unjust reason for me, I will not pay even an obol to anybody Ar. Nub. 116.
The subjunctive of exhortation, prohibition, or deliberation, the optative of wish, and the imperative, may be used as the apodosis of
εἰ with the indicative in Simple Present and Past conditions (2300 c, d, f),
εἰ with the future indicative in Emotional Future conditions (2328),
ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive in More Vivid Future conditions (2326 c-e).
The unreal indicative with or without ἄν may be used as the apodosis of
a. εἰ with the indicative in Simple Present and Past conditions (2300 b). So after εἰ with the future denoting present intention or necessity that something shall be done (2301), as εἰ γὰρ γυναῖκες εἰς τόδ᾽ ἥξουσιν θράσους . . ., παρ᾽ οὐδὲν αυ<*>ταῖς ἦν ἂν ὀλλύναι πόσεις for if women are to reach this height of boldness, it would be as nothing for them to destroy their husbands E. Or. 566.
b. εἰ with the past indicative in Present and Past Unreal conditions (2302).
εἰ with the optative (instead of ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive) is not infrequent in the protasis with a primary tense of the indicative, a subjunctive, or an imperative, in the apodosis. The reference is usually either to general present time (with the present indicative), or to future time. When the apodosis contains a present indicative it frequently precedes the protasis.
a. Compare the analogous usage in English commonly with should, would: “There is some soul of goodness in things evil, would men observingly distil it” (Shakespeare). “If you should die, my death shall follow yours” (Dryden). “I shall scarcely figure in history, if under my guidance such visitations should accrue” (Disraeli).  “But if an happy soil should be withheld . . . think it not beneath thy toil” (Philips).
Present Indicative.—a. In general statements and maxims. The apodosis is sometimes introduced by a verb requiring the infinitive.
for it is the part of prudent men to remain quiet if they should not be wrongedἀνδρῶν γὰρ σωφρόνων μέν ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ ἀδικοῖντο, ἡσυχάζειν
b. The present indicative sometimes has the force of an emphatic future. Thus, πάντ᾽ ἔχεις, εἴ σε τούτων μοῖρ᾽ ἐφίκοιτο καλῶν thou hast all things, should the portion of these honours come to thee Pindar, Isthm. 4 (5). 14. Present and future occur together in Ant. 4. α. 4.
c. Other examples of the present: Hom. I 318, α 414, ε 484, η5 1, θ 138, ξ 56; Hesiod Op. 692 (εἴ κε); Pind. Pyth. 1. 81, 8. 13, Isthm. 2. 33; Bacchylides 5. 187; Hdt. 1.32; S. Ant. 1032, O. T. 249; E. Hec. 786, fr. 212, 253 (v.l.); T. 2.39, 3. 9, 4. 59, 6. 86; X. C. 1.6.43, H. 6. 3. 5, 6. 5. 52, O. 1. 4, 1. 5; P. A. 19e, Cr. 46 b, Pr. 316 c, 329 a, b, L. 927 c; Isocr. 14. 39; D. 18.21, 20. 54, 20. 154, 24. 35; Antiphanes fr. 324.
Future Indicative.—εἰ σώσαιμί σ᾽, εἴσῃ μοι χάριν; should I save thee, wilt thou be grateful to me? E. frag. 129, τί τῷ πλήθει περιγενήσεται εἰ ποιήσαιμεν ἃ ἐκεῖνοι προστάττουσιν; what profit will there be for the people, if we should do what they enjoin? L. 34.6.
a. Other examples: Hom. I 388, K 222, Υ 100 (B 488, ρ 539, ἄν (κέ) with fut. or subj.); Pind. Ol. 1.3. 105; S. O. T. 851; Ant. 4. α. 4; T. 1.121; P. Meno 80 d, Ph. 91 a, L. 658 c; Isocr. 2. 45, 9. 66; Aristotle, Nic. Eth. 1095 b. 6, 1100 b. 4; Lucian, Timon 15.
Perfect Indicative (very rare).—εἰ . . . διδάξειεν ὡς οἱ θεοὶ ἅπαντες τὸν τοιοῦτον θάνατον ἡγοῦνται ἄδικον εἶναι, τί μᾶλλον ἐγὼ μεμάθηκα . . . τί ποτ᾽ ἐστὶν τὸ ὅσιον; if he should prove that all the gods consider such a death unjust, how have I learned anything more of the nature of piety? P. Euth. 9c.
Subjunctive (very rare).—
but if you will, let us agree that mantic too is a knowledge of the futureεἰ δὲ βούλοιό γε, καὶ τὴν μαντικὴν εἶναι συγχωρήσωμεν ἐπιστήμην τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔσεσθαι
Imperative.—
if any one transgresses these injunctions, let him be accursedεἴ τις τάδε παραβαίνοι . . ., ἐναγὴς ἔστω
but as regards money then, if a man does not know how to use it, let him remove it so far from his consideration as not to be regarded even as propertyτὸ μὲν δὴ ἀργύριον, εἰ μή τις ἐπίσταιτο αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι, οὕτω πόρρω ἀπωθείσθω ὥστε μηδὲ χρήματα εἶναι
An unreal indicative in conjunction with εἰ and the optative is very rare.
εἰ μὲν γὰρ εἰς γυναῖκα σωφρονεστέρᾱν ξίφος μεθεῖμεν, δυσκλεὴς ἂν ἦν φόνος (for ἂν εἴη) for if we should draw the sword upon a purer woman, foul were the murder E. Or. 1132. Cp. L. 10.8, X. C. 2.1.9 (text doubtful) and X. Ven. 12.22, P. Alc. 1, 111 e, Lyc. 66.
A conditional sentence may have several protases and one apodosis or one protasis and several apodoses. Two such protases or apodoses are coördinate or one of the two is subordinate to the other.
Two coördinated protases with a single apodosis, or two coördinated apodoses with a single protasis, may refer to the same time or to different times.
εἰ δὲ μήτ᾽ ἔστι (τι βέλτῑον) μήτ᾽ ἦν μήτ᾽ ἂν εἰπεῖν ἔχοι μηδεὶς μηδέπω καὶ τήμερον, τί τὸν σύμβουλον ἐχρῆν ποιεῖν; but if there neither is nor was any better plan, and if yet even to-day no one can suggest any, what was it the duty of the statesman to do? D. 18.190, καὶ γὰρ ἂν καὶ ὑπερφυὲς εἴη, εἰ κατὰ μὲν τῶν Ὀλυνθίους προδόντων πολλὰ καὶ δείν᾽ ἐψηφίσασθε, τοὺς δὲ παρ᾽ ὑ̄μῖν αὐτοῖς ἀδικοῦντας μὴ κολάζοντες φαίνοισθε and in fact it would be actually monstrous if, whereas you have passed many severe votes against the betrayers of the Olynthians, you appear not to punish the wrongdoers in your midst D. 19.267, εἰ ἐγὼ ἐπεχείρησα πρά̄ττειν τὰ πολῑτικὰ πρά̄γματα, πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλη καὶ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ὑ̄μᾶς ὠφελήκη οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐμαυτόν if I had tried to engage in politics, I should have long ago perished and benefited neither you nor myself at all P. A. 31d.
When two or more protases are not coördinated in the same sentence, one is of chief importance and any other protasis is subordinate to it. Such protases may follow each other or one may be added after the apodosis; and may show the same or a different modal form.
ἀξιοῦμεν, εἰ μέν τινα ὁρᾶτε σωτηρίᾱν ἡμῖν (ἐσομένην), ἐὰ̄ν διακαρτερῶμεν πολεμοῦντες, διδάξαι καὶ ἡμᾶς κτλ. if you see any safety for us if we persist in making war, we beg that you will inform us too what it is X. H. 7.4.8 (here ἐὰ̄ν διακαρτερῶμεν depends on εἰ ὁρᾶτε); ἐὰ̄ν δὲ ἡδέα πρὸς λῡπηρά (ἱστῇς), ἐὰ̄ν μὲν τὰ ἀνιᾱρὰ ὑπερβάλληται ὑπὸ τῶν ἡδέων, ἐά̄ν τε τὰ ἐγγὺς ὑπὸ τῶν πόρρω ἐά̄ν τε τὰ πόρρω ὑπὸ τῶν ἐγγύς, ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν πρᾱκτέον ἐν ᾗ ἂν ταῦτ᾽ ἐνῇ· ἐὰ̄ν δὲ τὰ ἡδέα ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνιᾱρῶν, οὐ πρᾱκτέα but if you weight pleasures against pains, if on the one hand what is painful is exceeded by what is pleasurable (whether the near by the distant or the distant by the near), you must adopt that course of action in which this is the case; if on the other hand the pleasurable (is exceeded) by the painful, the former must not be adopted P. Pr. 356b (here to ἐὰ̄ν ἡδέα ἱστῇς are subordinated ἐὰ̄ν μέν and ἐὰ̄ν δέ, and to ἐὰ̄ν μέν are subordinated ἐά̄ν τε . . . ἐά̄ν τε); εἰ δέ σε ἠρόμην ἐξ ἀρχῆς τί ἐστι καλόν τε καὶ αἰσχρόν, εἴ μοι ἅπερ νῦν ἀπεκρί̄νω, ἆρ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ὀρθῶς ἀπεκέκρισο; but if I had asked you at the start what beauty and ugliness is—if you had answered me as you have now done, would you not have answered me rightly? P. Hipp. M. 289c;
if you choose war, come no more hither without arms if you are wiseἢν μὲν πόλεμον αἱρῆσθε, μηκέτι ἥκετε δεῦρο ἄνευ ὅπλων, εἰ σωφρονεῖτε
a. A second protasis may be added to the first protasis to explain or define it. Thus, καὶ οὐ τοῦτο λέξων ἔρχομαι ὡς πολὺ μὲν ἐλά̄ττους πολὺ δὲ χείρονας ἔχων ὅμως συνέβαλεν· εἰ γὰρ ταῦτα λέγοιμι, Ἀ̄γησι´λᾱόν τ᾽ ἄν μοι δοκῶ ἄφρονα ἀποφαίνειν καὶ ἐμαυτὸν μῶρον, εἰ ἐπαινοίην τὸν περὶ τῶν μεγίστων εἰκῇ κινδῡνεύοντα and I am not going to say that he made the engagement in spite of having much fewer and inferior troops; for if I should maintain this, I think that I should be proving Agesilaus senseless and myself a fool, if I should praise the man who rashly incurs danger when the greatest interests are at stake X. Ag. 2. 7.
Concessive clauses are commonly formed by καί in conjunction with the εἰ or ἐά̄ν of conditional clauses: καὶ εἰ (κει᾽), καὶ ἐά̄ν (κἄ̄ν) even if, εἰ καί, ἐὰ̄ν καί although.
Such concessive clauses are conditional, but indicate that the condition which they introduce may be granted without destroying the conclusion. The apodosis of concessive clauses thus has an adversative meaning, i.e. it states what is regarded as true notwithstanding (ὅμως) what is assumed in the protasis.
Concessive clauses have the construction of conditional clauses. The protasis, if negative, takes μή.
καὶ εἰ (even if) clauses.—καὶ εἰ commonly implies that the conclusion must be true or must take place even in the extreme, scarcely conceivable, case which these words introduce (even supposing that, even in the case that). In such cases the speaker does not grant that the alleged condition really exists. On κἂ̄ν εἰ see 1766 b.
κει᾽ μὴ πέποιθα, τοὖργον ἔστ᾽ ἐργαστέον even if I have no confidence, yet the deed must be done A. Ch. 296, καὶ ἐὰ̄ν μὴ ἡμεῖς παρακελευώμεθα, (ἡ πόλις), ἱκανῶς ἐπιμελήσεται and even if we do not use exhortations, the city will take sufficient care P. Menex. 248d, γελᾷ δ᾽ ὁ μῶρος, κἄ̄ν τι μὴ γελοῖον η<*> the fool laughs even if there is nothing to laugh at Men. Sent. 108,
the king would give many guides to the Mysians even supposing they should want to depart with four-horse chariotsΜῡσοῖς βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας ἂν δοίη . . ., καὶ εἰ σὺν τεθρίπποις βούλοιντο ἀπιέναι
The καί of καὶ εἰ may mean simply and, as
and if Creon learns thisκει᾽ τάδ᾽ εἴσεται Κρέων
Some scholars hold that the difference between καὶ εἰ and εἰ καί is that καὶ εἰ concedes a supposition and is used of an assumed fact, while εἰ καί concedes a fact and is used of an actual fact. But this distinction cannot be supported. καὶ εἰ sometimes differs from εἰ καὶ only in being more emphatic. When an actual fact is referred to, we expect εἰ καί; but καὶ εἰ sometimes occurs, as ἴσως τοι, κει᾽ βλέποντα μὴ ᾿πόθουν, θανόντ᾽ ἂν οἰμώξειαν perhaps, though they did not miss him when alive, they will lament him now that he is dead S. Aj. 962, cp. πειστέον, κει᾽ μηδὲν ἡδύ although it is in no wise sweet, I must obey S. O. T. 1516.
ει᾽ καί (although) clauses.—εἰ καί commonly admits that a condition exists (granting that), but does not regard it as a hindrance. The condition, though it exists, is a matter of no moment so far as the statement in the principal clause is concerned.
king though thou artεἰ καὶ τυραννεῖς
though thou canst not see, thou yet dost feel with what a plague our city is afflictedπόλιν μέν, εἰ καὶ μὴ βλέπεις, φρονεῖς δ᾽ ὅμως οἵᾳ νόσῳ σύνεστιν
although it seems too unimportant to someεἰ καί τῳ σμῑκρότερον δοκεῖ εἶναι
The verb is omitted in
though the expression be ridiculousεἰ καὶ γελοιότερον εἰπεῖν
The καί of εἰ καί may go closely with a following word. Here the meaning is either also or indeed; as εἰ καὶ δυνήσει γε if thou shalt also be able (besides having the will) S. Ant. 90, δεινόν γ᾽ εἶπας, εἰ καὶ ζῇς θανών a strange thing truly hast thou uttered, if, though slain, thou indeed livest S. Aj. 1127. Where trajection is assumed (εἰ μὴ καί for εἰ καὶ μή) the καί is intensive, as εἰ μὴ καὶ νῦν . . . ἀλλά if not already . . . at least T. 2.11. 6, εἰ μὴ καὶ δέδρᾱκεν unless he has actually done it 6. 60. 3.
εἰ (ἐὰ̄ν) καί not infrequently means even if in prose as well as poetry.
he preferred rather that you should know of it, in order that, even if he should wish to be base, it might not be possibleεἵλετο μᾶλλον συνειδέναι ὑ̄μᾶς, ἵν᾽, εἰ καὶ βούλοιτο κακὸς εἶναι, μὴ ἐξείη αὐτῷ
but even if I had none of these points to rely on, even so it is not difficult to find out which tells the truthἀλλ᾽ ει᾽ καὶ μηδὲν τούτων ὑπῆρχεν ἡμῖν, οὐδ᾽ ὣς χαλεπόν ἐστι γνῶναι περὶ αὐτῶν ὁπότεροι τἀ̄ληθῆ λέγουσιν
εἰ (ἐά̄ν) sometimes has a concessive force (X. Eq. 1.17). εἴπερ (ἐά̄νπερ) has, rarely in Attic, a sort of concessive meaning (P. Euth. 4b), and especially when the truth of a statement is implicitly denied or doubted. Cp. L. 16.8.
ἐπεί, usually with a following γέ, is sometimes translated although, where a speaker is strictly giving the reason for his statement of a fact (or for something in that statement) and not for the fact itself. Here there is a thought in the speaker's mind which is suppressed. Thus, αἰσχῡνοίμην ἂν ἔγωγε τοῦτο ὁμολογεῖν, ἐπεὶ πολλοί γέ φᾱσι τῶν ἀνθρώπων for my part I should be ashamed to acknowledge this (and I say this for myself) since there are many men who do assert it P. Pr. 333c.
Negative concessive clauses have οὐδ᾽ (μηδ᾽) εἰ or ἐά̄ν not even if. Here not (οὐ-, μη-) belongs to the leading clause, while even (-δέ, cp. καί) belongs to the dependent clause. The negative is frequently repeated in the leading clause.
even if all the Persians should come, we should not exceed the enemy in numbersοὐδ᾽ ει᾽ πάντες ἔλθοιεν Πέρσαι, πλήθει οὐχ ὑπερβαλοίμεθ᾽ ἂν τοὺς πολεμίους
The idea of concession or opposition is often expressed by the participle alone (2066) or by the participle with καίπερ or καὶ ταῦτα (2083). The negative is οὐ. In negative concessive sentences we find also the participle with οὐδέ (μηδέ), οὐδέ (μηδέ) περ.
not even though I have been ill-treated do I admit that he is my enemyοὐδὲ πεπονθὼς κακῶς ἐχθρὸν εἶναί μοι τοῦτον ὁμολογῶ
Temporal clauses are introduced by conjunctions or relative expressions having the force of conjunctions
A. Denoting time usually the same as that of the principal verb:
ὅτε, ὁπότε, ἡνίκα, ὁπηνίκα when; ὁσάκις as often as; ἕως, μέχρι (rarely ἄχρι), ὅσον χρόνον so long as; ἕως, ἐν ᾧ (rarely ἐν ὅσῳ and ἔστε) while.
N. 1.— ἕως means so long as in reference to actions that are coëxtensive; while, in reference to actions not coëxtensive.
N. 2.—ἡνίκα, ὁπηνίκα have the force of what time, at the moment when, when, (rarely while), and are more precise than ὅτε.
N. 3.—Poetic or Ionic are εὖτε (= ὅτε) when, ἦμος (only with the indicative) when, ὅπως when (ὅκως in Hdt. of antecedent action), ὄφρα so long as. Hom. has εἷος (i.e. ἧος) or εἵως for ἕως.
N. 4.— ἔστε is used (rarely) in lyric, Sophocles, Euripides, Herodotus, Xenophon.
B. Denoting time usually prior to that of the principal verb:
ἐπεί, ἐπειδή after, after that (less exactly when); ἐπεὶ πρῶτον, ὡς (or ἐπεὶ) τάχιστα, ἐπειδὴ τάχιστα (rarely ὅπως τάχιστα) as soon as; ἐξ οὗ (rarely ἐξ ὧν), ἐξ ὅτου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ since, ever since; ὡς when, as soon as, since.
N.— ἐπείτε after is very common in Herodotus.
C. Denoting time subsequent to that of the principal verb:
ἕως, ἔστε, μέχρι, μέχρι οὗ (rarely ἄχρι), ἄχρι οὗ until: followed by a finite verb.
πρίν, πρότερον ἤ before, until: followed by a finite verb or by an infinitive.
N.—Homer has also ὄφρα (also final), εἰς ὅτε (κε), εἰς ὅ (κε). Herodotus has ἐς ὅ, ἕως οὗ, ἐς οὗ until. ὁππότε with the optative in Homer after a past tense of a verb of waiting or expecting means for the time when (H 414). ἔστε (first in Hesiod) is rare in lyric, tragedy, Herodotus, and Plato, very common in Xenophon.— μέχρι is avoided by the orators.—μέχρι and ἄχρι take the articular infinitive in Demosthenes.— τέως for ἕως is rare (2171).
 So also ἐπεὶ . . . τότε, ὡς (ὅτε) . . . ἐνταῦθα, etc.
Some temporal conjunctions also denote cause:
ὅτε, ὁπότε, ἐπεί, εὖτε (poet.), ἐπειδή since, whereas, ὡς because. ὡς means also as, as to, rarely, in prose, in order that. ἕως in Homer has in part become a final conjunction (2419); for the Attic use, see 2420.
A temporal sentence and a conditional sentence may occur in close conjunction without marked difference of signification.
ὅταν δὲ νοσήσωσιν, ὑγιεῖς γενόμενοι σῴζονται· ἐά̄ν τέ τις ἄλλη συμφορὰ̄ καταλαμβάνῃ αὐτούς, τὰ ἐναντία ἐπιγιγνόμενα ὀνίνησιν whenever they fall ill, they are saved by regaining their health; and if ever any other calamity overtakes them, the reversal to prosperity that follows is to their benefit Ant. 2. β. 1.
A temporal conjunction is often used in Greek where English employs a conditional or a concessive conjunction.
οὐκ ἂν ἔγωγε Κρονί̄ονος ἆσσον ἱκοίμην, . . . ὅτε μὴ αὐτός γε κελεύοι I would not draw nearer to Cronus' son unless (lit. when not) he should himself bid me Ξ 248.
The time denoted by a temporal clause is not always solely contemporaneous, antecedent, or subsequent to that of the principal clause, but may overlap with the time of the principal clause (before and at the same time, at the same time and after, until and after).
when Darius was ill and suspected that his life was coming to an end, he wished his two sons to be with himἐπεὶ δὲ ἠσθένει Δᾱρεῖος καὶ ὑπώπτευε τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου, ἐβούλετο τὼ παῖδε παρεῖναι
he both defended himself then and there against the charges and offered to be tried before he sailedὁ δ᾽ ἔν τε τῷ παρόντι πρὸς τὰ μηνύ̄ματα ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ ἑτοῖμος ἦν πρὶν ἐκπλεῖν κρί̄νεσθαι
a. Conjunctions of antecedent action usually take the aorist, rarely the imperfect except when that tense represents overlapping action, as in T. 5.72. 3. Cp. T. 1.13. 5 with 1. 5. 1.
b. A verb of aoristic action is used: in the temporal clause when complete priority, in the main clause when complete subsequence, is to be clearly marked.
Clauses introduced by relative adverbs (or conjunctions) of time, have, in general, the same constructions as clauses introduced by relative pronouns (340, 2493 ff.) and by relative adverbs of place and manner. Temporal clauses are treated separately for the sake of clearness.
a. Temporal clauses introduced by a word meaning until differ from ordinary conditional relatives in some respects, as in the use of the optative in implied indirect discourse (2408, 2420); and in the frequency of the absence of ἄν (2402).
b. Strictly ὅτε, ἔνθα, ὡς, etc., are subordinating conjunctions when the clause introduced by them fixes the time, place, or manner of the main clause; but are relative adverbs when they serve only to define the antecedent and introduce a clause merely supplementary to the main clause.
Temporal clauses are either definite or indefinite.
A temporal clause is definite when the action occurs at a definite point of time (negative οὐ, except when the special construction requires μή). Definite temporal clauses usually refer to the present or to the past.
A temporal clause is indefinite when the action (1) occurs in the indefinite future, (2) recurs an indefinite number of times, (3) continues for an indefinite period. The same clause may have more than one of these meanings. (3) is rare. The negative is μή. Indefinite temporal clauses refer either to the future or to general present or past time.
The same temporal conjunction may refer either to definite or to indefinite time; sometimes with a difference of meaning.
When the time is definite, the indicative is used; when indefinite, the subjunctive with ἄν, the optative, or (rarely) the indicative.
Temporal conjunctions with the subjunctive take ἄν. (For exceptions, see 2402, 2412, 2444 b.) ἄν is not used with the optative except when the optative is potential, 2406, 2421 (cp. 2452).
Present or past temporal clauses take the indicative when the action is marked as a fact and refers to a definite occasion (negative οὐ). The principal clause commonly has the indicative, but may take any form of the simple sentence.
A. Temporal clauses denoting the same time as that of the principal verb (2383 A).
it was about midnight when this was taking placeὅτε ταῦτα ἦν, σχεδὸν μέσαι ἦσαν νύκτες
as long as they led on equal terms we followed willinglyμέχρι ἀπὸ τοῦ ἴσου ἡγοῦντο, προθύ̄μως εἱπόμεθα
as long as he was employed with regulations about the fortress, they kept bringing horsesὅσον χρόνον ἐκαθέζετο . . . ἀμφὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ φρούριον οἰκονομίᾱν, . . . ἀπῆγον ἵππους
while they were arming, the scouts cameἐν ᾧ ὡπλίζοντο, ἧκον . . . οἱ σκοποί
N. μέμνημαι, οἶδα, ἀκούω often take ὅτε when instead of ὅτι that. Thus, μέμνημαι ὅτε ἐγὼ πρὸς σὲ ἦλθον I remember when (that) I came to you X. C. 1.6.12. ἡνίκα (and ἦμος in poetry) has a similar use. οἶδα ὅτε, ἀκούω ὅτε are probably due to the analogy of μέμνημαι ὅτε, originally I remember (the moment) when.
B. Temporal clauses denoting time prior to that of the principal verb (2383 B).
but after he came out, he announced to his friends how the trial of Orontas had resultedἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐξῆλθεν, ἐξήγγειλε τοῖς φίλοις τὴν κρίσιν τοῦ Ὀρόντᾱ ὡς ἐγένετο
C. Temporal clauses denoting time subsequent to that of the principal verb (2383 C).
they waited until the generals arrivedἔμειναν ἕως ἀφί̄κοντο οἱ στρατηγοί
they kept reviling Soteridas until they forced him to march onλοιδοροῦσι τὸν Σωτηρίδᾱν ἔστε ἠνάγκασαν . . . πορεύεσθαι
she released the Greeks from slavery so as to be free until they enslaved themselvesτοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀπελύ̄σατο δουλείᾱς ὥστ᾽ ἐλευθέρους εἶναι μέχρι οὗ πάλιν αὐτοὶ αὑτοὺς κατεδουλώσαντο
When the principal verb is a past indicative with ἄν and denotes non-fulfilment, a temporal clause has, by assimilation of mood, a past tense of the indicative denoting non-fulfilment.
if it appeared that he had ever done this, his form of accusation would tally with his actsὁπηνίκ᾽ ἐφαίνετο ταῦτα πεποιηκὼς . . ., ὡμολογεῖτ᾽ ἂν ἡ κατηγορίᾱ τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῦ
I would not cease until I had made trial of this wisdomοὐκ ἂν ἐπαυόμην . . . ἕως ἀπεπειρά̄θην τῆς σοφίᾱς ταυτησί̄
The negative is μή only when the temporal relation is regarded as conditional.
ὁπότε τὸ δίκαιον μὴ οἶδα, ὅ ἐστι, σχολῇ εἴσομαι εἴτε ἀρετή τις οὖσα τυγχάνει εἴτε καὶ οὔ when (if) I do not know what justice is, I am scarcely likely to know whether it is or is not a virtue P. R. 354c.
The future indicative is rarely used in temporal clauses; and when used refers to definite time.
at that time, when you will not be able to do even what is necessaryτηνικαῦτα . . . ὅτε οὐδ᾽ ὅ τι χρὴ ποιεῖν ἕξετε
a. The future is rare because that tense does not usually make clear the difference between action continuing and action simply occurring in the future. ὅτε with the future indicative has thus been almost entirely displaced by ὅταν with the subjunctive.
b. For the future with κέ in θ 318 the subjunctive is probably correct.
Temporal clauses referring indefinitely to the future take either the subjunctive with ἄν or the optative without ἄν.
a. The addition of ἄν produces the forms ὅταν, ὁπόταν; ἐπά̄ν, ἐπήν (both rare in Attic), ἐπειδά̆ν. ἕως ἄν, μέχρι ἄν, ἔστ᾽ ἄν mean as long as or until. ὡς when scarcely ever takes ἄν (for ὡς ἄν while ἕως ἄν is read in S. Aj. 1117, Ph. 1330).
b. The temporal conjunctions have here, in general, the same constructions as conditional ἐά̄ν or εἰ. Thus ὁπόταν ῀ ἐά̄ν ποτε, ὁπότε ῀ εἴ ποτε.
The present marks the action as continuing (not completed), the aorist marks the action as simply occurring (completed). The present usually sets forth an action contemporaneous with that of the leading verb; the aorist, an action antecedent to that of the leading verb.
a. The present may denote time antecedent when the verb has no aorist, and in the case of some other verbs: Thus, (ὁ πόλεμος) δ̀ς λῡπήσει ἕκαστον, ἐπειδὰν παρῇ the war which will afflict every one when it comes D. 6.35, ἐπειδὰν ἀκούῃ . . . ἑτέρους κρί̄νοντας, τί καὶ ποιήσῃ; when he hears that they are prosecuting other men, what should he then do? 19. 138.
Temporal clauses referring to the future take the subjunctive with ἄν in sentences corresponding to more vivid future conditions. The principal clause has the future indicative or any form of the verb referring to the future except the simple optative. The negative is μή.
ἡνίκα δ᾽ ἄν τις ὑ̄μᾶς ἀδικῇ, ἡμεῖς ὑπὲρ ὑ̄μῶν μαχούμεθα but when any one wrongs you, we will fight in your defence X. C. 4.4.11, ὅταν μὴ σθένω, πεπαύσομαι when my strength fails, I shall cease S. Ant. 91,
when you have heard everything, decideἐπειδὰν ἅπαντ᾽ ἀκούσητε, κρί̄νατε
I will speak so long as you wish to listenλέξω . . . ἕως ἂν ἀκούειν βούλησθε
wait until I comeπεριμένετε ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔλθω
The subjunctive without ἄν (κέ) is sometimes found in poetry and in Herodotus; in Attic prose only with μέχρι, μέχρι οὗ until (and πρίν, 2444 b). Thus,
they decided to guard them in fetters until they should reach some agreementἐβούλευσαν δεσμοῖς αὐτοὺς φυλάσσειν μέχρι οὗ τι ξυμβῶσιν
The principal clause may be a potential optative, which is at times nearly equivalent to the future: ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτην μὲν τὴν εἰρήνην, ἕως ἂν εἷς Ἀθηναίων λείπηται, οὐδέποτ᾽ ἂν συμβουλεύσαιμι ποιήσασθαι τῇ πόλει so long as a single Athenian is left, I never would recommend the city to make peace D. 19.14.
Temporal clauses referring to the future in sentences corresponding to less vivid future conditions usually take the optative without ἄν. An optative referring to the future stands in the principal clause (2186 b). The negative is μή.
τεθναίην, ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι may I die, when I shall no longer care for these delights Mimnermus 1. 2,
when hungry he would eat whenever he wishedπεινῶν φάγοι ἂν ὁπότε βούλοιτο
he would beg him to remain until you should departδέοιτό γ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῦ μένειν, ἕως ἀπέλθοις
The optative with ἄν (κέ) in Homer, where Attic would have the simple optative, is potential or virtually equivalent to a future. Thus, αὐτίκα γάρ με κατακτείνειεν Ἀχιλλεὺς . . ., ἐπὴν γόου ἐξ ἔρον εἵην for let Achilles slay me forthwith, when I have satisfied my desire for lamentation Ω 227. Cp. I 304, δ 222, ἕως κε β 78 (potential), εἰς ὅ κε Ο 70 (elsewhere this expression always takes the subjunctive in Homer).
The potential optative or indicative (with ἄν) having its proper force may appear in temporal clauses (cp. 2353).
φυλάξᾱς . . . τὸν χειμῶν᾽ ἐπιχειρεῖ, ἡνίκ᾽ ἂν ἡμεῖς μὴ δυναίμεθ᾽ ἐκεῖσ᾽ ἀφικέσθαι by watching for winter to set in he begins his operations when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the spot D. 4.31. Cp. 2405.
The principal clause rarely has the present or future indica tive, when the temporal clause has the optative without ἄν (cp. 2360, 2361, 2573 b, c).
φρονήσεως δεῖ πολλῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολὺ πλείους . . ., ὁπότε καιρὸς παραπέσοι when the critical moment arrives, he must have great judgment to cope with forces much more numerous than his own X. Hipp. 7.4, αἰπύ οἱ ἐσσεῖται . . . νῆας ἐνιπρῆσαι, ὅτε μὴ αὐτός γε Κρονί̄ων ἐμβάλοι αἰθόμενον δᾱλὸν νήεσσι hard will it be for him to fire the ships unless (when . . . not) Kronion himself hurl upon the ships a blazing brand N 317.
a. Homer has ἄν (κέ) with the subjunctive; as
thy cithern will not avail thee when thou grovellest in the dustοὐκ ἄν τοι χραίσμῃ κίθαρις . . ., ὅτ᾽ ἐν κονίῃσι μιγείης
After a secondary tense introducing indirect discourse (real or implied) the optative may represent the subjunctive with ἄν as the form in which the thought was conceived.
παρήγγειλαν, ἐπειδὴ δειπνήσαιεν . . . πάντας ἀναπαύεσθαι καὶ ἕπεσθαι ἡνίκ᾽ ἄν τις παραγγέλλῃ they issued orders that, when they had supped, all should rest and follow when any one should give the command ( = ἐπειδὰν δειπνήσητε . . . ἀναπαύεσθε) X. A. 3.5.18, ἐπιμεῖναι κελεύσαντες ἔστε βουλεύσαιντο, ἐθύ̄οντο ordering them to wait until they had taken counsel, they proceeded to sacrifice ( = ἐπιμείνατε ἔστ᾽ ἂν βουλευσώμεθα) 5. 5. 2, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς . . . προϊέναι . . ., ἕως Κύ̄ρῳ συμμείξειαν they resolved to keep advancing until they should join Cyrus ( = προΐωμεν ἕως ἂν συμμείξωμεν) 2. 1. 2.
If the leading verb denotes a repeated or customary action or a general truth, a temporal clause takes the subjunctive with ἄν after primary tenses, the optative after secondary tenses. The negative is μή. Cp. 2336.