Gertrude Stein's "Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain" was drawn out of the Random House papers held at Columbia University by Wanda Van Dusen, a former Ph.D. candidate at the University of California, San Diego. I say "former" since in the fall of 1995 Wanda took her own life and thus ended what looked to be a promising academic career. The reasons for Wanda's suicide probably will never be known, and this is not the occasion to speculate on them. Rather, it is time to present --and celebrate-- the work of a remarkable scholar, someone highly regarded within the Literature Department at UCSD and a friend to her fellow students and professors. As someone who worked closely with her in seminars and then as her dissertation director I respected her intelligence, resourcefulness, and humor. Her death has stunned and saddened us all.
Wanda was well on her way to completing her dissertation at the time of her death. Her project involved the gender of modernism as seen through the optic of three authors: Irmgard Keun, Michel Leiris, and Gertrude Stein. The exceptional qualities of this dissertation can be seen in the essay that follows, which would have formed part of a dissertation chapter. Wanda's work on Stein is particularly important since it deals with the thorny issue of the author's relationship to the German occupation of France as well as her attitudes toward race, national identity, and anti-Semitism. Wanda's use of unpublished manuscript materials as well as her use of current critical models ( feminism, psychoanalysis, film theory) creates a cultural context for reading Stein that integrates the best of historical criticism and contemporary theory.
I am grateful to the Gertrude Stein Estate and its executor, Calman Levin, for permission to publish Stein's "Introduction." I would also like to thank Random House for its cooperation.
Michael Davidson
Department of Literature
University of California, San Diego
At the top of a previously unpublished manuscript by Gertrude Stein, held in Columbia University's Random House collection, Stein's editor, Bennett Cerf, handwrote the following comment: "For the records. This disgusting piece was mailed from Belley on Jan. 19, 1942." The four-page, double-spaced, typed manuscript is listed in the collection under the title, "Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain." Between 17 June 1940, Philippe Henri Pétain's first address as chief of state, and 19 January 1942, when Stein sent her "Introduction" to Cerf, the Maréchal delivered approximately sixty speeches, most of which were broadcast to the French public by radio. 1 Stein's piece raises both ethical and theoretical questions, the first of which is how much she may have collaborated with the Vichy regime to protect her and Alice Toklas's lives as Jewish American lesbians in the French countryside at Bilignin par Belley. In other words, to what extent could her narrative portrait of Philippe Pétain as the essence of French national heroism have prevented their deportation? The second question is the degree to which the essentialization 2 of subjectivity in the "Introduction" calls into question deconstructive tendencies in her earlier experimental writing. 3
The "Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain" rekindles the debate over the depth of conviction behind Stein's "anti-patriarchal" experimental writing between 1906 and 1932 4 in light of evidence of her political conservatism. 5 On the one hand, Stein is defended by critics like Marianne DeKoven, Maria Diedrich, and Lisa Ruddick as subversively deconstructive, feminist, and pacifist. 6 On the other hand, she is portrayed by some like Blanche Wiesen Cook as a Jewish anti-Semite, misogynist lesbian, and bourgeois antisocialist. 7 The question is perhaps better formulated as to what degree and at what times Stein fits any or all of these descriptions, and how they relate to her theory of human subjectivity as a combination of stable, interior "bottom nature" and shifting, exterior manifestations of what she terms mere "emphasis." 8
In her "Introduction," Stein eclipses her Jewishness by presenting herself as an unmarked American, citizen of a country that has not yet declared war against Germany. In this way, she displaces one modernist essence, ethnicity, with another, nationality. Her narrative portrait of Pétain as the heroic father of France, the fetishized embodiment of the French nation, disguises not only the racist, nondemocratic character of the Vichy government but also Stein's vulnerability as a racially marked foreign resident. At that level, her retelling of the Maréchal's "moving" 9 story may be read as the "making" of a fetish that could "save" her and Toklas from the anti-Semitic practices of his regime. In Paris France , Stein's critique of Hitler's Germany as the "dead" country that has killed its music and musicians "these last two years" indicates that Stein may have been aware of the dangers presented by Vichy's collaboration with Berlin. 10 In this context, the "Introduction" can be seen as performing a redemptive fetishistic ritual that denies the existence of racism in the so-called free zone (zone libre) administered by Pétain.
Stein's conviction that an inner essence can be read at the surface of subjectivity establishes the theoretical basis for a fetishistic representation of Maréchal Pétain as France's heroic national savior. There are two dimensions to the fetishistic production of this trope in the context of Vichy's cult of the nation. First, a political leader is invested with the supernatural power of a religious re, a characteristic trope of Western secularization since the Renaissance. Pétain's armistice "without any means of defense" (l. 76) and his success "in making the Germans more or less keep their word with him" (ll. 76-77) are represented as demonstrations of miraculous power. Second, as the one whose character was so perfect that "he never explained himself" (ll. 72-73), Pétain is a symbol of the nation highly invested with narcissistic libido and serves like the fetish as a "stabilizer of libido." 11 Replacing Jeanne d'Arc as both the symbol of patriotism and the Republic, 12 Stein's conration of the Maréchal functions as the mirror image of masculine France, its ego ideal. 13
Stein's fascination with "making," as in The Making of Americans and the fabrication of portraits, expresses itself as fetishistic image-making in her "Introduction." In general, fetishes function to grant human agency to inanimate objects. As such, they deny individual or societal vulnerability associated with the lack of power. In Freudian psychoanalysis, the fetish as a manifestation of male castration fears serves to mask the absence of a female penis. In Lacanian theory, the fetish denies the absence of the phallus of the mother, understood as the signifier of symbiotic need for fulfillment, pleasure, and security. Fetishism involves the cultural production of objects invested with supernatural power, and in the West, Christianity presents man as "made" in the image of God while its binary opposite, the maleficium of magic, is seen as the devil's "bad making." 14 Stein's representation of the Maréchal as prophesied defender of the nation fetishistically denies the humiliation of political and military defeat by reinscribing the armistice as an act of salvation. His promotion as an inevitable sign of France's destiny is part of an appeal to American nationalism; nationalism, after all, "thinks in terms of historical destinies." 15 Through a series of adverbial repetitions, Stein creates a sense of the inevitable: "always," "gradually," "then," "day after day," "little by little," "more and more." The term used by Pétain on 20 June 1940 to justify his arrangement with Germany to the French is "inescapable" ("inéluctable" [D, 59]). The portrait of the Maréchal as national fetish and the narrative of his "moving" story are constructed through a series of comparisons that connect past and present, France and America: Verdun/Pearl Harbor, Pétain/George Washington (and Benjamin Franklin). The comparisons are reinforced by a discourse of binary oppositions that maintains a tension between visions of threat to and salvation of the French nation: victory/defeat, faith/doubt, truth/rumors, save/ruin, everybody/no one, etc. Discursively, the comparisons are designed to incite identification with one national group by another, that is, the Americans with the French.
In reinscribing Pétain's collaboration with Germany as heroic pacifism, he is red as a leader equal to America's legendary hero George Washington. In popular American folklore, George Washington, who as a boy admitted to chopping down a cherry tree, circulates as a sign of speaking the truth. Pétain is said to speak the truth or, if unable to do so, says nothing, as would another American hero, Benjamin Franklin (l. 72). Key signifiers of American capitalist democracy: "business" (l. 63), "activity," and "liberty" (l. 105) mask the undemocratic, anticapitalistic Pétainist agenda. The juxtaposition of past historical res, of Washington and Franklin, with the present Maréchal effaces ideological differences between American capitalist democracy and Vichy corporatist authoritarianism. Two national essences, Frenchness and Americanness, are distilled and presented as existing outside of time and history. Political events are either mythified, like the Maréchal's life and deeds, or problematized, like the average Frenchman's "four points of view" (l. 60), as so conflicting as to be resolvable only under the nationally unifying sign of the Maréchal.
In the process of constructing an idol of French heroism, nature, a primary Steinian category, is superseded by a discourse of the supernatural that articulates the armistice as a "miracle" (l. 76). Pétain functions as what Deleuze and Guattari call a "miraculating" agency to the degree that he, like capital in commodity culture, is the symbolic center of nationalism around which Vichy society is organized. 16 Stein utilizes pre-Enlightenment discourse to produce him as France's predestined leader. First, the discourse of pagan prophesy dating from antiquity and marginalized by Christianity inscribes the Maréchal as a sign of supernatural protective power, a fulfillment of the "old prediction" (l. 33) that an "old man on a white horse" (ll. 34-35) would save France when the enemy reached Lyons. Secondly, he is mythified as the leader in whom all have come to have "faith" (l. 24) and who has achieved a "miracle" (l. 76).
Stein's text reinscribes the mythical thinking of the Vichy political ideology, an archaism characteristic of fascism and Nazism and symptomatic of culture's anxiety in the face of socially disruptive modernization. As Gianni Vattimo explains, archaism posits a mythifying "idealization of origins" against a secular idealization of progress: "In this perspective, myth appears not only as not being an essentially overcome phase of our cultural history, but precisely as a more authentic form of knowledge, one that precedes the destructive mentality of objectivizing, quantitative modern science, technology, and capitalism." 17 "Faith" and "miracle" are pre-Enlightenment terms proper to the theologically based rhetoric of Christian monarchy, which conres political leadership as a divinely ordained manifestation of God's order and truth in the world. The ideological grounding and political practice in the Pétainist "zone libre" (l. 39) and the German-administered "other zone" (l. 39) is obfuscated by an appeal to fate, a concept operative in royalist regimes ranging from ancient Greece to modern Europe that locates the source of political legitimacy and agency outside time and history. The mortal military officer Philippe Pétain is elevated from the arena of the historical and political into the realm of the mythical and magical. As "the Marechal" (l. 41), he circulates as privileged sign of the French nation.
The trope of the Maréchal on his white horse, however, also signifies a country reduced to a part of itself, divided between the reactionary government located at Vichy and the fascist forces occupying its center. The absence of this aspect of political reality is accounted for by what Michael Taussig calls the "chilling" effects of fetishization ("M," 229). Counteracting this chill, naming the horse--Monastir--personalizes the trope by adding a note of warmth that facilitates identification with the leader. The professional and personal facts of Pétain's life are reconred as a national narrative, "so convincing and so moving a story" (l. 7), that mythifies his victory at Verdun, his diplomacy in the Spain of Franco (the political re Pétain most resembles), and his investment in France as ersatz family. All of this further constructs his leadership and armistice as inevitable. In line with the original meaning of the word "myth" as "narration," Stein shifts what is called the "limited rationality" 18 of mythic discourse in reproducing the official narrative of Pétain's "story."
Stein employs the re of the Maréchal on his white horse in both the "Introduction" and in "The Winner Loses: A Picture of Occupied France" , written within two years of each other. In both pieces this re operates as the fetish image of a benevolent, patriarchal state behind which is masked a reactionary, racist regime, the hidden maleficium of fascism. Stein's portrait of Pétain obscures her vulnerability as a Jewish American lesbian in a hostile cultural and political environment. If a by-product of fetishization is "intoxication" ("M," 228), then the intoxicating aura of Pétain as a political savior radically obscures the Vichy policies that made it an enemy of the United States, a persecutor of Jews, and certainly no protector of sexual minorities--traditionalist supporters of Pétain saw homosexuals as a locus of social decadence of the 1920s and of the weaknesses of the French Third Republic.
The foregrounding of national essence is not only a discursive tactic in attracting American support for the armistice but also a basic strategy in dissimulating both Jewishness and the anti-Semitic character of the Vichy regime: one essence, Stein's Americanness, displaces another, her Jewishness. Identifying herself as an American national she addresses her readers as "compatriots" (l. 1), and "fellow countrymen" (l. 6). Using an all-encompassing "we," she represents herself as being part of two nations. On the one hand, she is American: "We in the United States . . . " (l. 8). On the other hand, she lives in France: "We have not all of us, and I too have been of that number, over here in France . . . " (ll. 22-23). The multiplicity of Stein as a subject is reduced to participation in nationality via the evacuation of her affiliation with a threatened ethnicity and her practice of lesbian sexuality. The self constructed by Stein in the "Introduction" is politically safe, a self unified by the concept of nation. We witness what Judith Butler calls in a discussion of the Kristevian abject the "founding repudiation" by which abjected parts of the subject are either suppressed or projected onto cultural Others: "For inner and outer worlds to remain utterly distinct, the entire surface of the body would have to achieve an impossible impermeability. This sealing of its surfaces would constitute the seamless boundary of the subject." 19 The "Introduction" attempts to achieve this "impossible impermeability" of the subject by evacuating Stein's gender, her lesbianism, and Jewishness--those cultural practices abjected by public discourse. Without these markers, the unified self presented by Stein can be safely subsumed in the dominant category of "we in France" (l. 103).
In "Portraits and Repetition," Stein analyzes the relationship between the interior and exterior of the subject: "The composition we live in changes but essentially what happens does not change. We inside us do not change but our emphasis and the moment in which we live changes." 20 The worldview she presents here simultaneously acknowledges the mobility of historical events and attributes a fixity to existence that suggests an ahistorical subject, one impervious to social realities. Stein's conviction that "what happens does not change" reflects a rejection of history that expresses itself as the masking of Vichy politics both in the "Introduction" and "The Winner Loses." As I will show, her theory of subjectivity allows for the years lived under the Vichy regime to be understood by Stein as a changing "moment" in the public sphere requiring merely a shift in "emphasis" in the private sphere. Her concept of an unchanging, inner layer of identity serves also as the essentialist basis for her mythification of Pétain as national redeemer.
Bilignin par Belley, located in the foothills of the French Alps northeast of Lyons, was the site of Stein and Toklas's country home. It was part of the French zone libre from June 1940, Pétain's armistice with Germany, until the Allied invasion of North Africa in November 1942, after which Hitler's forces totally occupied France with the exception of a small pocket (la poche) in the western part of the country. As Jews, Stein and Toklas are reported to have enjoyed the protection of persons influential with the Vichy regime, and the "Introduction" may have been written in response to such relationships. 21 In any event, the piece essentializes Stein's Americanness and aligns it with Frenchness in a move that displaces one essence with another. In its effacement of Stein's Jewishness by her Americanness, the "Introduction" masks the author's ethnicity. In this sense, her self-representation as essentially American is another self-creation similar to Stein's identification as a male genius comparable to Shakespeare and Picasso. 22 Such self-creations are discursive masks that both reveal and conceal subjectivity. For example in The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas, Stein adopts the mask of Toklas in order to relate her own struggles and accomplishments. 23
Stein's sacralization of the Maréchal as national savior and benevolent father masks Pétain's role as leader not only of a collaborationist nation but also of a colonial empire, the integrity of which Pétain attempted to defend both with and against German military forces. 24 The idolatrous dimension of the re of the Maréchal on his white horse is exemplary of what William Pietz identifies as modernism's turn to totemism and fetishism, appropriated from the colonized cultures of empire in the process of locating the sacred in the modern secular state. 25 In The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas, Stein disavows any interest in African art, stating that it is too "sophisticated" for her "more savage" American taste in "primitive things." 26 However, her work, like that of her modernist contemporary and "dearest friend" Picasso, shows African influence particularly in the use of the mask. 27 The mask is emblematic not only of modernism's exploration of "contradictions of gender, nationality, and genre" but also of its implication in the contradictions of state power and colonialism. 28 Stein's participation in those contradictions is made evident in Paris France by her erasure of colonialism from the French empire, which she implicitly constructs as having ended with the Second Empire in 1870, when the Paris Commune deposed Napoleon III. 29 Her time in France, forty-one years of Stein's adult life, was, however, a period in which the French both solidified and celebrated their foreign domination, most notably with the Parisian Colonial Exposition of 1931, which marked the hundredth anniversary of the Algerian expedition. This history, however, is masked.
The mask is a principal discursive product of Stein's "Introduction." Her ostensible purpose is to present "the words" (l. 1) of Pétain in a way that invites the American public to identify with the French as a national group. Her encoding of the Maréchal as the savior of the French nation is designed to promote a rereading by Americans of his armistice, concluded on 22 June 1940 with Nazi Germany. The idolatrous gaze reconstructs the armistice as an act of heroism, mystifying it as a "miracle, without arms without any means of defense" (l. 76). With metaphysical terms like "miracle" and "faith," Stein reanimates the discourse of idolatry that articulates pre-Renaissance power structures of church and state before the secularization of vision by science.
The religious investment in Philippe Pétain as state mask is intensified at the end of the "Introduction" with the capitalization and repetition of the word "miracle": "the Miracle which is a miracle, and his defense of his armistice has been a miracle went on being a miracle, and here it still is" (ll. 95-96). The repetition of the word "miracle" overdetermines the sacred dimension of the Maréchal and "his armistice" (l. 95) as invested with supernatural powers that defy the rapport de force with the Germans, who are made to "more or less keep their word with him" (l. 77). This shift to the metaphysical on Stein's part corresponds to the tendency of the modern secular state to assume the theological powers once associated with church and monarchy. Discursively, the move to the metaphysical dissimulates the political import of the Maréchal's armistice, illustrating what Philip Abrams calls the use of the "state as mask":
The state is not the reality which stands behind the mask of political practice. It is itself the mask which prevents our seeing political practice as it is [and] it starts its life as an implicit construct; it is then reified--as the res publica, the public reification, no less--and acquires an overt symbolic identity progressively divorced from practice as an illusory account of practice. 30
An "illusory account of practice" is given in the mythified relations between Pétain and occupying German authorities attempting to appropriate materials in the free zone: "The Marechal said, I do not wish it. The Germans and the people around the Marechal said what can you do about it. I can do nothing about it said the Marechal but I do not wish it. And it ended in their not doing it" (ll. 84-87). Eclipsed by the Maréchal's charismatic image and therefore absent from Stein's account are profascist Foreign Minister Pierre Laval and ultraconservative Admiral Jean-François Darlan, both chief negotiators of the details of Franco-German collaboration, which included Vichy's anti-Semitic race laws and the forced labor of French workers in Germany.
Given the replacement of equestrian warfare by modern weapons machinery during World War I, the trope of the Maréchal on his white horse is a distinct cultural anachronism. As such, it resembles the "baroque ocular regime" as a contradiction of the rationalistic strivings of bourgeois industrial democracy, which is precisely the source of its power as a sign of political reaction; Pétain's anachronistic image represents "the uncanny double of what we might call the dominant scientific or 'rationalized' visual order." 31 He is inscribed as the sign of traditionalist patriarchal benevolence abstracted and dissociated from the authoritarianism of his regime following the Third Republic, the failure of which he attributes in his speeches to the excesses of democracy. 32
Stein's foregrounding of nation as a category effaces the importance of the actual historical events that led to the installation of the Vichy regime. 33 Pétain's past military victory in World War I is used to mask the oppressive political character of the armistice. If the nation, as Benedict Anderson says, is "an imagined political community," Pétainist France is organized around the imagination of class unity and racial purity. 34 The concept of the unification of the classes is articulated in the conventions of work (les conventions de travail) announced by Pétain on 10 October 1940 that outlaw both lock-outs and strikes: "They [professional organizations] will then avoid conflicts through an absolute interdiction of 'lock-outs' and strikes, through obligatory arbitration of the work tribunals." 35 Class unity takes the form of a mandatory "community of work" ("une communauté de travail") or state-sponsored unions dedicated to the prosperity of "the company" ("l'entreprise"). On 1 March 1941 Pétain explains: "In reality, the causes of class conflict will only be able to be suppressed if the worker, who lives today burdened by his isolation, rediscovers a community of work, dignified and free living conditions as well as reasons for living and hoping. This community is the company." 36 Pétain's corporatist vision offers "reasons for living and hoping" that religion traditionally sought to provide. The discourse of his agrarian, traditionalist National Revolution appropriates key signifiers of the industrial bourgeois ideology that it strives to replace. Enlightenment values, dignity and freedom, are to be actualized by a reified authoritarian state. The government-mandated company union, a compulsory workers' corporation with no bargaining rights, is a central organizing structure of Vichy state capitalism.
In Stein's "Introduction," the urban working class, Jews, and women are absent from her picture of the French, and the trope of the Maréchal as symbol of national unity eclipses Pétain's anti-labor, anti-Semitic, anti-feminist programs as outlined in those speeches. In Paris France, Stein takes an equally depoliticized view of unemployment as related to the demands of twentieth-century industrial productivity. In discussing how the French "always" put at least seven men on any job, she reflects: "The nineteenth century knew just what to do with each man but the twentieth century inevitably was not to know . . . " (PF, 13). In Stein, economics are separated from politics by naturalizing business as a part of daily life; social conflicts resulting from culture's incorporation of new modes of production remain part of the unessential historical.
In what is known as the National Revolution of 10 July 1940, Pétain is given full power (plein pouvoir) by the French parliament. Foreign Minister Pierre Laval begins orchestrating close collaboration between the "new order" in France and Nazi Germany as part of the latter's plan for a "New Europe." On 24 October 1940, Pétain meets with Hitler at Montoire. 37 As distinct from the factionalized French fascists, Pétain was a traditionalist supported by the agrarian and small business sectors, those disappointed in parliamentary democracy and laissez-faire capitalism who wanted to return to preindustrial guilds, agriculture, and the patriarchal family as the bases of economic and social life. Similar themes appear in Paris France, where, however, Stein constructs "the gentle farmers" as apolitical, as knowing "life as it is" (PF, 27), implying that essential life is ahistorical. Quoting "one of the gentlest" (PF, 27), she represents the farmers as skeptical of modern urban democracy and its ambitious, calculating politicians (les grosses têtes) to the point of passive resignation:
everybody used to think that it was kings who were ambitious who were greedy and who brought misery to the people who had no way to resist them. But now well democracy has shown us that what is evil are the grosses têtes, the big heads, all big heads are greedy for money and power. . . . They talk about cutting off the heads of the grosses têtes but now we know that there will be other grosses têtes and they will be all the same. [PF, 28]
The gentleness of farmers is naturalized, aligned with the rhythms of life, the "seasons," and "harvesting" (PF, 28). Their way of life is opposed to the turnover of corrupt politicians and the violence of guillotine politics. Farmers are cast as those who supposedly "know" the futility of political commitment and are thus dissociated from an anonymous "they" who speak of taking action.
In his speech on 10 October 1940, largely attributed to the anticapitalist, antiparliamentarian Gaston Bergery, the Maréchal explains that Vichy's planned "social hierarchy" will no longer be based on "the false idea of human natural equality," one of the three fundamental values of the French Revolution: Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité. Among the French, with the exception of the Jews, considered noncitizens, equality is to be replaced by "equal opportunity" to "serve" the state: "The new order will be a social hierarchy. It will no longer rest on the false idea of human natural equality but on the necessary idea of equality of opportunity given to all the French to prove their aptitude at 'serving.'" 38 However, French big-business practices and compulsory work in Germany imposed on French laborers as Mandatory Work Service (le Service du Travail Obligatoire) slowly created a system of cartels that overpowered the corporations organized by Vichy legislation. A major part of France's role in Hitler's "New Europe," like that of the countries under total German occupation, was to contribute to the Nazi expansionist war effort.
It is within the context of the rise of the traditionalists to political power that Stein discusses French tradition two years earlier in Paris France: "I cannot write too much upon how necessary it is to be completely conservative that is particularly traditional in order to be free. And so France is and was. Sometimes it is important and sometimes it is not, but from 1900 to 1939, it certainly was." (PF, 38) In Pétainist France, freedom consists in submission to the conservative values of agrarian patriarchy that extol the family and the farm as the foundations of French society. Stein's analysis of French culture demonstrates how the three fundamental values of the 1789 republican revolution, liberty, fraternity, and equality applied little to women and the family but remained abstractions pertaining primarily to men in the public sphere. In a reversal of the universal "human" as male and public, Stein assigns these masculine ideals as observed in France to the "not human." The "human" she ascribes to the essential quotidian and the traditions of the private sphere where equality, "intimacy" (as a synonym of the solidarity and reciprocity of fraternity), and liberty, particularly in sexual relations, are said not to apply:
Frenchmen love older women, that is women who have already done more living, and that has something to do with civilisation, they do not believe in comradeship really not with any one, they said in their revolution Egalité Fraternité Liberté, but these qualities should be left to war and politics, they are not human. Humanly speaking, Frenchwomen nor Frenchmen do not really interest themselves in intimacy, intimacy is something essentially uncivilised, civilisation makes young men interested in a woman of thirty and an interest in a spirit of equality with a very young woman is more or less a sign of senility, and senility is of course not civilised. [PF, 39]
In this account, Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité are the "not human" values through which male subjectivity is constructed; they must continually be won and repeatedly defended in the unstable masculine arena of war and politics. "Human" in France is a marker of the traditional stability of the feminine domestic sphere grounded in female objectification. Regardless of age or sophistication, Frenchwomen remain sexual objects, a rapport de force highlighted by Stein in deconstructing the image of French "civilisation" to reveal its foundation in gender inequality.
Like women and workers, Jews go unmentioned in Stein's "Introduction." Jewishness is alluded to in passing by a formulaic phrase that duplicates the racist, anti-leftist discourse of Vichy France: "the people who helped to ruin France" (ll. 65-66). Those who "ruined" France, in the right-wing rhetoric of the time, were Jews, Marxists, bourgeois democrats, and Third Republic politicians whom reactionaries held responsible for the French defeat of 1940. These groups were blamed by ultraconservatives first for social decadence in the 1920s, the symptoms of which were described as American jazz and whisky, women's short hair, hemlines, birth control, and employment outside the home. Second, the stigmatized groups were aligned with the socialist agitation and working-class discontent that led to the social reforms in 1936 of the Popular Front under Léon Blum, classified as "errors" ("erreurs" [D, 88]) by Pétain, who on 10 October 1940 declares: "This defeat has numerous causes, but all are not of a technical type; the disaster is, in reality, only the reflection at the military level of the weaknesses and the defects of the former political regime." 39 "Defects" ("tares"), which connote physical or moral flaws, is a highly charged term frequently employed in anti-Semitic discourse of the period describing Jews.
In general, Jews, leftists, and republicans were associated by the conservative Right with other signs of French decline since Louis XIV and Napoleon Bonaparte, notably the drop in France's population and its loss of political influence. 40 Pétain includes decreased population and lost allies among the causes of the failure of Third Republic parliamentarianism to prepare France for armed conflict with Germany. Failed family and social policies are alluded to in justifying the armistice: "Less strong than twenty-two years ago, we also had fewer friends, too few children, too few weapons, too few allies. Those are the causes of our defeat." 41 In his analysis of this address, Robert Paxton points out how "Pétain's lapidary formula for defeat in his June 20 speech carried the debate deftly from the realms of foreign policy and military doctrine to the realm of social decadence." 42 As a lesbian, Jew, and experimental writer, Stein bore crucial markers of what French reactionaries considered culturally decadent. In Maria Damon's words: "Stein embodied all of the golden triangle of European outsiderhood . . .  43 The United States had not yet entered the war against Germany, during the Vichy regime, which made being an American with a pro-Pétainist message the one politically safe position that could be foregrounded in the "Introduction." In this context, Stein's piece may have been conceived as a means of influencing America to remain neutral.
According to the racial policies adopted in the first three months of Pétain's government, the Jewish subject-position is the least safe category for Stein, placing her as it does among "the people who helped to ruin France" (ll. 65-66). In its reproduction of Pétain's discourse of social purity, this key phrase of the "Introduction" reveals what it otherwise conceals as a text, that is, the antidemocratic, anti-Semitic agenda of the France "saved" by the Maréchal (l. 3). Pétain announces on 9 October 1940 the exclusion of Jews from the practice of law and medicine and from entry into public service, euphemistically formulated as "the law on admission to certain professions" ("la loi sur l'accès à certaines professions"): "Naturalization reform, the law on admission to certain professions, the dissolution of secret groups, the search for those responsible for our disaster, the suppression of alcoholism testify to a firm will to apply in all areas a consistent effort at healing and reconstruction." 44 As Michael Marrus and Robert Paxton observe, directly naming the Jews as undesirable was subtly avoided by Pétain's speechwriters, who placed the Jewish population in opposition to positive terms like "healing" and "reconstruction." 45 In the above-cited address of 9 October, Pétain is referring primarily to the "Statute on the Jews" (Statut des juifs) passed 3 October, which defined Jewish citizenship as constitutionally inferior and which then proceeded to exclude Jews from high positions in the French military, public administration, elected office, media, and education. The law specifically delineated the Jewish identity upon which it based its exclusionary politics by considering "as Jewish every person descended from three grandparents of the Jewish race or of two grandparents of that same race if his/her spouse is himself/herself Jewish." 46 On 16 August 1940, a physicians' guild was established (l'Ordre des médecins) also only for those with French fathers. 47
Stein presumably wrote her "Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain" to cover the addresses from the time of his taking power in June 1940 to January 1942, when she sent the piece to Bennett Cerf at Random House. The speeches are represented as containing the Maréchal's "story," as if what Stein were introducing were a biography or literary fiction; the mythification at work in her piece accounts for its particular treatment of specific political conflicts. The generic Frenchman, "one French one. . . . he" (ll. 59-60), is constructed through the exclusion not only of women, Jews, homosexuals, and workers but also through the ellipsis of conflicting groups within the generic white French male category. In presenting what are "quite logically" 48 his contradictory "four points of view" (l. 60) on France's political situation, there is slippage between the pragmatic concerns (saving a son and doing business) and the almost unmentionable ideological conflicts in which they are framed (maintaining Pétain as totem safeguard of the nation, excluding those "who helped to ruin France" [ll. 65-66], and the "complicating" [l. 67] implications of Russian communism):
one French one has quite logically perhspas [perhaps] four points of view. Supposing he has a son a prisoner, well he wants the war over as quickly as possible so that his son will come home, so he wants the Germans to win as that would finish the quickest, at the same time he is a business man and he wants business to go on, and that would only happen if the Germans were defeated and England won, then he wants the Marechal and as the English are opposed to him they would insist on bringing back into France all the people who helped to ruin France so they do not want England to win and then there is Russia, and that is ever more complicating. [ll. 59-67]
On a mundane level this slippage accounts for the confusion concerning whether there are three or four points of view being described. However, at the ideological level, it is the re of the Maréchal who is cast as subsuming and thus resolving the opposing "points of view" curtailing serious discussion of fascism, Nazi German occupation, and those individuals who have been persecuted for the military debacle of 1940. The gender, class, sexual, and racial composition of the "new France" is the absent subject of the "Introduction": the invisible face of a diverse population obscured by the unifying state mask of the Maréchal.
Four years earlier in The Geographical History of America or the Relation of Human Nature to the Human Mind , Stein was equating politics and religion with propaganda: "And everybody does say what they do say. This makes propaganda and politics and religion." 49 This negative equivocation of politics and speaking, saying what people "do say," with propaganda sets it apart from the process of writing and literature, which articulate another kind of history. In foregrounding the quotidian, Stein resembles Walter Benjamin's chronicler who does not distinguish between "large and small" events and who does not identify with the "winners" in history but instead reads history "against the grain" in order that nothing of the past be lost in rendering a balanced vision of culture's chronicle: "He regards it as his assignment to brush history against the grain." 50
The primacy given literature over history and politics by Stein is expressed in "The Winner Loses: A Picture of Occupied France," which recounts the military and political events leading to the fall of the Third Republic under Paul Reynaud and the establishment of the Vichy government. The article appeared in the November 1940 issue of the Atlantic Monthly and describes in detail Stein and Toklas's experiences in France following the country's defeat by Germany. I will discuss "The Winner Loses" at length here because it provides a "picture" of public and private events missing from the "Introduction." Like the "Introduction," it is structured around the central visual trope of the Maréchal on his white horse, which is again invested with fetishistic power to mask the realities of Vichy politics. "The Winner Loses" describes daily living in rural France of the survivors of the national defeat (la débâcle) and Nazi occupation. It constructs a continuous quotidian as the stabilizing essence for the modern subject, opposed to the destabilizing, discontinuous events of history.
"The Winner Loses," like the "Introduction," is a pragmatic defense of Pétain's armistice that privileges daily life over history: "It was not like the last war, when all the men were dead or badly wounded; practically nobody was wounded and very few were dead. Everybody forgot about being defeated, it was such a relief that their men were not dead." 51 For the pacifist Stein, history in the form of political defeat can be forgotten, but death cannot be reversed. Similarly, the "Introduction" attempts to foreground the normalizing effect of the armistice with the French "accepting their life" (l. 39) either in the Nazi-occupied northern half of France or the Vichy-governed southern half of the country. However, the text simultaneously deconstructs this image of normal life in occupied France by citing concern about the age of the mortal Pétain, an anxiety resolved only by his mythification as Maréchal, the political miracle-worker (ll. 38-42). In contrast to what Stein sees in "The Winner Loses" as history's "troublesome" events in the form of political "disturbances" ("WL," 617), she repeatedly valorizes what she calls in Paris France the "real business of daily living" (PF, 8) as an immutable necessity, an absolute that transcends the fluctuations of politics and history. In accordance with this binary, the historical/quotidian, the urban is coded as the barren arena of politics while the rural becomes the nurturing source of survival. Absent from these texts is any recognition of the ideological similarity of the powers controlling the Vichy agrarian "free zone" and the Nazi-administered Parisian metropolis.
The apolitical countryside is positioned in the center of Stein's picture of occupied France, with the political city on its periphery: "the country is a better place in war than a city. They grow the things to eat right where you are so there is no privation" ("WL," 616). Food and physical comfort are foregrounded; in the background remain, nevertheless, the ideological issues involved in the war going on around her.
Stein offers an apolitical reading of the fall of the Third Republic on 16 June 1940 when Reynaud 52 is replaced by Pétain and the Vichy government is formed. She reduces government to two functions, domestic "policing" and foreign "defending." Her duplication of Pétainist discourse on failures of the Third Republic vindicates the installation of the Vichy regime and evacuates ideological differences that for workers, women, and Jews did not allow life to continue as "the same":
In the meantime the government of France had changed, but that did not worry anyone.
It was natural that, since the Third Republic had not defended them from their enemies, it would end.
As I said in Paris France, to the French a government is something outside which does not concern them; its business is policing, defending them from their enemies; it is to be hoped that it will not cost too much, and naturally it leaves every one to lead their own French life.
And so naturally the government had changed, but their life was to go on all the same. ["WL," 634]
Stein's text highlights nature, an essential category that obliterates differences in particular political ideologies. The replacement of the Third Republic is "natural" because it failed in foreign policy and warfare. This change in government "naturally" left "every one to lead their own French life," a life constructed as an ahistorical essence untouched by the political upheavals taking place in both the occupied and "free" zones. Missing are those excluded as noncitizens by the Vichy order from participation in "French life." The passage is also inflected by the language of laissez-faire capitalism. The "business" of government is limited to armed-force policing internally, defending externally, and otherwise not interfering in French living. Excluded from government are the domains of social and economic policy that regulate race, family, labor, and corporate relations. "Naturally" the primary concern of the French citizen is that government not cost too much. The discourses of nature and business are foregrounded and interwoven to produce a naturalized capitalism, while government is reduced to the "business" of discipline.
In Paris France, the country's intense history of class struggle and revolution, a history that continues to inflect the ideological conflicts taking place around Stein, is similarly minimized. However, this depoliticized vision of French society is called into question by a moment of confrontation within the text. When Stein asks a servant whom she considers a "friend" what political party the woman's husband belongs to, she learns that party affiliation in France is so significant as to be a taboo subject with one's employers:
She always had told me everything even the most intimate troubles with her family and her husband but when I said that, what party does your husband belong to, her face grew rigid. She did not answer. What is the matter with you Hélène I said, is it a secret. No Mademoiselle she answered it is not a secret but one does not tell it. One does not tell the political party one belongs to. Even I have a political party but I do not tell it. [PF, 9]
As a bourgeoise, Stein is addressed by Hélène as "Mademoiselle," with the marker of her superior class. It is Stein's unshared privilege to be on a first-name basis with her servant. Viewed within the context of French political history, these class differences can assume, at any given moment, the utmost importance, as testified to by Hélène's suddenly "rigid" expression. The inadvisability of revealing one's party membership springs from almost two centuries of violent class struggle, a history effaced in other ways in the text.
Focused on the essentialized, stabilizing quotidian, Stein's picture of occupied France in "The Winner Loses" includes political change only negatively, that is, to the degree that it disrupts daily living. Viewed from below, the struggles of history appear as a series of ideology-free disturbances of quotidian continuity. Maria Diedrich maintains that it was Stein's intention to rewrite the war as she had lived it in order to deconstruct the entire category of history: "she shattered the belief that an event like World War II can still be reconstructed according to the rules of what Jacques Derrida was later to call logocentrism, that is, the cultural hegemony of sense--rationality, linearity, and hierarchical order." 53 However, it is important to note to what degree Stein constructs daily life itself as the source of rational knowing, linear continuity, and immanent presence. In Paris France, "The Winner Loses," and the "Introduction," the quotidian appears each time as the privileged category.
Just before the armistice, when Italy enters the war, Stein's depoliticized mapping of France is challenged, and she is frightened, "completely scared" ("WL," 622). Bilignin, just east of Lyons, is in the direct path of the Italian forces. Stein's point of view widens to include the possible necessity of leaving for Bordeaux, where the Third Republic government has taken refuge since 7 June, the date the French front at the Somme River fell to Germany. The American consul in Lyons is included in her broadened picture, briefly linking the public and private spheres by personally advising Stein, "Do not hesitate--leave." ("WL," 623) However, the drive back from Lyons is so "heavenly" ("WL," 623) that it displaces the danger of the war in her mind, and Stein again shifts her focus from the disorienting politics of the city and the encroaching world war to the comfortable routines of rural, apolitical domesticity: "They all said, 'Leave,' and I said to Alice Toklas, 'Well, I don't know--it would be awfully uncomfortable and I am fussy about my food. Let's not leave.'" ("WL," 623) The familiar safety of the Vichy-controlled countryside cannot totally blot out the reality of the war, which eventually comes so close that Toklas insists they flee. Their passports must be "visaed" for Spain, and Stein, who is unenthusiastic about leaving, finds that a "compromise" is to drive back to Lyons instead of going on to Bordeaux ("WL," 623). Fleeing to Spain would mean too radical a break in the essentialized quotidian that offers a sense of the continuous, in which the home becomes a signifier of that continuity to be "saved." In resolving the conflict between staying and leaving, the advice of a French physician friend is sought:
"Well," said Doctor Chaboux, reflecting, "I can't guarantee you anything, but my advice is stay. I had friends," he said, "who in the last war stayed in their homes all through the German occupation, and they saved their homes and those who left lost theirs. "No," he said, "I think unless your house is actually destroyed by a bombardment, I always think the best thing to do is to stay." He went on, "Everybody knows you here; everybody likes you; we all would help you in every way. Why risk yourself among strangers?"
"Thank you," we said, "that's all we need. We stay." ["WL," 624]
The apolitical resists the dominant order of things as well as a universal narrative of its history in two ways. First of all, it is dialectically adversarial and, as Michel Foucault would say, irreducibly inscribed in power in the form of power's opposite. The reduction of existence to an essential "daily living" inscribed in literature resists the metanarrative of political history. Second, Stein's apolitical position is what Teresa de Lauretis would see as resistance in the form of "pure negativity," operating not out of opposition but as "a non-force, an absolute difference with respect to power." 54 Stein's deconstructive inversion of the binary victory/defeat is an example of resistance as pure negativity: "and perhaps everybody will find out, as the French know so well, that the winner loses, and everybody will be, too, like the French, that is, tremendously occupied with the business of daily living, and that will be enough." ("WL," 637) Military victory is "purely" negated by equating it with defeat, and "daily living" (power's opposite) is opposed to history's war (power). This opposition, however, collapses when the cultural historicity of the quotidian emerges with the intrusion of modern technologies of representation, for example, the radio and the photograph, in Stein's account of the war.
In Paris France, war is red as the uncivilized product of fantasy that belongs more to fiction than to the civilized peace and logic of "real life." This functions as a method of containment; it fixes war as an abstraction contained by art, as the object of an empowering gaze: "War is more like a novel than it is like real life and that is its eternal fascination. It is a thing based on reality but invented, it is a dream made real, all the things that make a novel but not really life." (PF, 38) Stein's critical gaze denies war its destructive power and is positioned from the vantage point of an observer who has not yet had to escape Paris from the invading Germans. Having fled Paris to regain the security of daily routine in Bilignin, Stein in "The Winner Loses" again trains an aestheticizing gaze on the war. The act of looking is premised on both the degree of danger and the territoriality of the spectacle. For example, the visual pleasure of observing enemy airplanes "flying very feebly" ("WL," 621) is experienced as more intense in an "open," "wooded" space than in the city: "Of course we were all really excited; enemy airplanes in a city are depressing, but in the open country, with wooded hills all around, they are exciting." ("WL," 621) However, as the conflict approaches, Stein expresses ambivalence about the war witnessed both as attractive spectacle and intrusive media event. On the one hand, the vision of nonhostile enemy aircraft is seductive; on the other, radio broadcasts force a confrontation with the war's reality that Stein prefers to avoid: "Alice Toklas could listen to the wireless, but as for me I was going to cut box hedges and forget the war." ("WL," 623)
In a culture in which vision more than hearing determines perception and representation, not listening to the mediated presentation of the war on the radio is easier than not looking at the unmediated sight of German airplanes. For example, Stein and unanticipated acquaintances from the city only occasionally tune in to radio transmissions pertaining to the war: "There were a number of people all around spending the winter unexpectedly in the country, so we had plenty of society and we talked about the war, but not too much, and we had hired a radio wireless and we listened to it but not too much and the winter was all too soon over." ("WL," 616) The unexpected arrivals from the city offer "society," a form of verbal as well as visual interaction that rivals the mere aural appeal of the radio and thereby distracts from the menace of the war. The cultural hegemony of vision makes the war's aural representation easier to resist than its appearance as visual spectacle.
The specularization of the war as a commodity confronts Stein with the relationship between the photograph and the photographed. When Stein and Toklas encounter German forces on the road to Belley they cannot "believe" their eyes: "we saw them, quantities of soldiers in gray uniforms, trucks, motorcycles, armored cars. We could not believe our eyes, but there they were. It was not real, but there they were; it looked like photographs in a magazine, but there they were." ("WL," 631) The two women, incredulous at what they see, dissociate themselves from the real threat by recognizing the troops as images previously encountered in magazine photographs, and subsequently experience the troops' presence as "not real." Stein's uncertainty as to the danger presented by the soldiers is a response to the camera's ability to convey both illusion and reality as well as its ability to obscure political ideology. Because of the absence of any contextualizing ideology and doubled as they are with their previously encountered magazine photos, the Nazi forces appear simultaneously familiar and unknown. The familiar media image of Nazis as menacing invaders is transformed into an unfamiliar picture of them as docile consumers. Visions of armed threat are superimposed with impressions of courteous civility. Observed from the parked car, Belley's main street becomes the scene of an uncanny spectacle: Hitler's soldiers quietly shopping. Stein the spectator watches the "very polite and very correct" Germans with her "own eyes," unmediated by photographic representation: "It was strange sitting there watching the people up and down on the main street of Belley . . . and now added to it were these familiar and unfamiliar German soldiers, familiar because we had seen their photographs in illustrated papers all winter and unfamiliar because we never dreamed we would see them with our own eyes." ("WL," 631) Stein's "strange" experience in observing the Nazi troops is a symptom of what one critic calls modernity's disorienting "crisis in ocularcentrism," the loss of belief in scopic objectivity as a means of knowing and controlling reality. 55 The representational gap shatters any understanding of the quotidian as a privileged domain safe from the incursions of political history.
Although the penetration by the German soldiers into the local community destroys the illusion of safe distance, their observed behavior is reassuring. Stein's crisis in vision involves a double inversion: reality is first located in the camera image; then confrontation provokes a shift and their presence becomes real, superseding their photographic image: "Everything about them was exactly like the photographs we had seen except themselves; they were not the least bit like we thought they would be." ("WL," 632) Stein's position as a spectator is displaced from that of magazine reader in a relatively sovereign consumer society to that of eyewitness in a corporatist state indirectly under foreign military rule. The reconration of the soldiers as intensely civil shoppers renders banal the presence of Hitler's forces. Consumption becomes the great equalizer between conqueror and conquered, effacing the surrounding political rapport de force.
The momentary docility of the troops is in fact a product of the military power-arrangements governing Belley as part of the Vichy-administered "free zone" established by Pétain's armistice, the "Introduction"'s "miracle, without arms" (l. 76). Moreover, as the occupiers of French everyday life, they reveal themselves to be avid purchasers of the exotic pleasures that this power affords them: "They did not look like conquerors; they were very quiet. They bought a great deal, all sugar things, cakes and candies, all silk stockings, women's shoes, beauty products and fancy soaps, but always everlastingly what the American soldiers in the last war called 'eats'--that is, anything sweet--and anything that looked like champagne." ("WL," 631) Stein's account of what the soldiers buy gives a precise picture of the libidinal impulses inflecting conquest and occupation. The sweet oral gratifications and the women's luxuries, presumably to be exchanged for sexual pleasure, translate the erotic dimension of France into the economy of a conquered political geography.
[In her late works about occupied France, Stein seems to violate her earlier prescriptions about seeing as intensely as possible. Now in order to see clearly she must avert her gaze, avoid seeing an occupying force as operatives of fascism; German troops become consumers, Pétain becomes a pre-nineteenth-century equestrian statue. If this ideological blinkering seems a decline in Stein's aesthetic standards, a substitution of the experiential eye for the journalistic photo, it is part of a general "public" stance adopted following the publication of The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas and the success of her American tour in the 1930s. Furthermore she was not alone in her veneration for the "heroes" of the occupation, the most infamous example being Ezra Pound's rather similar memory of Pétain in Canto 80 ("Pétain defended Verdun while Blum / was defending a bidet"). 56 The fact that Stein was herself vulnerable to the death-camp trains and summary deportation must be taken into account.
Still, these are disquieting moments in an otherwise exemplary experimentalist enterprise that gave little corner to what Louis Zukofsky called "predatory intent." 57 In our desire to understand modernism's complicity with conservative--even fascist --impulses, we need to see its validation of totality, its veneration of genius and power, its ocularcentrism as excrescences--not distractions--in an authoritarian impulse. Bennett Cerf's remark on the manuscript of Stein's essay ("This disgusting piece") registers our retrospective dismay over Stein's attempt to whitewash a bad time. By making his remark "For the record," he attempts to distance himself from the manuscript that follows. Yet he registers the feelings of Americans living far from the battlefields of wartime Europe for whom "occupation" must still seem something of an abstraction. The "Introduction to the Speeches of Maréchal Pétain" provides an important record of Stein's problematic relationship to modern history--a history that she liked to think she helped invent. If she invented the aesthetics by which it could be transcended, she was, as the "Introduction" demonstrates, deeply caught in its fault lines.] 58
Unless otherwise noted, all translations are the author's.
1. Philippe Henri Pétain (1856-1951) was marshal of France andstopped the advance of Germans at Verdun during World War I. In defense of France's colonial empire, he jointly led the French-Spanish campaign against Moroccan Riffian tribe leader Abd-el-Krim in 1926. Pétain served as ambassador to Spain between 1939 and 1940, when in June he succeeded Paul Reynaud as premier and concluded an armistice with Nazi Germany. In what is called the National Revolution, led by a coalition of antidemocratic forces from the traditionalist agrarian Right to the anti-industrialist Left, a rudimentary parliament suspended the constitution of the Third Republic in July and Pétain was made chief of the new state (chef de l'état) at Vichy, France. Losing power as of 1942 to the German-backed profascist prime minister Pierre Laval, Pétain remained a rehead until fleeing with the rest of the Vichy government to Germany in 1944. At the end of World War II, Pétain was tried for treason and condemned to death, but de Gaulle commuted his sentence to life imprisonment.
2. Throughout my discussion, I will be using Elizabeth Grosz's definitionof the term "essentialism" as referring to "the existence of fixed characteristics, given attributes, and ahistorical functions that limit the possibilities of change and thus of social reorganization" (Elizabeth Grosz, "Sexual Difference and the Problem of Essentialism," in The Essential Difference, ed. Naomi Schor and Elizabeth Weed [Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994], 84).
3. Lisa Ruddick maintains that certain Stein texts between 1906 and 1932show polysemic and post-structuralist tendencies both stylistically and thematically: "Tender Buttons functions anti-patriarchically as presymbolic jouissance and as irreducibly multiple, fragmented, open-ended" (Lisa Ruddick, Reading Gertrude Stein: Body, Text, Gnosis [Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990], 7). She reads The Making of Americans as "a slow murder of the Victorian novel" .
4. Marianne DeKoven interprets Stein's experimental work as deconstructiveand explains, "it is the indeterminate, anti-patriarchal (anti-logocentric, anti-phallogocentric, presymbolic, pluridimensional) writing which deconstruction, alias Jacques Derrida, proposes as an antidote to Western culture, and which Julia Kristeva proposes as an antidote to patriarchy" (Marianne DeKoven, A Different Language: Gertrude Stein's Experimental Writing [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983], xvii).
5. On religion and politics, Samuel Steward quotes Stein as having advisedhim: "There are only two directions to take today . . . Catholicism and Communism. Catholicism is the lesser of two evils." (Samuel M. Steward, Dear Sammy: Letters from Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1977], 12)
6. Ruddick maintains that The Making of Americans shows Stein to be"the murderer of the nineteenth century" in terms of its epistemology and ideology of the subject: "Her literary experiment has the effect of unsettling key categories of Victorian thinking: objective history; science as 'truth'; and character, or the integrated subject." (Ruddick, Reading Gertrude Stein, 125)
7. Blanche Wiesen Cook, "'Women Alone Stir My Imagination': Lesbianism andthe Cultural Tradition," Signs 4 (summer 1974): 730.
8. Gertrude Stein, "Portraits and Repetition," in her Lectures inAmerica (New York: Random House, 1935), 195.
9. Gertrude Stein, [Introduction to the Speeches of MaréchalPétain], Random House collection of the Rare Books and Manuscript Library, New York, line 7; hereafter cited parenthetically by line number corresponding to the lineation of its publication in this issue of .
10. Gertrude Stein, Paris France (New York: Charles Scribner'sSons, 1940), 36; hereafter abbreviated PF.
11. Jeffrey Mehlman, "Remy de Gourmont with Freud: Fetishism andPatriotism," in Fetishism as Cultural Discourse, ed. Emily Apter and William Pietz (Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993), 84.
12. Shortly after the canonization of Jeanne d'Arc by the Roman CatholicChurch on 9 May 1920, the Third Republic legislated a commemoration of Jeanne d'Arc as the celebration of patriotism, to be held each year on the second Sunday in May. In his speech of 11 May 1941, Pétain employs her in the service of his conservative National Revolution as the image of traditionalist agrarianism devoted to a masculine prince and a masculine god: "Countrywoman from our borderlands to the East, loyal to her land, loyal to her prince, loyal to her God, Jeanne traced with her flag the brightest path of our history" ("Paysanne de nos marches de l'Est, fidèle à son sol, fidèle à son prince, fidèle à son Dieu, Jeanne a, de son étendard tracé le plus lumineux sillon de notre histoire." [Philippe Pétain, Discours aux Français: 17 juin 1940-20 août 1944, ed. Jean-Claude Barbas (Paris: Albin Michel), 131; hereafter abbreviated D]).
13. See Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts ofPsycho-Analysis, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Norton, 1978), 61, 144-46.
14. Michael Taussig, "Maleficium: State Fetishism," in Fetishismas Cultural Discourse, ed. Apter and Pietz, 225; hereafter abbreviated "M."
15. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Originand Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), 136.
16. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism andSchizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane (New York: Viking, 1977), 10. Gayatri Spivak broadens their concept of "miraculating" agency to include other sociopsychological factors:
In Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari talk about the way in which a socius is produced and then becomes a "miraculating" agency operating like a quasi-cause. The example that they use is capital, but, in fact, culture, ethnos, sexuality, all of these things become miraculating agencies like this, so that as one feels that as if by a miracle one speaks as an agent of a culture or an agent of a sex . . . [Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak with Ellen Rooney, "In a Word. Interview," in The Essential Difference, ed. Schor and Weed, 158].
Similarly, Pétain as the trope of nation is a primary agency in the fantasmatic production of the Vichy social body.
17. Gianni Vattimo, "Myth and the Fate of Secularization," Res 9(spring 1985): 30-31.
18. Ibid., 32.
19. Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of"Sex," (New York: Routledge, 1993), 3, 133-34.
20. Stein, "Portraits and Repetition," 195.
21. See Richard Bridgman, Gertrude Stein in Pieces (New York:Oxford University Press, 1970), 315; quoted in Maria Diedrich, "'A Book in Translation about Eggs and Butter': Gertrude Stein's World War II," in Women and War: The Changing Status of American Women from the 1930s to the 1950s, ed. Maria Diedrich and Dorothea Fischer-Hornung (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), 91.
22. Edward Burns, in his introduction to The Letters of Gertrude Steinand Carl Van Vechten: 1913-1946 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), 11, cites the following statements by Stein that illustrate her propensity for self-creation aligned with male genius: "Think of the Bible and Homer think of Shakespeare and think of me" (The Geographical History of America or the Relation of Human Nature to the Human Mind [New York: Random House, 1936], 81); "I am one of the masters of English prose" (Everybody's Autobiography [New York: Random House, 1937], 114); "I have been the creative literary mind of the century" (ibid., 23). In discussing the family constellation formed by Van Vechten, Toklas, and Stein, in which they addressed each other respectively as Papa, Mama, and Baby Woojums, Burns stresses Stein's male gendering: "Gertrude became Baby Woojums (sometimes referred to by the pronoun he)" .
23. See Judith Saunders, "Edith Wharton, Gertrude Stein, and France: TheMeanings of Expatriation," Edith Wharton Review 9 (spring 1992): 6.
24. After the armistice of June 1940, radio communication between Vichyand the French colonies was disrupted when the Parisian short-wave station became independent of government control. With the help of occupying German officials, the station was reorganized as "Radio-Mondial." Transmission to the colonies resumed on 3 September with an address to the overseas territories by Pétain in which he impressed upon them their duty to "obey" the new power structure. In other words, the colonies now had two masters, France and Germany, and any attempt to separate from France, understood as itself and all its colonial possessions, regardless of the "ideal" inspiring independence, would be crushed: "It [France's unity] cannot be questioned. No attempt, on whatever side, dressed in whatever ideal, will prevail against it. The first duty today is to obey" ("Elle [l'unité de la France] ne peut pas être mise en cause. Aucune tentative, de quelque côté qu'elle vienne, de quelque idéal qu'elle se pare, ne saurait prévaloir contre elle. Le premier devoir est aujourd'hui d'obéir." [D, 80]). In July 1941, a five-car train exhibiting products and gifts from the overseas territories circulated in the "free zone" as a type of traveling mini-colonial exposition. The purpose of the exposition was to celebrate the support provided France by its colonies. In a speech broadcast 13 July 1941, Pétain emphasizes France as their supposedly shared fatherland ("de la Patrie"), further articulating the fiction that the Empire is an organic whole composed of native peoples who "love" the conquerors now "defending" them. The colonized are placed in the contradictory, if not schizophrenic, situation of having to identify as their own the forces that conquered them:
I think of the indigenous populations who, in the fatherland's hour of misfortune, have preserved their love for and confidence in the great nation that had always loved and protected them. My thoughts also go to our valiant troops, to our soldiers of the [Foreign] Legion and the Colonial Infantry, to our sailors, our pilots, who have fought with a heroism admired by the world in defending the distant territories conquered by their glorious predecessors. [Je pense aux populations indigènes qui, dans le malheur de la Patrie, ont conservé leur amour et leur confiance à la grande nation qui les avait toujours aimées et protégées. Ma pensée va aussi à nos troupes vaillantes, à nos soldats de la Légion (étrangère) et de l'Infanterie coloniale, à nos marins, à nos aviateurs, qui se sont battus avec un héroïsme qui fait l'admiration du monde, pour défendre les terres lointaines conquises par leurs glorieux prédécesseurs. (D, 158)]
25. See William Pietz, "The Problem of the Fetish," part 1, Res 9(spring 1985): 5-17; quoted in "M," 224.
26. Gertrude Stein, The Autobiography of Alice B. Toklas (New York:Harcourt, Brace and Co. 1933), 79.
27. Ibid., 24.
28. Michael North, The Dialect of Modernism: Race, Language, andTwentieth-Century Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 61, 76.
29. In Paris France, written toward the end of the Third Republic,Stein distinguishes the Third Republic from the Second Empire of Napoleon III by ironizing its unswerving application of democratic forms of civility:
To be sure everybody in the republic was addressed as Monsieur and Madame. Even the butcher boy quite young would say bon-jour Madame to our servant and she would equally seriously bon-jour Monsieur to him although he was only fifteen. I do not know whether during the empire this was true. . . .
Beside the republic so far has pretty well done what they all think a government should do, let them alone, protected them, on the whole, from the enemy, and though it costs a good deal, this government, it might cost more if it were another government. . . . so as governments go the third republic is not so bad. [PF, 110-11]
Part of the cost of the Third Republic was the maintaining of its colonial empire, which under Napoleon III had tripled in size. Napoleon, besides enlarging existing possessions, contributed Cochin China, the Suez Canal, and intervention in Mexico to install Emperor Maximillian (1864-67). The insurrections in Algeria at the end of the Second Empire proved costly to the Third Republic, yet its participation in European imperialist expansion between 1880 and 1914 was even costlier. The Third Republic acquired Tonkin in Indochina, Madagascar , Laos , French West Africa , and French Equatorial Africa . The Sahara was conquered (1882-1902). Mauritania and Morocco were made French protectorates . At the end of World War I, the League of Nations accorded France mandates over Togo, Cameroon, Syria, and Lebanon. Part of the expense of occupying and administering the colonies militarily was the suppression of local insurrections. Wars were fought against Raisouli and Abd el-Hiba in Morocco and the Islamic Sensoussists in Tunisia at the end of World War I, against Abd el-Krim again in Morocco in 1925, and in Indochina in 1931. Considering Stein's presence in France during most of these events, her silence concerning them is problematic in light of her criticism of the German empire in Paris France; empire as such is criticized not as imperialist hegemony but because the Germans manage it to the detriment of their national art as collectible commodity:
That is the state of a nation when there is no art that is natural to that nation, you know there is something wrong. Ever since Germany has been an empire there has been nothing anybody wanted to buy and after having bought wanted to leave to a museum, neither music nor pottery nor poetry, and so there is something wrong. [PF, 63]
30. Philip Abrams, "Notes on the Difficulty of Studying the State,"Journal of Historical Sociology 1:1 : 58; quoted in "M," 219-20. "State as mask" is Taussig's gloss on Abrams.
31. Martin Jay, Downcast Eyes: The Denigration of Vision inTwentieth-Century French Thought (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 45.
32. In his radio address of 10 October 1940, Pétain tells theFrench that they had the impression of being the citizens of a free state by voting every four years. He insists however that the Third Republic was enslaved on the one hand to economic interests and on the other hand to the political parties and the unions: "Subjugated in different ways: successively and sometimes simultaneously by coalitions of economic interests and by political groups or unions fallaciously pretending to represent the working class" ("Asservi de diverses manières: successivement, et parfois simultanément, par des coalitions d'intérêts économiques et par des équipes politiques ou syndicales prétendant, fallacieusement, représenter la classe ouvrière." [D, 87]).
33. Robert Paxton points to the mythical quality of the legend thatPétain rescued France with the armistice and the ensuing Vichy government. Paxton maintains that the French, traumatized by the futility of the trench war experience of World War I and comparably poorly armed against Germany in 1940, had only "chaos itself as the ultimate weapon," which they refused to use. Like Stein, he reads the armistice as a positive choice:
In truth, there was rather an instinctive shrinking from chaos that made war to the end against Germany simply unthinkable. The final weapon of a people whose conventional army has disintegrated is chaos. ting on from abroad would mean not only the agonies of total occupation for mainland France. . . . It also meant accepting reprisals upon mainland Frenchmen for acts of war committed by other Frenchmen overseas. It meant guerrilla warfare on the mainland, the conscious provocation of disorder, the replacement of established administration by vigilantes, and a deliberate policy of making the occupation costlier for everyone. [Robert Paxton, Vichy France: New Order, 1940-1944 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972), 15]
34. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 15.
35. The original reads: "Elles [les organisations professionnelles]éviteront enfin les conflits par l'interdiction absolue des "lock-out" et des grèves, par l'arbitrage obligatoire des tribunaux de travail." (D, 91)
36. The original reads: "En réalité, les causes de la luttedes classes ne pourront être supprimées que si le prolétaire, qui vit aujourd'hui, accablé par son isolement, retrouve, dans une communauté de travail, les conditions d'une vie digne et libre en même temps que des raisons de vivre et d'espérer. Cette communauté, c'est l'entreprise." (D, 111)
37. At the end of World War I both Pétain and Laval were condemnedto death for high treason; Laval was executed, while the Maréchal's sentence was commuted by de Gaulle to life imprisonment.
38. The original reads: "Le régime nouveau sera unehiérarchie sociale. Il ne reposera plus sur une idée fausse de l'égalité naturelle des hommes mais l'idée nécessaire de l'égalité des 'chances' données à tous les Français de prouver leur aptitude à 'servir.'" (D, 89)
39. The original reads: "Cette défaite a de nombreuses causes, maistoutes ne sont pas d'ordre technique, le désastre n'est, en réalité, que le reflet sur le plan militaire, des faiblesses et des tares de l'ancien régime politique." (D, 86)
40. See Paxton, Vichy France, 233, 22.
41. The original reads: "Moins forts qu'il y a vingt-deux ans, nous avionsaussi moins d'amis, trop peu d'enfants, trop peu d'armes, trop peu d'alliés. Voilà les causes de notre défaite." (D, 60)
42. Paxton, Vichy France, 21.
43. Maria Damon, The Dark End of the Street: Margins in AmericanVanguard Poetry (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 229.
44. The original reads: "La révision des naturalisations, la loisur l'accès à certaines professions, la dissolution des sociétés secrètes, la recherche des responsables de notre désastre, la répression de l'alcoolisme témoignent d'une ferme volonté d'appliquer, dans tous les domaines, une même effort d'assainissement et de reconstruction." (D, 82)
45. Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France and theJews (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 16.
46. The original reads: "comme juif toute personne issue de troisgrands-parents de race juive ou de deux grands-parents de la même race, si son conjoint lui-même est juif" (quoted in Louis Noguères, Le Véritable procès du Maréchal Pétain [Paris: Fayard, 1955], 274).
47. Marrus and Paxton, Vichy France and the Jews, 3.
48. The use of the phrase "quite logically" in constructing the averageFrenchman is significant. "Logic" is an essential marker of Frenchness for Stein; see PF, 42-43, 55, 59.
49. Stein, The Geographical History of America, 55.
50. The original reads: "Er betrachtet es als seine Aufgabe, dieGeschichte gegen den Strich zu bürsten" (Walter Benjamin, "Geschichtsphilosophische Thesen," in Schriften, vol. 1, ed. Theodor and Gretel Adorno [Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1955], 495).
51. Gertrude Stein, "The Winner Loses: A Picture of Occupied France," inSelected Writings of Gertrude Stein, ed. Carl Van Vechten (New York: Random House, 1962), 633; hereafter abbreviated "WL."
52. Paul Reynaud was an ally of England and the United States, and anopponent of Pétain's armistice. He repeatedly tried to organize French military forces against Germany, first in Norway and North Africa, then in Brittany. As former head of the Third Republic, he was arrested in September 1940 and tried by the collaborationist Riom court as one of "those responsible for the defeat."
53. Diedrich, "'A Book in Translation about Eggs and Butter,'" 92.
54. Teresa de Lauretis, Alice Doesn't: Feminism, Semiotics, Cinema(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 157, 96.
55. Jay, Downcast Eyes, 132.
56. Ezra Pound, The Cantos (New York: New Directions, 1970), 494.
57. Louis Zukofsky, "An Objective," in Prepositions: The CollectedCritical Essays of Louis Zukofsky (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 16.
58. Wanda Van Dusen's manuscript ends without a conclusion. I have takenthe liberty of writing one appropriate to the intentions of the author, as I understand them. --Michael Davidson
.


21 February 2008
The Ministry of Health of Indonesia has announced two new cases of human H5N1 avian influenza infection. The first is a 16-year-old male from Sragen district, Central Java Province who developed symptoms on 3 February, was hospitalized on 7 February and died on 10 February.
The second case is a 3-year-old boy from South Jakarta District, Jakarta Province who developed symptoms on 3 February, was hospitalized on 10 February and died on15 February. The investigation team found that chickens & a pet bird had died in the neighborhood in the two weeks prior to the case’s onset of symptoms.
Of the 129 cases confirmed to date in Indonesia, 105 have been fatal.


New Facebook logo arrives as its 'family' grows
by AFPISLAMABAD: Facebook on Monday unveiled a new logo to represent the Silicon Valley company, distinct from its core social network.
The move aims to highlight the Facebook “brand” which operates a range of apps and services including messaging, photo-sharing, virtual reality and is developing wallets for digital currency.
The new branding, basically the company name in crisp lettering, will be stamped on its “family” of offerings including WhatsApp, Messenger, Instagram, Oculus, Workplace, Portal and Calibra, according to chief marketing officer Antonio Lucio.
“Today, we’re updating our company branding to be clearer about the products that come from Facebook,” Lucio said.
“We’re introducing a new company logo and further distinguishing the Facebook company from the Facebook app, which will keep its own branding.”
The new corporate logo “is a way to better communicate our ownership structure to the people and businesses who use our services to connect,” Lucio added.
The move comes with Facebook under intense scrutiny from regulators around the world over how it polices content on its platforms, and with some politicians and activists seeking a breakup of Silicon Valley giants.
Since its start as a social networking application 15 years ago, Facebook has acquired Oculus virtual reality gear company as well as Instagram image-based social network.
It has also launched Portal smart screens as well as a Workplace social network tailored for workplace productivity.
Its messaging applications WhatsApp and Messenger are each used by more than a billion people.
Facebook established a Calibra as a digital wallet for use with the proposed cryptocurrency Libra, which has been facing criticism from regulators and lawmakers in various countries.


Definitely! I guess the c in %c stands for CSS, since it interpolates CSS into the first argument.
Definitely! I guess the c in %c stands for CSS, since it interpolates CSS into the first argument.
FYI you can also use:
%s to format the following value as a string
%i or %d as an integer
%f as a floating point value
%o as an expandable DOM element
%O as an expandable JavaScript object


If an external authentication mechanism is used, the login name should match the login name in the external system. If you are using LDAP authentication, you should also update the LDAP mapping for the user.
POST /admin/users
| Name | Type | Description |
|---|---|---|
login |
string |
Required. The user's username. |
email |
string |
Required for built-in authentication. The user's email address. This parameter can be omitted when using CAS, LDAP, or SAML. For details on built-in and centrally-managed authentication, see the the GitHub Enterprise Server authentication guide. |
The login name will be normalized to only contain alphanumeric characters or
single hyphens. For example, if you send "octo_cat"
as the login, a user named
"octo-cat"
will be created.
If the login name or email address is already associated with an account, the server will return a 422
response.
{
"login": "monalisa",
"email"<EMAIL_ADDRESS>}
Status: 201 Created
{
"login": "octocat",
"id": 1,
"node_id": "MDQ6VXNlcjE=",
"avatar_url": "https://github.com/images/error/octocat_happy.gif",
"gravatar_id": "",
"url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat",
"html_url": "https://github.com/octocat",
"followers_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/followers",
"following_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/following{/other_user}",
"gists_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/gists{/gist_id}",
"starred_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/starred{/owner}{/repo}",
"subscriptions_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/subscriptions",
"organizations_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/orgs",
"repos_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/repos",
"events_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/events{/privacy}",
"received_events_url": "https://api.github.com/users/octocat/received_events",
"type": "User",
"site_admin": false
}


Plant Arabidopsis development gene Cell TALE cell expression {border-style Arabidopsis. KNOX STM floral fruit ovule px;} #ffffff;} carpel KNAT gynoecium replum role development. proteins required BELL RPL genes homeodomain meristem valve Biol. homeobox stem activity cells formation margins plant regulatory Hake TFs auxin factors patterning regulation ./tpc.. Roeder SAM Yanofsky expressed family growth members meristematic organ ovules pattern px; regulates wall {font-family (for Genes Sci. Smith differentiation font-size homeotic inflorescence involved leaves mutants protein regulate stage ./dev. ./tpc... AGAMOUS BEL BLH, Bowman Curr. Dev. Development Ripoll act developmental double; flower function leaf organs rpl septum signaling transcription ./j.-X...x BEL-like BREVIPEDICELLUS Bencivenga Bolduc Endrizzi Ferrándiz Hake, Hamant Hay KNOTTED Long Pautot Smyth TFs, abscission border-color border-width class control controls develop gibberellin interaction interactions key lateral link maize medial meristems. molecular mutant primordia regulators repression review, separation showing solid; stages structure thaliana {font-style {font-weight ./gad. ASYMMETRIC Acad. Alonso-Cantabrana BELLRINGER BP, Bao Byrne Colombo Genet. KNAT, KNOTTED-like Kim LEAVES Laux Magnani Mele Meyerowitz Natl. Nature PENNYWISE Pautot, Pelaz Proc. Reiser Rev. SAM, STM, Shi U.S.A. WUS WUSCHEL activation activities alleles apical bold boundary carpels central contribution controlling courier; critical depends direct em; family, fruit. lignin maintenance networks novel produced pt;} replum. represses reproductive requires rise seed shoot structures tissues transcriptional


To confine Cockpit to a single machine, you can omit the "Hosts" element in the breadcrumb trail. The user then has no obvious way to navigate to a different machine.
To achieve this, use a URL like this:
https://server.example.com:9090/#server


Css font sets
Responsive
typography sets, works with any
HTML.
All css font-properties, line-heights, colors, e.t.c. are
configurable
with Sass.
Why this package?
Making html-formatted text look great is hard work.
Use this package to make html from
RTEs
and other sources work well on different screen sizes.
See the demo or read the docs to get started


| ||
| Minimum Fx (Hz) |
Settings |
|
| Low Fx (Hz) | ||
| High Fx (Hz) | ||
| Maximum Fx (Hz) | ||
| Display Time (s) | ||
| Horizontal Scroll | On Off One shot | |
| Amplitude Display | On Off | |
AMPITCHReal-time Amplitude & Pitch Display Version 1.2 © 2016 Mark Huckvale University College London May 2016 |


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{{no footnotes|date=February 2013}} {{Infobox prepared food | name = Mohnnudel | image = | caption = | alternate_name = | country = Austria | region = Waldviertel | creator = | course = | type = Dumpling | served = | main_ingredient = | variations = | calories = | other = }}
Mohnnudeln (meaning poppy seed noodles in German), is the name of thick noodles of a potato dough in Bohemian and Austrian cuisine, similar to the Schupfnudel. The main difference is, that Mohnnudeln are served with melted butter, ground poppy seeds, and sprinkled with confectioner's sugar.
They are also called Waldviertler Mohnnudeln, referring to the Austrian area where they originated. Waldviertel is a part of Lower Austria where poppy seeds have been cultivated for ages, which give the dish its distinct black coloring.
Mohnnudeln can be eaten as a dessert or a light supper. Most Bavarians and Austrians serve it traditionally as a main course anyway.
{{Dumplings}}


pdfnup(1) pdfnup(1) NAME pdfnup - n-up the pages of pdf files SYNOPSIS pdfnup [OPTION [OPTION] ...] [SRC [PAGESPEC] [SRC [PAGESPEC]] ...] DESCRIPTION pdfnup converts files in the Adobe Portable Document Format (PDF) to "n- up" PDF files, that is, with multiple input pages per output page, for more economical printing etc. The default processing is to 2-up land‐ scape output with no frame around pages, equivalent to using the options '--nup 2x1 --landscape true --frame false'. If no source PDF file ('SRC') is specified, input is from /dev/stdin. If 'PAGESPEC' is omitted, all pages are processed. Source files are processed sequentially into a single output unless the '--batch' option is used, in which case they are processed separately. pdfnup operates on one or more PDF files, and (either with the '--batch' option or with '--outfile DIR' where 'DIR' is a directory) the resulting files have the suffix '-nup' applied to their names by default. To change the suffix, use the '--suffix' option, for example pdfnup --nup 2x2 --suffix '2x2' --batch myfile1.pdf myfile2.pdf will result in files named 'myfile1-2x2.pdf' and 'myfile2-2x2.pdf'. pdfnup is a simple wrapper for pdfjam, which provides a front end to many of the capabilities of the pdfpages package for pdflatex. A working installation of pdflatex, with the pdfpages and geometry packages, is required. pdfnup is part of the "PDFjam" package of tools, whose homepage is at http://www.warwick.ac.uk/go/pdfjam . SETUP See http://go.warwick.ac.uk/pdfjam . USAGE For the available options and site/user defaults, see the output of pdfjam --help For further information and some examples see http://go.war‐ wick.ac.uk/pdfjam . LIMITATIONS AND BUGS pdfnup does not work with encrypted PDF files, and does not preserve hyperlinks. Please report bugs! See the website at http://www.warwick.ac.uk/go/pdfjam . LICENSE PDFjam is distributed under the GNU public license. SEE ALSO pdfjam(1) pdfpun(1) . AUTHOR pdfnup is written and maintained by David Firth as part of the PDFjam package. 10 March 2010 pdfnup(1)